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CONTENTS
OF THE THIRD VOLUME.
CHAPTE R XXI V
HENRY VII.
« a- mi
14H5. Accession of Henry VII., 1
His Title to the Crown, J
His Prejudice against the House of York, 4
His joyful Reception in London, 5
Sweating Sickness, 6
The King's Coronation, 7
A Parliament. 7
Entail of the Crown, 8
The King's Title confirmed by the Pope. 9
His Marriage, 11
An Insurrection. 12
Discontents of the People, 13
Lambert Simnel, 14
Revolt of Ireland, 15
The Queen Dowager seized and confined m a Nunnery, 15
Intrigues of the Duchess of Burgundy, 17
? 4S7. Lambert Simnel invades England, IT
Battle of Stoke, 18
CHAPTER XXV.
1488 State of foreign Affairs, 30
State of Scotland 29
W
IT CONTENTS
a. d rial
1488. State of Spain, 21
State of the Low Countries, 2i
State of France, 21
State of Brittany, 22
The Duke of Orleans flies to Brittany, 22
French Invasion of Brittany, 23
French Embassy to England, 24
Cautious Conduct of Henry, 25
Dissimulation of the French Court, 26
The Bretons defeated at St. Aubin, 27
An Insurrection in the North, 28
Suppressed, 29
1489. The King sends Forces into Brittany, 30
1491. Annexation of Brittany to France, 33
A Parliament, 34
1 492. War with France, 35
Invasion of France. 36
Peace with France, 36
Perkin Warbec, 38
His Imposture, 38
He is avowed by the Duchess of Burgundy, 40
493. He is avowed by many of the English Nobility, 4 ")
Tbe King's prudent Conduct, 41
495. Trial and Execution of Stanley, 43
Perkin approaches the Coast of Kent, and is repulsed, . . 45
A Parliament ; some remarkable Laws enacted, 45
French Invasion of Italy, 47
CHAPTER XXVI.
1495. Perkin retires to Scotland, 49
1 496. Subsidy granted by Parliament, 50
1497 Insurrection in Cornwall, 51
The Insurgents encamp near London, 52
Battle of Blackheath > 53
Truce with Scotland, 55
Perkin excites a Rebellion in Cornwall, 55
Is taken Prisoner. 57
J 4sm Is executed, 5C
CONTENTS. f
». d pass
The Earl of Warwick executed, .... , . 59
Henry's Friendship is courted by foreign Powers, 59
1501. Marriage of Prince Arthur with Catherine of Arragon, . 60
Marriage of the Princess Margaret with the King of Sect-
land, 61
1503. Death of the Queen, 61
Oppressions of the People, 61
1504. A Parliament, 63
1506. Arrival of the King of Castile, 64
Intrigues of the Earl of Suffolk, 65
1 508. Sickness of the King, 67
1509. His Death and Character, 67
His Laws, 69
CHAPTER XXVII.
HENRY Vin.
Id09. Popularity of the new King, 78
His Ministers, 79
Punishment of Empson and Dudley, 80
The King's Marriage, 81
Foreign Affairs, 82
Julius II., 83
League of Cambray, 83
1 51 1. A general Council summoned at PisR, , 84
1512, War with France, 86
Expedition to Fontarabia, 86
Deceit of Ferdinand, 88
Return of the English, 88
151 S The French lose their Italian Conquests, 90
LeoX., 90
A Parliament, 90
War with Scotland, 91
Wolsey, Minister, 92
His Character, 94
Naval Enterprise near Brest, 95
Invasion of Fiance, 97
Battle ff Guinejjate — 9S
n CONTENTS.
4. D PA61
Tournay taken by the English, 9ft
Battle of Flouden, 101
Peace with Scotland, 102
514. Henry displeased with Ferdinand and Maximilian,. . . . 10'd
Peace with France 104
CHAPTER XXVIII.
HENRY VIII.
51 J. Wolsey's Administration, 1117
He is created a Cardinal, 107
Lives in great Splendor, 1 OS
Is appointed Chancellor, 108
Scotch Affairs, 109
Duke of Albany assumes the Regency, 110
Disorderly State of Scotland, 110
Lord Hume and his Brother executed, Ill
Progress of Francis I., 113
Battle of Marignan, 113
Jealousy of Henry, 113
He excites Opposition to the French in Italy, ! 14
1516. Death of Ferdinand and Succession of Charles, fla
Francis pays Court to Wolsey, 115
1518. Tournay ceded to France, 116
Wolsey appointed Legate, 117
His Manner of exercising that Office, 1 IS
1519. Death of the Emperor Maximilian, 119
Charl "S, King of Spain, chosen Emperor, 1 2C
The Characters of Charles and Francis contrasted, .... 12C
1520. Francis solicits an interview with Henry, 121
The Emperor Charles arrives in England, 12S
Francis and Henry meet near Calais, 1 22
Friendly Intercourse of the two Monarchs, 123
521 War between Charles and Francis, 1 25
Mediation of Henry, \ 25
Condemnation and Execution of the Duke of Bucking-
ham I 2fi
C0NTENT8. TU
CHAPTER XXIX.
A- 9 PAG*
1521 . Digression concerning the ecclesiastical State, 128
Imperfections of the Catholic Establishment, 129
Origin of the Reformation, 130
Sale of Indulgences, 131
Martin Luther, 132
Henry receives the Title of " Defender of the Faith," . . 133
Causes of the Progress of the Reformation, 133
Death of Leo X. and Election of Adrian, 135
1522 The Emperor again visits England, < 136
War with France, 136
Invasion of France, 137
War with Scotland, 138
•523 Surrey leads an Army into Scotland, 138
A Parliament ; a Supply granted, 141
Death of Adrian and Election of Clement VII., • 142
Wolsey appointed Legate for Life, 142
He erects Colleges at Oxford and Ipswich, 142
Invasion of France, 14 3
Italian Wars, I4li
1524 The French expelled from Italy, 147
Chimerical Scheme for the Conquest of France, 147
The King of France invades Italy, 148
1525. Battle of Pavia, and Captivity of Francis, 149
Henry embraces the Alliance of France, 150
He engages to procure the French King's Liberty, .... 152
He levies Money by his Prerogative, 152
Discontents of the People, 152
Wolsey, by his Extortions, offends the King, 151
He makes him a Present of Hampton-Court Palace, ... 151
Francis removed to Madrid, 155
♦526. Treaty between the Emperor and French King, 155
Francis recovers his Liberty, 167
Confederacy against the Emperor, 157
1527. Sack of Rome, 1 58
League between France and England, 159
Altercations of Charles and Francis, 161
Prevalence of Challeng is and Duels, 161
mi CONTENTS
CHAPTER XXX.
A. D. tAUU
1527. Scruples concerning the King's Marriage, 163
The King enters into these Scruples, 164
They are fortified by the Prelates, 1 64
Anne Eoleyn, 165
Henry applies to the Pope for a Divorce, 166
The Pope favorable, 166
Grants a Commission to examine the Validity of the Mar-
riage, 167
1528. The Emperor threatens him, 168
The Pope's ambiguous Conduct, 170
Grants a new Commission to Wolsey and Campeggio,. . 170
1529. Trial of the King's Marriage, 172
The Cause evoked to Rome, 174
Wolsey's Fall, 175
Charges brought against him in Parliament, 175
He is indicted and convicted, 177
Commencement of the Reformation in England, 17S
Acts passed for regulating the Clergy, 179
Foreign Affairs, 180
A general Peace established in Europe, 180
League of the Lutheran Princes at Smalcalde, 181
Henry deliberates as to renouncing the Pope's Authority, 181
The Universities consulted about the King's Marriage, , 182
1530 They pronounce it unlawful, 184
The Severities against Wolsey renewed, 185
His Death, 186
1531 A Parliament, 186
Further Depression of the ecclesiastical Power, 186
The King declared the supreme Head of the Church, .. 187
(532 Progress of the Re r ovmation, 187
Sir Thomas More resigns the Great Seal, 189
Henry refuses to plead his Cause at Rome, 190
He privately marries Anne Boleyn, 190
l£33. A Parliament; Act prohibiting Appeals to Rome, 191
* Henry publicly owns his Marriage, 191
His Marriage, with Catharine annulled, 1 9ii
Birth of the Princess Elizabeth 193
CONTENTS n
4. D. WU»
Displeasure of the Pope, 192
He forms an Alliance with Francis, 193
1534 Henry's final Breach with Rome, 194
A Parliament; Laws destructive of papal Power, 195
Law regulating tho Succession to the Crown, 1 96
Law attainting More and Fisher, 198
Law completing tne Union of England and Wales, 198
CHAPTER XXXI.
1534. Religious Principles of the People, 201
Religious Principles of the King, 203
Religious Principles of the Ministers, 203
Further Progress of the Reformation, 205
Several Persons put to Death for Heresy, 206
The Maid of Kent, 208
The Imposture detected and punished, 209
•fi 1535. Trial and Execution of Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, ... 211
Trial and Execution of Sir Thomas More, 211
The King excommunicated, 21 o
1536 Death of Queen Catharine, 214
The Emperor solicits an Alliance with Henry, 215
Cromwell appointed Vicar-General, 218
Commissioners employed to visit the Monasteries, 218
Reported Enormities of the Friars, 219
A Parliament, • 220
Suppression of the lesser Monasteries, 220
A Convocation; new Translation of the Scriptures, .... 221
Disgrace of Queen Anne, 223
She is committed to the Tower, 225
Her Trial, 226
Her Execution, 228
Henry marries Jane Seymour, 229
A Parliament, 229
The Crown settled on the King's Issue by Jane Seymou •, 230
Oath imposed to renounce the Pope, 231
A. Convocation, : ■ 231
Articles of Faith of a mixed Nature, 232
Discontents am^ng the People, 234
T CONTENTS.
A. » PAOS
Insurrection in L. ncolnshire, ." 235
Rebellion in the North under Aske, 236
The Rebels disperse, and are pardoned, 238
1537. New Insurrections ; the Leaders put to Death, 238
Birth of Prince Edward, and Death of Queen Jane, .... 239
53S. Suppression of the greater Monasteries, 211
Relics and Impostures, 342
Superstitious Reverence paid to Thomas a Becket, 343
Cardinal Pole, '..40
CHAPTER XXXII.
638. Disputation with Lambert, 250
He is committed to the Flames as a Heretic, 252
539. A Parliament, 2.',3
Law of the Six Articles, 2153
Proclamations made equal to Laws, l - o4
Several Persons of Quality attainted without Proof of
Guilt, ;156
Henry's Projects of Marriage, 258
He marries Anne of Cleves, SM50
Dislikes her, 5 (iO
540. A Parliament, i (ij
Order of the Knights of St. John dissolved, 5 112
Fall of Cromwell, i 63
He is condemned and executed, i 64
The King's Divorce from Anne of Cleves, i.65
His Marriage with Catharine Howard, ,'.66
Some of both religious Parties put to Death, "67
1541. The Countess of Salisbury executed, 265
State of Affairs in Scotland, 268
Persecutions, and Rise of the Reformation there, 360
Discovery of the Queen's dissolute Life, 271
1542. Parliament passes a Bill of Attainder against Catharine, 'lid
She is beheaded. Ill
Ecclesiastical Affairs, 275
Review of the new Translation of the Bible, 276
Review of the new Mass Book, IV*
CONTENTS XI
CHAPTER XXXIII.
L.O. Pi a i
542 War with Scotland, , 279
Victory at Sol way, 281
Death of James V., 281
1543 Projected Marriage of Edward and Mary, 282
Treaty with Scotland, 283
New Rupture, 2'i4
Henry is dissatisfied with Francis, and forms a League
with the Emperor, 285
A Parliament ; Subsidy granted, 286
Power of the Crown further enlarged, 287
The King marries Catharine Par, 288
Affairs of Scotland, 288
1544 A Parliament; Settlement of Succession to the Throne, 290
Mitigation of the Law of the Six Articles, 291
Noxious Expedients for filling the Exchequer, 291
Incursion into Scotland under the Earl of Hertford, .... 292
Campaign in France, 293
Boulogne surrendered to Henry, 294
Peace between Charles and Francis, 294
1545. Alternate Success in the War with Scotland, 295
A Parliament ; Supply granted, 297
The King investe 1 with all Power, civil and ecclesiastical, 297
1546. Peace with France and Scotland, 29^
Cabals against Cranmer, 30C
Persecutions ; Anne Ascue, 301
Peril and Escape of Queen Catharine, 302
Duke of Norfolk and Earl of Surrey arrested, 305
1547. Execution of the Ear! of Surrey, 306
Attainder of the Duke of Norfolk, 306
Death ^f the King, 307
His Character, 3(J>
Miscellaneous Transactions, . . . . . . , 31 i
SU CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
EDWABU VI.
*. » PAfll
1547 State of the Regency, 320
Innovations in the Regency, 321
The Earl of Hertford chosen Protector, 321
Promotions ; Hertford created Duke of Somerset, 322
He is appointed Protector with full regal Power, 324
The Reformation completed, 325
Moderate Counsels of Cranmer, 326
Gardiner's Opposition, 326
Foreign Affairs ; Council of Trent, 329
Progress of the Reformation in Scotland, 331
Assassination of Cardinal Beatoun, 332
Somerset revives the Project of uniting the two King-
doms, 334
He passes the Borders with an Army, 335
The Battle of Pinkey, -. 336
A Parliament ; Repeal of rigorous Laws, 339
(548. Abolition of superstitious Practices, 340
Affairs of Scotland, 342
The Nation irritated, and rendered averse to the Union, 342
The young Queen of Scots sent into France, 343
Cabals of Lord Seymour, 344
Dudley, Earl of Warwick, 347
A Parliament; Attainder of Lord Seymour, 349
1549 His Execution, 349
Ecclesiastical Affairs, 350
Priests permitted to marry, 351
Persecution of Anabaptists and Heretics, 352
Indulgence granted to the Princess Mary, 353
CHAPTER XXXV.
549. Discontents of the People, 354
Grievances and Distress of the Poor, 355
CONTENTS. Jriil
*_ S PAC11
Insurrection in Devonshire, 356
Insurrection in Norfolk, 357
Conduct of the War with Scotland, 358
Conduct of the War with France, 359
The French King attempts to recover Boulogne, 359
Factions in the Council, 360
Somerset's Rapacity and Sacrilege, 361
Conspiracy against him, 362
He resigns the Protectorship, 353
Warwick takes the Lead in the Council, 36c
A Parliament ; Law against Riots, 364
1550. Peace with France and Scotland, 365
Boulogne surrendered, 366
' 551. Gardiner deprived of his Bishopric, 368
Other Prelates persecuted, 368
Havoc made on the Libraries at Westminster and Oxford, 368
Resoluteness of the Lady Mary in her religious Princi-
ples, 369
A Body of German Protestants settled in London, 370
Privileges of the Corporation of foreign Merchants an-
nulled, 371
Warwick created Duke of Northumberland, 372
His Ambition, 372
Trial of Somerset, 373
»5o2. His Execution, 374
A Parliament ; Law enacted against Usury, 375
Act requiring two Witnesses in Trials for Treason, .... 376
Act making Provision for the Poor, 376
Northumberland's Severity against Tonstal, Bishop of
Durham, 377
A new Parliament, 378
The King's Letter to influence the Elections 378
1553. The Order of Succession changed, 380
Ambitious Projects of Northumberland, 381
The King's Sickness, 381
The Crown settled by Patent on the Lady Jane Gray,.. 383
The King's Dea*h and Characf er, 383
Xf» CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
MAHV.
4. B. iass
3i3 Mary's Title generally deemed va.lia, , 3-S5
Lady Jane Gray proclaimed Queen in London, 386
The Men of Suffolk and others declare for Mary, 388
Lady Jane deserted by the People, 389
The Queen proclaimed and acknowledged, 389
Northumberland tried and executed, 390
The Queen's Clemency and Desire of Popularity, 391
The Catholic Religion restored, 392
Cranmer condemned for high Treason, 393
The foreign and several English Protestants leave the
Kingdom, 394
A Parliament ; Majority favorable to Mary's Designs, . 394
All King Edward's Laws with regard to Religion repealed, 395
Deliberations as to the Queen's Marriage, 395
The Emperor proposes his Son Philip, 398
Dispute concerning the Real Presence, 39C
1654. A Visitation appointed to restore the ancient Rites, .... 400
The Queen's Marriage with Philip, 400
The Articles highly favorable to England, 400
The People dissatisfied, 401
Wiat's Insurrection, 402
Wiat's Insurrection suppressed, 403
Execution of Lady Jane Gray, 405
Suffolk and others executed or imprisoned, 406
A Parliament ; Members bribed by the Emperor, ..... 407
Refuse to grant Mary the Power to appoint her Successor, 407
The Queen's Impatience for Philip's Arrival, 408
V t lands at Southampton, 409
A Parliament, 410
Cardinal Pole urtfertaKes to reconcile the Nation to the
Pope, 410
Alienation of Church Lands confirmed, 411
Philip aims at Popularity, 412
The Queen's supposed Pregnancy, 413
55? Several Members indicted for seceding from the House
of Commons, 414
CONTENTS. Xf
CHAPTER XXXVII.
*. » -iOI
555 Different Principles of Pole ami Gardiner, , . 415
Reasons for and against Toleration, 416
Violent Persecutions, 419
Rogers, Hooper, Sanders, and Taylor burned, 420
Bishops Ridley and Latimer burned at Oxford, 422
A pregnant Woman burned in Guernsey, 422
Attempt to introduce the Inquisition, 423
% Tyrannical Instructions to Justices of Peace, 424
Negotiation for Reconcilement with the Pope, 426
His haughty Conduct, 426
A Parliament ; thwarts the Queen's Measures, 427
Mary, neglected by Philip, becomes splenetic, 428
She extorts Money from her Subjects, 428
The Emperor Charles resigns his Crown, 430
1556. He retires to the Monastery of St. Just in Estramadura, 430
The Pope refuses to crown Ferdinand, 431
Contrast between his Conduct and that of Charles, 432
Execution of Cranmer, 433
1557. The Queen engages the Nation in a War against France, 435
Battle of St. Quintin, 437
1558. Calais is invested by Sea and Land, 438
It surrenders, 439
Discontents and Murmurs of the English, 439
Affairs of Scotland, 439
The Queen Dowager appointed Regent, 440
Marriage of the Dauphin and the Queen of Scots, 442
A Parliament ; a Subsidy granted, 442
Proposal of Marriage to the Princess Elizabeth, 443
Her Dangers and prudent Conduct, 443
Armament sent against France, . . . 444
Death and Character of the Queen, 445
Death of Cardinal Pole, » . . . 448
Miwcllaneous Transactions AA*
HISTORY OF ENGLANI.
CHAPTER XXIV.
HENRY VII.
CONTEMPORARY MONARCHS.
Emp. of Germ.
K. of Scotland.
K. of France.
K. of Spain.
POPBS.
rrederict IV. 1493
Maximilian I.
James IV.
Charles VIII. 1498
Louis XII.
Isabella 1504
Philip and Jane.
Innocent VIII :4PJ
Alexander VI .503
Julius II.
[1485.] The victory which the earl of Richmond gained
at Bosworth was entirely decisive ; being attended, as well
with the total rout and dispersion of the royal army, as with
the death of the king himself. Joy for this great success
suddenly prompted the soldiers, in the field of battle, to
bestow on their victorious general the appellation of king,
which he had not hitherto assumed ; and the acclamations
of " Long live Henry VII.," by a natural and unpremedita-
ted movement, resounded from all quarters. To bestow some
appearance of formality on this species of military election,
Sir William Stanley brought a crown of ornament, which
Richard wore in battle, and which had been found among
the spoils ; and he put it on the head of the victor. Henry
himself remained not in suspense ; but immediately, without
hesitation, accepted of the magnificent present which was
tendered him. He was come to the crisis of his fortune ;
and being obliged suddenly to determine himself, amidst
great difficulties which he must have frequently revolved in
his mind, he chose that part which his ambition suggested
to him, and to which he seemed to be invited by his present
success.
There were many titles on which Henry could found his
vol. in. — A
2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. f A. D. I486.
right to the crown ; but no one of them free from great
objections, if considered with respect either to justice or to
policy.
During some years, Henry had been regarded as heir to
the house of Lancaster by the party attached to that family ;
but the title of the house of Lancaster itself was generally
thought to be very ill founded. Henry IV., who had first
raised it to royal dignity, had never clearly defined the foun-
dation of his claim ; and while he plainly invaded the order
of succession, he had not acknowledged the election of the
people. The parliament, it is true, had often recognized the
title of the Lancastrian princes ; but these votes had little
authority, being considered as instances of complaisance to-
wards a family in possession of present power ; and they had
accordingly been often reversed during the late prevalence
of the house of York. Prudent men also, who had been
willing for the sake of peace to submit to any established
authority, desired not to see the claims of that family revived ;
claims which must produce many convulsions at present, and
which disjointed for the future the whole system of hered-
itary right. Besides, allowing the title of the house of Lan-
caster to be legal, Henry himself was not the true heir of
that family; and nothing but the obstinacy natural to faction,
which never without reluctance will submit to an antagonist,
could have engaged the Lancastrians to adopt the earl of
Richmond as their head. His mother indeed, Margaret,
countess of Richmond, was sole daughter and heir of the
duke of Somerset, sprung from John of Gaunt, duke of Lan
caster : but the descent of the Somerset line was itself ille-
gitimate, and even adulterous. And though the duke of Lan-
caster had obtained the legitimation of his natural children by
a patent from Richard II., confirmed in parliament, it might
justly be doubted whether this deed could bestow any title to
the crown ; since in the patent itself all the privileges confer-
red by it are fully enumerated, and the succession to the king-
dom is expressly excluded.* In all settlements of the crown
made during the reigns of the Lancastrian princes, the line of
Somerset had been entirely overlooked ; and it was not till tho
failure of the legitimate branch, that men had paid any atten-
tion to their claim. And to add to the general dissatisfaction
against Henry's title, his mother, from whom he derived al]
* Rvmer, torn. vii. p. 849. Coke's Inst. iv. Inst, part i. p. 37.
A. D 1485.] HENRY VII. &
nis right, was still alive ; and evidently preceded him in tbe
order of succession.
The title of the house of York, both from the plain reason
of the case, and from the late popular government of Edward
IV., had universally obtained the preference in the sentiments
of the people ; and Henry might ingraft his claim on the rights
of that family, by his intended marriage with the princess
Elizabeth, the heir of it ; a marriage which he had solemnly
promised to celebrate, and to the expectation of which he had
chiefly owed all his past successes. But many reasons dis-
suaded Henry from adopting this expedient. Were he to
receive the crown only in right of his consort, his power, he
knew, would be very limited ; and he must expect rather to
enjoy the bare title of king by a sort of courtesy, than pos-
sess the real authority which belongs to it. Should the prin
cess die before him without issue, he must descend from the
throne, and give place to the next in succession ; and even if
his bed should be blest with offspring, it seemed dangerous to
expect that filial piety in his children would prevail over the
ambition of obtaining present possession of regal power. An
act of parliament, indeed, might easily be procured to settle
the crown on him during life ; but Henry knew how much
superior the claim of succession by blood was to the authority
of an assembly,* which had always been overborne by vio-
lence in the shock of contending titles, and which had ever
been more governed by the conjunctures of the times, than by
any consideration derived from reason or public interest.
There was yet a third foundation on which Henry might
rest his claim, the right of conquest, by his victory over Rich-
ard, the present possessor of the crown. But besides that
Richard himself was deemed no better than a usurper, the
army which fought against him consisted chiefly of English-
men ; and a right of conquest over England could never b«
established by such a victory. Nothing also would give
greater umbrage to the nation than a claim of this nature ;
which might be construed as an abolition of all their right*
jmd privileges, and the establishment of absolute authority in
the sovereign.! William himself, the Norman, though at the
head of a powerful and victorious army of foreigners, had at
first declined the invidious title of Conqueror ; and it was no}
* Bacou in Kenael's Complete History, p. '>19.
t Bacon, p 5'9
4 BISTORT OF ENGLAND [A. D. I486
till the full establishment of his authority, that he had ventured
to advance so violent and destructive a pretension.
But Henry was sensible that there remained another foun-
dation of power, somewhat resembling the right of conquest,
namely, present possession ; and that this title, guarded by
vigor and abilities, would be sufficient to procure perpetual
possession of the throne. He had before him the example of
Henry IV., who, supported by no better pretension, had sub-
dued many insurrections, and had been able to transmit the
mown peaceably to his posterity. He could perceive that this
claim, which had been perpetuated through three generations
of the family of Lancaster, might still have subsisted, notwith-
standing the preferable title of the house of York, had not
the sceptre devolved into the hands of Henry VI., which were
too feeble to sustain it. Instructed by this recent experience,
Henry was determined to put himself in possession of regal
authority, and to show all opponents, that nothing but force
of arms and a successful war should be able to expel him.
His claim as heir to the house of Lancaster he was resolved
to advance, and never allow it to be discussed ; and he hoped
that this right, favored by the partisans of that family, and
seconded by present power, would secure him a perpetual and
an independent authority.
These views of Henry are not exposed to much blame ,
because founded on good policy, and even on a species of
necessity ; but there entered into all his measures and coun
sels another motive, which admits not of the same apology.
The violent contentions which, during so long a period, had
been maintained between the rival families, and the many
sanguinary revenges which they had alternately taken on each
other, had inflamed the opposite factions to a high pitch of
animosity. Henry himself, who had seen most of his near
friends and relations perish in battle or by the executioner,
and who had been exposed in his own person to many hard-
ships and dangers, had imbibed a violent antipathy to the York
party, which no time or experience were ever able to efface.
Instead of embracing the present happy opportunity of abol-
ishing these fatal distinctions, of uniting his title with that of
his consort, and of bestowing favor indiscriminately on the
friends of both families, he carried to the throne all the par-
tialities which belong to the head of a faction, and even the
passions which are carefully guarded against by every true
politician in that situation To exalt the Lancastrian party, to
A.. D. 1485.] henry vn. O
depress the adherents of the house of York, were still th«
favorite objects of his pursuit ; and through the whole course
of his reign, he never forgot these early prepossessions. Inca-
pable from his natural temper of a more enlarged and more
benevolent system of policy, he exposed himself to many
present inconveniences, by too anxiously guarding against
that future possible event, which might disjoin his title from
that of the princess whom he espoused. And while he treated
the Yorkists as enemies, he soon rendered them such, and
taught them to discuss that right to the crown, which he so
carefully kept separate, and to perceive its weakness and
invalidity.
To these passions of Henry, as well as to his suspicious
politics, we are to ascribe the measures which he embraced
two days after the battle of Bos worth. Edward Plantagenet,
earl of Warwick, son of the duke of Clarence, wa* detained
in a kind of confinement at Sherif-Hutton, in Yorkshire, by
the jealousy of his uncle Richard, whose title to the throne
was inferior to that of the young prince. Warwick had now
reason to expect better treatment, as he was no obstacle to
the succession either of Henry or Elizabeth ; and from a
youth of such tender years no danger could reasonably be
apprehended. But Sir B,obert Willoughby was despatched
by Henry with orders to take him from Sherif-Hutton, to con-
vey him to the Tower, and to detain him in close custody.*
The same messenger carried directions, that the princess
Elizabeth, who had been confined to the same place, should
be conducted to London, in order to meet Henry, and there
celebrate her nuptials.
Henry himself set out for the capital, and advanced by
slow journeys. Not to rouse the jealousy of the people, he
took care to avoid all appearance of military triumph ; and so
to restrain the insolence of victory, that every thing about him
bore the appearance of an established monarch, making a
peaceable progress through his dominions, rather than of a
prince who had opened his way to the throne by force of
arms. The acclamations of the people were eveiy where
loud, and no less sincere and hearty. Besides that a young
and victorious prince, on his accession, was naturally the
object of popularity, the nation promised themselves great
felicity from the new scene which opened before them
* Bacon, p. 57D. Polyd. Virg. p. -TCS.
t HIM UK * OF BNGLA.1D. [A U. HB5
During th»s course of near a whole century, the king lorn haa
been laid waste by domestic wars and convulsions; and if at
any time the noise of arms had ceased, the sound of faction
and discontent still threatened new disorders Henry, by his
marriage with Elizabeth, seemed to insure a union of the
contending titles of the two families ; and having prevailed
over a hated tyrant, who had anew disjointed the succession
even of the house of York, and had filled his own family with
Wood and murder, he was every where attended with the un-
it, igned favor of the people. Numerous and splendid troops
of gentry and nobility accompanied his progress. The mayor
and companies of London received him as he approached the
city ; and crowds of people and citizens were zealous in their
expressions of satisfaction. But Henry, amidst this general
effusion of joy, discovered still the stateliness and reserve of
his temper, which made him scorn to court popularity : he
entered London in a close chariot, and would not gratify the
people with a sight of their new sovereign.
But the king did not so much neglect the favor of the peo-
ple, as to delay giving them assurances of his marriage Avith
the princess Elizabeth, which he knew to be so passionately
desired by the nation. On his leaving Brittany, he had art-
fully dropped some hints that, if he should succeed in his
enterprise, and obtain the crown of England, he would espouse
Anne, the heir of that duchy ; and the report of this engage-
ment had already reached England, and had begotten anxiety
in the people, and even in Elizabeth herself. Henry took
care to dissipate these apprehensions, by solemnly reneAving,
before the council and principal nobility, the promise which he
had already given to celebrate his nuptials with the English
princess. But though bound by honor, as well as by interest,
to complete this alliance, he was resolved to postpone it till
the ceremony of his own coronation should be finished, and
till his title should be recognized by parliament. Still anxious
to support his personal and hereditary right to the throne, he
dreaded lest a preceding marriage with the princess should
imply a participation of sovereignty in her, and raise doubts
of his own title by the house of Lancaster.
There raged at that time in London, and ether parts of the
kingdom, a species of malady unknown to any other age or
nation, the sweating sickness, which occasioned the sudden
death of great multitudes ; though it seemed not to be prop-
agated by any contagious infection, but arose from the genera]
A D. 1486. J henry vn. ■»
disposition of the air and of the human hody. In less than
twenty-four hours the patient commonly died or recovered ;
but when the pestilence had exerted its fury for a few weeks,
it was observed, either from alterations in the air, or from a
more proper regimen which had been discovered, to be con
siderably abated.* Preparations were then made for the cer-
emony of Henry's coronation. In order to heighten the
splendor of that spectacle, he bestowed the rank of knight
banneret on twelve persons ; and he conferred peerages on
three. Jasper, earl of Pembroke, his uncle, was created duke
of Bedford ; Thomas Lord Stanley, his father-in-law, earl of
Derby ; and Edward Courtney, earl of Devonshire. At the
coronation, likewise, there appeared a new institution, which
the king had established for security as well as pomp, a band
of fifty archers, who were termed yeomen of the guard. But
lest the people should take umbrage at this unusual symptom
of jealousy in the prince, as if it implied a personal diffidence
of his subjects, he declared the institution to be perpetual.
The ceremony of coronation was performed by Cardinal
Bourchier, archbishop of Canterbury.
The parliament being assembled at Westminster, the major-
ity immediately appeared to be devoted partisans of Henry ;
all persons of another disposition either declining to stand in
those dangerous times, or being obliged to dissemble their
principles and inclinations. The Lancastrian party had every
where been successful in the elections ; and even many had
been returned who, during the prevalence of the house of
York, had been exposed to the rigor of law, and had been
condemned by sentence of attainder and outlawry. Their
right to take seats in the house being questioned, the case was
referred to all the judges, who assembled in the exchequer
chamber, in order to deliberate on so delicate a subject. The
opinion delivered was prudent, and contained a just tempera-
ment between law and expediency. f The judges determined,
that the members attainted should forbear taking their seat till
an act were passed for the reversal of their attainder. There
was no difficulty in obtaining this act ; and in it were compre-
hended a hundred and seven persons of the king's party.J
But a scruple was started of a nature still more important.
The king himself had been attainted ; and his right of sue*
* Polyd. Virg. p. 5G7. t Bacon, p. 581.
* Ret. Pari. 1 Henry VII. n. 2. 3, 4—15, 17, 26—65.
8 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 14S5
cession to the crown might thence he exposed to some doubt
The judges extricated themselves from this dangerous question,
by asserting it as a maxim, " That the crown takes away al\
defects and stops in blood ; and that from the time the king
assumed royal authority, the fountain was cleared, and all
attainders and corruptions of blood discharged."* Besides
that the case, from its urgent necessity, admitted of no delib
eration, the judges probably thought that no sentence of a
court of judicature had authority sufficient to bar the right of
succession ; that the heir of the crown was commonly exposed
to such jealousy as might often occasion stretches of law and
justice against him ; and that a prince might even be engaged
in unjustifiable measures during his predecessor's reign, with-
out meriting on that account to be excluded from the throne,
v/hich was his birthright.
With a parliament so obsequious, the king could not fail of
obtaining whatever act of settlement he was pleased to require
He seems only to have entertained some doubt within himself
on what claim he should found his pretensions. In his speech
to the parliament, he mentioned his just title by hereditary
right : but lest that title should not be esteemed sufficient, he
subjoined his claim by the judgment of God, who had given
him victory over his enemies. And again, lest this pretension
should be interpreted as assuming a right of conquest, he
insured to his subjects the full enjoyment of their former
properties and possessions.
The entail of the crown was drawn according to the sense
of the king, and probably in words dictated by him. He
made no mention in it of the princess Elizabeth, nor of any
branch of her family : but in other respects the act was com-
piled with sufficient reserve and moderation. He did noi
insist that it should contain a declaration or recognition ot
his preceding right ; as, on the other hand, he avoided the
appearance of a new law or ordinance. He chose a middle
course, which, as is generally unavoidable in such cases, was
not entirely free from uncertainty and obscurity. It was
voted, " That the inheritance of the crown should rest, re-
main, and abide in the king :"t hut whether as rightful heir,
or only as present possessor, was not determined. In like
manner, Henry was contented that the succession should be
secured to the heirs of his body ; but he pretended not, in
* Bacon, p. 581. f Baeon, p. 581.
A.D. 14So.j henry vn. 9
case of their failure, to exclude the house of York, or to give
the preference to th.it of Lancaster : he left that great point
ambiguous for the present, and trusted that, if it should evei
become requisite to determine it, future incidents would open
the way for the decision.
But even after all these precautions, the king was so little
satisfied with his own title, that in the following year, lie
applied to papal authority for a confirmation of it ; arid as the
court of Rome gladly laid hold of all opportunities which the
imprudence, weakness, or necessities of princes afforded it to
extend its influence, Innocent VIII., the reigning pope, readily
granted a bull, in whatever terms the king was pleased to
desire. All Henry's titles, by succession, marriage, parlia-
mentary choice, even conquest, are there enumerated ; and
to the whole the sanction of religion is added ; excommunica-
tion is denounced against every one who should either disturb
him in the present possession, or the heirs of his body iv the
future succession of the crown ; and from this penalty no
criminal, except in the article of death, could be absolved but
by the pope himself, or his special commissioners. It is diffi-
cult to imagine that the security derived from this bull could
be a compensation for the defect which it betrayed in Henry'a
title, and for the danger of thus inviting the pope to interpose
in these concerns.
It was natural, and even laudable in Henry to reverse the
attainders which had passed against the partisans of the house
of Lancaster : but the revenges which he exercised against
the adherents of the York family, to which he was so soon to
be allied, cannot be considered in the same light. Yet the par-
liament, at his instigation, passed an act of attainder against
the late king himself, against the duke of Norfolk, the earl
of Surrey, Viscount Lovel, the lords Zouche and Ferrars of
Chartley, Sir Walter and Sir James Harrington, Sir William
Berkeley, Sir Humphrey Stafford, Catesby, and about twenty
other gentlemen, who had fought on Richard's side in the
battle of Bosworth. How men could be guilty of treason by
supporting the king in possession against the earl of Rich-
mond, who assumed not the title of king, it is not easy to
conceive ; and nothing but a servile complaisance in the par-
liament could have engaged them to make this stretch of
justice. Nor was it a small mortification to the people in
general, to find that the king, prompted either by avarice 01
resentment, could, in the very beginning of his reign, so fai
10 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 148£
violate the cordial union which had previously been concerted
oetween the parties, and to the expectation of which he had
plainly owed his succession to the throne.
The king, having gained so many points of consequence
from the parliament, thought it not expedient to demand any
supply from them, which the profound peace enjoyed by the
nation, and the late forfeiture of Richard's adherents, seemed
to render somewhat superfluous. The parliament, however
conferred i*i him during life the duty of tonnage and pound-
age, which had been enjoyed in the same manner by some
of his immediate predecessors ; and they added, before they
broke up, other money bills of no great moment. The king,
on his part, made returns of grace and favor to his people.
He published his royal proclamation, offering pardon to all
such as had taken arms, or formed any attempts against him ;
provided they submitted themselves to mercy by a certain
day, and took the usual oath of fealty and allegiance. UpoL.
this proclamation many came out of their sanctuaries ; and
the minds of men were every where much quieted. Henry
f-hose to take wholly to himself the merit of an act of grace
so agreeable to the nation, rather than communicate it with
the parliament, (as was his first intention,) by passing a bill
to that purpose. The earl of Surrey, however, though he had
submitted, and delivered himself into the king's hands, was
sent prisoner to the Tower.
During this parliament, the king also bestowed favors and
honors on some particular persons who were attached to him.
Edward Stafford, eldest son of the duke of Buckingham,
attainted in the late reign, was restored to the honors of
his family, as well as to his fortune, which was very ample.
This generosity, so unusual in Henry, was the effect of his
gratitude to the memory of Buckingham, who had first con-
certed the plan of his elevation, and who by his own ruin
had made way for that great event. Chandos of Brittany
was created earl of Bath, Sir Giles Daubeny, Lord Daubeny,
and Sir Robert Willoughby, Lord Broke. These were all
the titles of nobility conferred by the king during this sessioi/
of parliament.*
But the ministers whom Henry most trusted and favored
were not chosen from among the nobility, or even from among
the laity. John Morton and Richard Fox, two clergymen
* Polyd. "V rg. * 566.
A..D. I486.] HENRY vn n
persons of industry, vigilance, and capacity, were the men to
whom he chiefly confide d his affairs and secret counsels. Thej'
had shared with him all his former dangers and distresses ; ana
he now took care to make them participate in his good fortune.
They were both called to the privy council ; Morton was tp
stored to the bishopric of Ely, Fox was created bishop of Exeter.
The former, soon after, upon the death of Bourchier, was raised
-o the ser of Canterbury. The latter was made privy seal ;
and successively bishop of Bath and Wells, Durham, and
Winchester. For Henry, as Lord Bacon observes, loved to
employ and advance prelates ; because having rich bishoprics
to bestow, it was easy for him to reward their services : and
it was his maxim to raise them by slow steps, and make them
first pass through the inferior sees.* He probably expected
that, as they were naturally more dependent on him than the
nobility, who during that age enjoyed possessions and jurisdic
tions dangerous to royal authority, so the prospect of further
elevation would render them still more active in his service,
and more obsequious to his commands.
[I486.] In presenting the bill of tonnage and poundage, the
parliament, anxious to preserve the legal, undisputed succession
to the crown, had petitioned Henry, with demonstrations of
the greatest zeal, to espouse the princess Elizabeth ; but they
covered their true reason under the dutiful pretence of their
desire to have heirs of his body. He now thought in earnest
of satisfying the minds of his people in that particular. His
marriage was celebrated at London ; and that with greater
appearance of universal joy than either his first entry or his
coronation. Henry remarked with much displeasure thia
general favor borne to the house of York. The suspicions
which arose from it not only disturbed his tranquillity during
nis whole reign, but bred disgust towards his consort herself,
and poisoned all his domestic enjoyments. Though virtuous,
amiable, and obsequious to the last degree, she never met
with a proper return of affection, or even of complaisance,
from her husband ; and the malignant ideas of faction still, in
his sullen mind, prevailed over all the sentiments of conjugal
tenderness.
The king had been carried along with such a tide of success
*>ver since his arrival in England, that he thought nothing
bould withstand the fortune and authority wl ich attended him
* Bacon, p. 58a.
'? HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1486
He now resolved to make a p. -ogress into the n6rth, where the
friends of the house of York, and even the partisans of Richard
were numerous ; in hopes of curing, by his presence and con
versa tion, the prejudices of the malecontents. When he arrivec
at Nottingham, he heard that Viscount Lovel, with Sir Hum
phrey Stafford, and Thcmas his brother, had secretly withdrawn
themselves from their sanctuary at Colchester : but this news
appeared not to him of such importance as to stop his journey ;
and he proceeded forward to York. He there heard that the
Staffords had levied an army, and were marching to besiege
the city of Worcester ; and that Lovel, at the head of three
or four thousand men, was approaching to attack him in York.
Henry was not dismayed with this intelligence. His active
courage, full of resources, immediately prompted him to find
the proper remedy. Though surrounded with enemies in these
disaffected counties, he assembled a small body of troops, in
whom he could confide ; and he put them under the com-
mand of the duke of Bedford. He joined to them all his own
attendants ; but he found that this hasty armament was more
formidable by their spirit and their zealous attachment to him,
than by the arms or military stores with which they were
provided. He therefore gave Bedford orders not to approach
the enemy ; but previously to try every proper expedient to
disperse them. Bedford published a general promise of pardon
to the rebels, which had a greater effect on their leader than
on his followers. Lovel, who had undertaken an enterprise
that exceeded his courage and capacity, was so terrified with
the fear of desertion among his troops, that he suddenly with-
drew himself; and after lurking some time in Lancashire, he
made his escape into Flanders, where he was protected by
the duchess of Burgundy. His army submitted to the king's
clemency ; and the other rebels, hearing of this success, raised
the siege of Worcester, and dispersed themselves. The Staf
fords took sanctuarv in the church of Colnham, a village
near Abingdon ; but as it was found that this church had
not the privilege of giving protection to rebels, they were taken
thence ; the elder was executed at Tyburn ; the younger,
pleading that he had been misled by his brother, obtained a
pardon.*
Henry's joy for this success was followed, some time after, by
ihe birth cf a prince, to whom he gave the name of Arthur, in
* Polyd. Virg. p . 569.
A. D. 1480.} HENRY VII. 13
memory of ths famous British king of that name, from whom
it was pretended the family of Tudor derived its descent.
Though Henry had been able to defeat this hasty rebellion,
raised by the relics of Richard's partisans, his government was
become in general unpopular : the source of public discontent
arose chiefly from his prejudices against the house of York,
which was generally beloved by the nation, and which, for
that very reason, became every day more the object of his
hatred and jealousy. Not only a preference on all occasions,
it was observed, was given to the Lancastrians, but many
of the opposite party had been exposed to great severity, and
had been bereaved of their fortunes by acts of attainder. A
general resumption likewise had passed of all grants made
by the princes of the house of York ; and though this rigor
had been covered under the pretence that the revenue was
become insufficient to support the dignity of the crown, and
though the grants during the later years of Henry VI. were
resumed by the same law, yet the York party, as they were
the principal sufferers by the resumption, thought it chiefly
levelled against them. The severity exercised against the
earl of Warw ; ilv begat compassion lor youth and innocence
exposed to such oppression ; and his confinement in the
Tower, the very place where Edward's children had been
murdered by their uncle, made the public expect a like catas-
trophe for him, and led them to make a comparison between
Henry and that detested tyrant. And when it was remarked
that the queen herself met with harsh treatment, and even
after the birth of a son, was not admitted to the honor of a
public coronation, Henry's prepossessions were then con-
cluded to be inveterate, and men became equally obstinate in
their disgust to his government. Nor was the manner and
address of the king calculated to cure these prejudices con-
tracted against his administration ; but had in every thing a
tendency to promote fear, or at best reverence, rather than
good will and affection.* While the high idea entertained of
his policy and vigor retained the nobility and men of charactei
in obedience, the effects of his unpopular government soon
appeared, by incidents of an extraordinary nature.
There lived in Oxford one Richard Simon, a priest, who
possessed some subtlety, and still more enterprise and temer
ity. This man had entertained the design of disturbing
* Bacon, p. 583.
14 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 148&
Henry's government, by raising a pretender to his crown ,
and for that purpose he cast his eyes on Lambert Simnel, a
youth of fifteen years of age, who was son of a baker, and
who, being endowed with understanding above his years, and
address above his condition, seemed well fitted to personate a
prince of royal extraction. A report had been spread among
'Aie people, and received with great avidity, that Richard,
duke of York, second son of Edward IV., had, by a secret
escape, saved himself from the cruelty of his uncle, and lay
somewhere concealed in England. Simon, taking advantage
of this rumor, had at first instructed his pupil to assume that
name, which he found to be so fondly cherished by the public :
but hearing afterwards a new report, that Warwick had made
his escape from the Tower, and observing that this news was
attended with no less-general satisfaction, he changed the plan
of his imposture, and made Simnel personate that unfortunate
prince.* Though the youth was qualified by nature for the
part which he was instructed to act, yet was it remarked, that
he was better informed in circumstances relating to the royal
family, particularly in the adventures of the earl of Warwick,
than he could be supposed to have learned from one of
Simon's condition : and it was thence conjectured, that per-
sons of higher rank, partisans of the house of York, had laid
the plan of this conspiracy, and had conveyed proper instruc-
tions to the actors. The queen dowager herself was exposed
to suspicion ; and it was indeed the general opinion, however
unlikely it might seem, that she had secretly given her consent
to the imposture. This woman was of a very restless dispo-
sition. Finding that, instead of receiving the reward of her
services in contributing to Henry's elevation, she herself was
fallen into absolute insignificance, her daughter treated with
severity, and all her friends brought under subjection, she
had conceived the most violent animosity against him, and
had resolved to make him feel the effects of her resentment.
She knew that the impostor, however successful, might easily
at last be set aside ; and if a way could be found at his risk
to subvert the government, she hoped that a scene might be
opened, which, though difficult at present exactly to foresee,
*t r ould gratify her revenge, and be on the whole less irksome
to h?r than that slavery and contempt to which she was now
reduced, t
* Polyd. Virg. p, 5G9. 570 t Polytl. Virg. p. 570.
A. D. 1466.] henry vn. 15
But whatever care Simon might take to convey inslructior
to his pupil Simnel, he was sensible that the imposture would
not bear a close inspection ; and he was therefore determined
to open the first public scene of it in Ireland. That island,
which was zealously attached to the house of York, and bore
an affectionate regard to the memory of Clarence, Warwick's
father, who had. been their lieutenant, was improvidently
allowed by Henry to remain in the same condition in which
he found it ; and all the counsellors and officers, who had been
appointed by his predecessor, still retained their authority. No
sooner did Simnel present himself to Thomas Fitzgerald, earl
of Kildare, the deputy, and claim his protection as the unfor-
tunate Warwick, than that credulous nobleman, not suspecting
so bold an imposture, gave attention to him, and began to
consult some persons of rank with regard to this extraordinary
incident. These he found even more sanguine in their zeal
and belief than himself: and in proportion as the story
diffused itself among those of lower condition, it became the
object of still greater passion and credulity, till the people in
Dublin with one consent tendered their allegiance to Simnel,
as to the true Plantagenet. Fond of a novelty which flattered
their natural propension, they overlooked the daughters of
Edward IV., who stood before Warwick in the order of suc-
cession ; they paid the pretended prince attendance as their
sovereign, lodged him in the Castle of Dublin, crowned him
with a diadem taken from a statue of the Virgin, and publicly
proclaimed him king, by the appellation of Edward VI. The
whole island followed the example of the capital ; and not a
sword was any where drawn in Henry's quarrel.
When this intelligence was conveyed to the king, it reduced
him to some perplexity. Determined always to face his ene-
mies in person, he yet scrupled at present to leave England
where he suspected the conspiracy was first framed, and where
he knew many persons of condition, and the people in general,
were much disposed to give it countenance. In order to dis-
cover the secret source of the contrivance, and take measures;
against this open revolt, he held frequent consultations with
his ministers and counsellors, and laid plans for a vigorous
defence of his authority, and the suppression of his enemies.
The first event which followed these deliberations gave sur-
prise to the public ; it was the seizure of the queen dowager,
the forfeiture of all her lands and revenue, and the close con-
finement of her person in the nunnery of Bermondsey. Thi«
16 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 148fc
act of authority was covered with a very tl. ar. pretence. L*
was alleged that, notwithstanding the secret agreement to
marry her daughter to Henry, she had yet yielded to the
solicitations and menaces of Richard, and had delivered that
princess and her sisters into the hands of the tyrant. This
crime, which was now become obsolete, and might admit of
alleviations, was therefore suspected not to be the real cause
of the severity with which she was treated ; and men believed
that the king, unwilling to accuse so near a relation of a con-
spiracy against him, had cloaked his vengeance or precaution
under color of an offence known to the whole world.* They
were afterwards the more confirmed in this suspicion, when
they found that the unfortunate queen, though she survived
this disgrace several years, was never treated with any more
lenity, but was allowed to end her life in poverty, solitude, and
confinement.
The next measure of the king's was of a less exceptionable
nature. He ordered that Warwick should be taken from tho
Tower, be led in procession through the streets of London, be.
conducted to St. Paul's, and there exposed to the view of the
whole people. He even gave directions, that some men of
rank, attached to the house of York, and best acquainted with
the person of this prince, should approach him and converse
with him : and he trusted that these, being convinced of the
absurd imposture of Simnel, would put a stop to the credulity
of the populace. The expedient had its effect in England ;
but in Ireland the people still persisted in their revolt, and
zealously retorted on the king the reproach of propagating an
imposture, and of having shown a counterfeit Warwick to the
public.
Henry had soon reason to apprehend, that the design against
him was not laid on such slight foundations as the absurdity
of the contrivance seemed to indicate. John, earl of Lincoln,
son of John de la Pole, duke of Suffolk, and of Elizabeth,
eldest sister to Edward IV., was engaged to take part in the
conspiracy. This nobleman, who possessed capacity and
courage, had entertained very aspiring views ; and his ambition
was encouraged by the known intentions of his uncle Richard,
who had formed a design, in case he himself should die w'thout
issue, of declaring Lincoln successor to the crown. The king's
jealousy against all eminent persons of the York party, and
* Bacon, p. o53. Polyd. Virg. r 371
A D. 1487.1 henry vn. I
his rigor towards Warwick, had further struck Lincoln with
apprehensions, and made him resolve to seek for safety in the
most dangerous counsels. Having fixed a secret correspond-
ence with Sir Thomas Broughton, a man of great interest in
Lancashire, he retired to Flanders, where Lovel had arrived a
little before him ; and he lived during some time in the court
of his aunt the duchess of Burgundy, by whom he had be<sn
invited over
Margaret, widow of Charles the Bold, duke of Burgundy
not having any children of her own, attached herself with
an entire friendship to her daughter-in-law, married to Maxi-
milian, archduke of Austria; and after the death of that prin-
cess, she persevered in her affection to Philip and Margaret,
her children, and occupied herself in the care of their educa
tion and of their persons. By her virtuous conduct and de-
meanor she had acquired great authority among the Flem
ings ; and lived with much dignity, as well as economy, upon
that ample dowry which she inherited from her husband.
The resentments of this princess were no less warm than her
friendships ; and that spirit of faction, which it is so difficult
for a social and sanguine temper to guard against, had taken
strong possession of her heart, and intrenched somewhat on
the probity which shone forth in the other parts of her charac-
ter. Hearing of the malignant jealousy entertained by Henry
against her family, and his oppression of all its partisans, she
was moved with the highest indignation ; and she determined
to make him repent of that enmity to which so many of her
friends, without any reason or necessity, had fallen victims.
[1487.] After consulting with Lincoln and Lovel, she hired
a body of two thousand veteran Germans, under the command
of Martin Swart, a brave and experienced officer ; * and sent
them over, together with these two noblemen, to join Simnel
in Ireland. The countenance given by persons of such high
rank, and the accession of this military force, much raised th«
courage of the Irish, and made them entertain the resolution
of invading England, where they believed the spirit of dis-
affection as prevalent as it appeared to be in Ireland. The
poverty also under which they labored, made it impossible for
them to support any longer their new court and army, and
inspired them with a strong desire of enriching themselves by
plunder and preferment in England.
Polycl. Virg. p. 519., 573.
7.8 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [A. D. 148?
Henry was not ignorant of these intentions of his enemies ,
and he prepared himself for defence. He ordered troops to be
levied in different parts of the kingdom, and put them under
the command of the duke of Bedford and earl of Oxford. He
confined the marquis of Dorset, who, he suspected, would resent
the injuries suffered by his mother, the queen dowager : and,
to gratify the people by an appearance of devotion, he made a
pilgrimage to our lady of Walsingham, famous for miracles ;
and there offered up prayers for success, and for deliverance
from his enemies.
Being informed that Simnel was landed at Foudrey in Lan-
cashire, he drew together his forces, and advanced towards
the enemy as far as Coventry. The rebels had entertained
hopes that the disaffected counties in the north would rise in
their favor ; but the people in general, averse to join Irish and
German invaders, convinced of Lambert's imposture, and kept
in awe by the king's reputation for success and conduct, either
remained in tranquillity, or gave assistance to the royal army.
The earl of Lincoln, therefore, who commanded the rebels,
finding no hopes but in victory, was determined to bring the
matter to a speedy decision ; and the king, supported by the
native courage of his temper, and emboldened by a great
accession of volunteers, who had joined him under the earl of
Shrewsbury and Lord Strange, declined not the combat. The
hostile armies met at Stoke, in the county of Nottingham, and
fought a battle, which was bloody, and more obstinately dis-
puted than could have been expected from the inequality of
their force. All the leaders of the rebels were resolved to
conquer or to perish ; and they inspired their troops with
like resolution. The Germans also, being veteran and expe-
rienced soldiers, kept the event long doubtful ; and even the
Irish, though ill-armed and almost defenceless, showed them
selves not defective in spirit and bravery. The king's victory
was purchased with loss, but was entirely decisive. Lincoln,
Broughton, and Swart perished in the field of battle, with four
thousand of their followers. As Lovel was never more
heard of, he was believed to have undergone the same fate.
Simnel, with his tutor, Simon, was taken prisoner. Simon,
being a priest, was not tried at law, and was only committed
to close custody : Simnel was too contemptible to be an
object either of apprehension or resentment to Henry. He
was pardoned, and made a scullion in the king's kitchen;
AD. 1487. | henry vn. *-
whence he was afterwards advanced to the rank ot a
falconer.*
Henry had now leisure to revenge himself on his enemies
He made a progress into the northern parts, where he gave
many proofs of his rigorous disposition. A strict inquiry was
made after those who had assisted or favored the rebels. The
punishments were not all sanguinary : the king made his
revenge subservient to his avarice. Heavy fines were levied
upon the delinquents. The proceedings of the courts, and
even the courts themselves, were arbitrary. Either the crim-
inals were tried by commissioners appointed for the purpose,
or they suffered punishment by sentence of a court-martial.
And as a rumor had prevailed before the battle of Stoke, that
the rebels had gained the victory, that the royal army was cut
in pieces, and that the king himself had escaped by flight,
Henry was resolved to interpret the belief or propagation of
this report as a mark of disaffection ; and he punished many
for that pretended crime. But such in this age was the situ-
ation of the English government, that the royal prerogative,
which was but imperfectly restrained during the most peace-
able periods, was sure, in tumultuous or even suspicious times,
which frequently recurred, to break all bounds of law, and to
violate public liberty.
After the king had gratified his rigor by the punishment ol
his enemies, he determined to give contentment to the people
in a point which, though a mere ceremony, was passionately
desired by them. The queen had been married near two
years, but had not yet been crowned ; and this affectation of
delay had given great discontent to the public, and had been
one principal source of the disaffection which prevailed. The
king, instructed by experience, now finished the ceremony of
her coronation ; and to show a disposition still more gracious,
he restored to liberty the marquis of Dorset, who had been
able to clear himself of all the suspicions entertained against
him.
* Bacon, p. 5S6 Polyd. Virg. p. 574.
20 KISTOEY OF ENGLAND. [A.D, M88
CHAPTER XXV.
HENRY VII.
[1488. J The king acquired great reputation throughout
Europe by the vigorous aod prosperous conduct of his domes-
tic affairs ; but as some iuridents about this time invited him
to look abroad, and exert himself in behalf of his allies, it
will be necessary, in order to give a just account of his foreign
measures, to explain the situation of the neighboring kingdoms ;
beginning with Scotland, which lies most contiguous.
The kingdom of Scotland had not yet attained that state
which distinguishes a civilized monarchy, and which enables
the government, by the force of its laws and institutions alone,
without any extraordinary capacity in the sovereign, to main-
tain itself in order and tranquillity. James III., who now
filled the throne, was a prince of little industry and of a nar-
row genius ; and though it behoved him to yield the reins oi
government to his ministers, he had never been able to make
any choice which could give contentment both to himself and
to his people. When he bestowed his confidence on any of
the principal nobility, he found that they exalted their own
family to such a height as was dangerous to the prince, and
gave umbrage to the state : when h<? conferred favor on any
person of meaner birth, on whose submission he could more
depend, the barons of his kingdom, enraged at the power of
an upstart minion, proceeded to the utmost extremities against
their sovereign. Had Henry entertained the ambition of con-
quests, a tempting opportunity now offered of reducing that
kingdom to subjection ; but as he was probably sensible that
a warlike people, though they might be overrun by reason of
their domestic divisions, could not be retained in obedience
without a regular military force, which was then unknown in
England, he rather intended the renewal of the peace with
Scotland, and sent an embassy to James for that purpose. But
the Scots, who never desired a durable peace with Engliud,
and who deemed their security to consist ^n constantly pre*-
A..D. 14SS.J henry vn. 2'
serving themselves in a warlike posture, would not agree to
more than a seven years' truce, which was accordingly con
eluded.*
The European states on the continent were then hastening
fast to the situation in which they have remained, without any
material alteration, for near three centuries ; and began to
unite themselves into one extensive system of policy, which
comprehended the chief powers of Christendom. Spain, which
had hitherto been almost entirely occupied within herself, now
became formidable by the union of Arragon and Castile in
the persons of Ferdinand and Isabella, who, being princes of
great capacity, employed their force in enterprises the most
advantageous to their combined monarchy. The conquest of
Granada from the Moors was then undertaken, and brought
near to a happy conclusion. And in that expedition the mil-
itary genius of Spain was revived ; honor and security were
attained ; and her princes, no longer kept in awe by a domes-
tic enemy so dangerous, began to enter into all the transactions
of Europe, and make a great figure in every war and negoti-
ation.
Maximilian, king of the Romans, son j f the emperor Fred-
erick, had, by his marriage with the heiress of Burgundy,
acquired an interest in the Netherlands ; and thougn the death
of his consort had weakened his connections with that country,
he still pretended to the government as tutor to his son Philip
and his authority had been acknowledged by Brabant, Hoi
land, and several of the provinces. But as Flanders and
Hainault still refused to submit to his regency, and even
appointed other tutors to Philip, he had been engaged in long
wars against that obstinate people, and never was able thor
oughly to subdue their spirit. That he might free himself
from the opposition of France, he had concluded a peace with
Lewis XL, and had given his daughter Margaret, then an in-
fant, in marriage to the dauphin ; together with Artois, Franche
Compte, and Charolois, as her dowry. But this alliance had
not produced the desired effect. The dauphin succeeded tc
the crown of France by the appellation of Charles VIII. ; but
Maximilian still found the mutinies of the Flemings fomented
by the intrigues of the court of France.
France, during the two preceding raigns, had made a
mighty increase in power and greatness ; and had not othei
* Polyd. Virg. p. 37.'
2L IUSTOE.Y OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1488
states of Europe at the same time received an accession of
force, it had been impossible to have retained her within hex
ancient boundaries. Most of the great fiefs, Normandy,
Champagne, Anjou, Dauphiny, Guienne, Provence, and Bur-
gundy, had been united to the crown ; the English had been
expelled from all their conquests ; the authority of the prince
had been raised to such a height as enabled him to maintain
law and order ; a considerable military force was kept on
foot, and the finances were able to support it. Lewis XI.,
indeed, from whom many of these advantages were derived,
was dead, and had left his son, in early youth and ill-educated,
to sustain the weight of the monarchy : but having intrusted
the government to his daughter Anne, lady of Beaujeu, a
woman of spirit and capacity, the French power suffered no
check or decline. On the contrary, this princess formed the
great project, which at last she happily effected, of uniting to
the crown Brittany, the last and most independent fief of the
monarchy.
Francis II., duke of Brittany, conscious of his own inca-
pacity for government, had resigned himself to the direction
of Peter Landais, a man of mean birth, more remarkable for
abilities than for virtue and integrity. The nobles of Brittany,
displeased with the great advancement of this favorite, had
even proceeded to disaffection against their sovereign ; and
after many tumults and disorders, they at last united among
themselves, and in a violent manner seized, tried, and put to
death the obnoxious minister. Dreading the resentment of the
prince for this invasion of his authority, many of them retired
to France ; others, for protection and safety, maintained a
secret correspondence with the French ministry, who, observing
the great dissensions among the Bretons, thought the opportu-
nity favorable for invading the duchy ; and so much the
rather as they could cover their ambition under the specious
pretence of providing for domestic security.
Lewis, duke of Orleans, first prince of the blood, and pre-
sumptive heir of the monarchy, had disputed the administra
don with the lady of Beaujeu ; and though his pretensions had
been rejected by the states, he still maintained cabals with
many of the grandees, and laid schemes for subverting the
authority of that princess. Finding his conspiracies detected,
he took to arms, and fortified himself in Beaugenci ; but as
his revolt was precipitate, before his confederates were ready
to ioin him, he had been obliged to submit, and to receive sunn
A.D. 1488.] HENRY VII. 23
conditions as the French ministry were pleased to impos*
upon him. Actuated, however, by his ambition, and even by
his fears, he soon retired out of France, and took shelter with
the duke of Brittany, who was desirous of strengthening him-
self against the designs of the lady of Beaujeu by the friend-
ship and credit of the duke of Orleans. This latter prince
also, perceiving the ascendant which he soon acquired ovei
the duke of Brittany, had engaged many of his partisans to
join him at that court, and had ibrmed the design of aggran
dizing himself by a marriage with Anne, the heir of that
opulent duchy.
The barons of Brittany, who saw all favor engrossed by the
duke of Orleans and his train, renewed a stricter correspond-
ence with France, and even invited the French king to make
an invasion on their country. Desirous, however, of preserv-
ing its independency, they had regulated the number of sue
cors which France was to send them, and had stipulated that
no fortified place in Brittany should remain in the possession
of that monarchy ; a vain precaution, where revolted subjects
treat with a power so much superior ! The French invaded
Brittany with forces three times more numerous than those
which they had promised to the barons ; and advancing into
the heart of the country, laid siege to Ploermel. To oppose
them, the duke raised a numerous but ill-disciplined army
which he put under the command of the duke of Orleans, the
count of Dunois, and others of the French nobility. The army,
discontented with this choice, and jealous of their confeder-
ates, soon disbanded, and left their prince with too small a
force to keep the field against his invaders. He retired to
Vannes ; but being hotly pursued by the French, who had
now made themselves masters of Ploermel, he escaped to
Nantz ; and the enemy, having previously taken and garri-
soned Vannes, Dinant, and other places, laid close siege to that
city. The barons of Brittany, finding their country menaced
with total subjection, began gradually to withdraw from tin
French army, and to make peace with their sovereign.
This desertion, however, of the Bretons discouraged not the
court of France from pursuing her favorite project of reducing
Brittany to subjection. The situation of Europe appeared
favorable to the execution of this design. Maximilian wa?
indeed engaged in close alliance with the duke of Brittany,
and had even opened a treaty for marrying his daughter ; bui
he was on all occasions so indigent, and at that time so di.-qui
24 fflSTOET OF ENGLAND. [A. D. l45b
eted bj the mutinies of the Flemings, that little effectual assist*
ance could be expected from him. Ferdinand was entirely
occupied in the conquest of Granada ; and it was also known,
that if France would resign to him Roussillon and Cerdagne,
to which he had pretensions, she could at any time engage
him to abandon the interests of Brittany. England, alone, was
both enabled by her power, and engaged by her interests, to
support the independency of that duchy ; and the most dan-
gerous opposition was therefore, by Anne of Beaujeu, expect-
ed from that quarter. In order to cover her real designs, no
sooner was she informed of Henry's success against Simnel
and his partisans, than she despatched ambassadors to the
court of London, and made prolessions of the greatest trust
and confidence in that monarch.
The ambassadors, after congratulating Henry on his late
victory, and comunicating to him, in the most cordial man
ner, as to an intimate friend, some successes of their master
against Maximilian, came in the progress of their discourse to
mention the late transactions in Brittany. They told him that
the duke having given protection to French fugitives and
rebels, the king had been necessitated, contrary to his inten-
tion and inclination, to carry war into that duchy ; that the
honor of the crown was interested not to suffer a vassal so far
to forget his duty to his liege lord ; nor was the security of the
government less concerned to prevent the consequences of
this dangerous temerity : that the fugitives were no mean or
obscure persons ; but among others, the duke of Orleans, first
prince of the blood, who, finding himself obnoxious to justice
tor treasonable practices in France, had fled into Brittany ;
where he still persevered in laying schemes of rebellion
against his sovereign : that the war being thus, on the part of
the French monarch, entirely defensive, it would immediately
cease, when the duke of Brittany, by returning to his duty,
should remove the causes of it : that their master was sensible
of the obligations which the duke, in very critical times, had
conferred on Henry ; but it was known also, that, in times still
more critical, he or his mercenary counsellors had deserted
him, and put his life in the utmost hazard : that his sole ref-
uge in these desperate extremities had been the court of
France, which not only protected his person, but supplied him
with men and money, with which, aided by his own vatar and
conduct, he had been enabled to mount the throne of England ;
that France in this transaction had, from friendship to Henry,
A. D. 1488.] henri vn. 26
acted contrary to what, in a narrow view, might be esteemed
her own intex - est ; since, instead of an odious tyrant, she had
contributed to establish on a rival throne a prince endowed with
6uch virtue and abilities ; and that, as both the justice of the
cause and the obligations conferred on Henry thus preponder-
ated on the side of France, she reasonably expected that, if
the situation of his affairs did not permit him to give her as-
sistance, he would at least preserve a neutrality between the
contending parties.*
This discourse of the French ambassadors was plausible;
And to give it greater weight, they communicated to Henry,
as in confidence, their master's intention, after he should have
settled the difference with Brittany, to lead an army into Italy,
and make good his pretensions to the kingdom of Naples ; a
project which, they knew, would give no umbrage to the court
of England. But all these artifices were in vain employed
against the penetration of the king. He clearly saw that
France had entertained the view of subduing Brittany ; but he
also perceived, that she would meet with great, and, as he
thought, insuperable difficulties in the execution of her project
The native force of that duchy, he knew, had always been
considerable, and had often, without any foreign assistance,
resisted the power of France ; the natural temper of the
French nation, he imagined, would make them easily abandon
any enterprise which required perseverance ; and as the heir
of the crown was confederated with the duke of Brittany, the
ministers would be still more remiss in prosecuting a scheme
which must draw on them his resentment and displeasure.
Should even these internal obstructions be removed, Maxi-
milian, whose enmity to France was well known, and who
now paid his addresses to the heiress of Brittany, would be
able to make a diversion on the side of Flanders ; nor could
it be expected that France, if she prosecuted such ambitious
projects, would be allowed to remain in tranquillity by Ferdi-
nand and Isabella. Above all, he thought the French court
could never expect that England, so deeply interested to pre-
serve the independency of Brittany, so able by her power and
situation to give effectual and prompt assistance, would permit
such an accession of force to her rival. He imagined, there-
fore, that the ministers of France, convinced of the impracti-
eability of their scheme, would at last embrace pacific views,
* Bacon, p. 5S9.
VOL. IJJ — B
26 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. \A. D. 148 B.
And would abandon an enterprise so obnoxious tn all th€
potentates of Europe.
This reasoning of Henry was solid, and might justly engage
him in dilatory and cautious measures : but there entered into
his conduct another motive, which was apt to draw him beyond
the just bounds, because founded on a ruling passion. His
frugality, which by degrees degenerated into avarice, made
him averse to all warlike enterprises and distant expeditions,
and engaged him previously to try the expedient of negotia-
tion. He despatched Urswic, his almoner, a man of address
and abilities, to make offer of his mediation to the contending
parties ; an offer which, he thought, if accepted by France,
would soon lead to a composure of all differences ; if refused
or eluded, would at least discover the perseverance of that
court in her ambitious projects. Urswic found the lady of
Beaujeu, now duchess of Bourbon, engaged in the siege of
Nantz, and bad the satisfaction to find that his master's offer
of mediation was readily embraced, and with many expres-
sions of confidence and moderation. That able princess con-
cluded, that the duke of Orleans, who governed the coast of
Brittany, foreseeing that every accommodation must be made
at his expense, would use all his interest to have Henry's pro-
posal rejected ; and would by that means make an apology
for the French measures, and draw on the Bretons the re-
proach of obstinacy and injustice. The event justified her
prudence. "When the English ambassador made the same
offer to the duke of Brittany, he received for answer, in the
name of that prince, that having so long acted the part of
protector and guardian to Henry during his youth and adverse
fortune, he had expected from a monarch of such virtue more
effectual assistance in his present distresses than a barren offer
of mediation, which suspended not the progress of the French
arms : that if Henry's gratitude were not sufficient to engage
him in such a measure, his prudence, as king of England,
should discover to him the pernicious consequences attending
the conquest of Brittany, and its annexation to the crown of
France : that that kingdom, already too powerful, would be
enabled, by so great an accession of force, to display, to the
ruin of England, that hostile disposition which had always
subsisted between those rival nations : that Brittany, so useful
an ally, which, by its situation, gave the English an entrance
into the heart of France, being annexed to that kingdom,
would be equally enabled from its situation to disturb, eitbei
A.D. 1488.J henry vii 27
by piracies or naval armaments, the commerce and peace of
England : and that if the duke rejected Henry's mediation, if
proceeded neither from an inclination to a war, which he ex
perienced to be ruinous to him, nor from a confidence in his
own force, which he knew to be much inferior to that o{ the
enemy ; but, on the contrary, from a sense of his present ne-
cessities, which must engage the king to act the part of his
confederate, not that of a mediator.
When this answer was reported to the king, he abandoned
not the plan which he had formed ; he only concluded that
some more time was requisite to quell the obstinacy of the
Bretons, and make them submit to reason. And when he
learned that the people of Brittany, anxious for their duke's
safety, had formed a tumultuary army of sixty thousand men,
and had obliged the French to raise the siege of Nantz, he
fortified himself the more in his opinion, that the court of
France would at last be reduced, by multiplied obstacles and
difficulties, to abandon the project of reducing Brittany to sub-
jection. He continued, therefore, his scheme of negotiation,
and thereby exposed himself to be deceived by the artifices
of the French ministry ; who, still pretending pacific inten-
tions, sent Lord Bernard Daubigni, a Scotchman of quality, to
London, and pressed Henry not to be discouraged in offering
his mediation to the court of Brittany. The king, on his part,
despatched another embassy, consisting of Urswic, the abbot
of Abingdon, and Sir Richard Tonstal, who carried new pro-
posals for an amicable treaty. No effectual succors, mean-
while, were provided for the distressed Bretons. Lord Wood-
ville, brother to the queen dowager, having asked leave to
raise underhand a body of volunteers, and to transport them
into Brittany, met with a refusal from the king, who was de-
sirous of preserving the appearance of a strict neutrality. That
nobleman, however, still persisted in his purpose. He went
over to the Isle of Wight, of which he was governor, levied
a body of four hundred men ; and having at last obtained, aa
is supposed, the secret permission of Henry, sailed with them
to Brittany. This enterprise proved fatal to the leader, and
brought small relief to the unhappy duke. The Bretons rashly
engaged in a general action with the French at St. Aubin, and
were discomfited. Woodville and all the English were put to '■
the sword, together with a body of Bretons, who had been
accoutred in the garb of Englishmen in order to strike a
greater terror into the French, to whom the martial proweea
28 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1483
of that nation was always formidable.* The duke of Orleans
the prince of Orange, and many other persons of rank were
taken prisoners; and the military force of Brittany was totally
broken. The death of the duke, which followed soon after,
threw affairs into still greater confusion, and seemed to threat-
en the state with a final subjection.
Though the king did not prepare against these events, so
hurtful to the interests of England, with sufficient vigor and
precaution, he had not altogether overlooked them. Peter-
mined to maintain a pacific conduct, as far as the situation of
affairs would permit, he yet knew the warlike temper of his
subjects, and observed that their ancient and inveterate ani-
mosity to France was now revived by the prospect of this great
accession to her power and grandeur. He resolved, therefore,
to make advantage of this disposition, and draw some supplies
from the people, on pretence of giving assistance to the duke
of Brittany. He had summoned a parliament at Westmin-
ster ; t and he soon persuaded them to grant him a considera-
ble subsidy. | But this supply, though voted by parliament,
involved the king in unexpected difficulties. The counties of
Durham and York, always discontented with Henry's govern-
ment, and further provoked by the late oppressions under
which they had labored, after the suppression of Simnel's
rebellion, resisted the commissioners who were appointed to
levy the tax. The commissioners, terrified with this appear
ance of sedition, made application to the earl of Northumber
land, and desired of him advice and assistance in the execu
tion of their office. That nobleman thought the matter 01
importance enough to consult the king ; who, unwilling to
yield to the humors of a discontented populace, and foreseeing
the pernicious consequence of such a precedent, renewed his
orders for strictly levying the imposition. Northumberland
summoned together the justices and chief freeholders, and
delivered the king's commands in the most imperious terms,
which, he thought, would enforce obedience, but which tended
only to provoke the people, and make them believe him the
adviser of those orders which he delivered to tham. § They
* Argentre Hist. <le Bretagns, liv. xii.
t 9th November, 1487.
t Polyd. Vi'rg. (p. 579) says, that this imposition was a capitation
tax : the other historians say, it was a tax of two shillings in the
pound.
$ Bacon, p 595.
A D. 1489.] HENRY VII. 29
flew to arms, attacked Northumberland in his house, and put
him to death. Having incurred such deep guilt, their muti-
nous humor prompted them to declare against the king him-
self; and being instigated by John A chamber, a seditious
fellow of low birth, they chose Sir John Egremond their leader,
and prepared themselves for a vigorous resistance. Henry
was not dismayed with an insurrection so precipitate and ill
supported. He immediately levied a force, which he put
under the command of the earl of Surrey, whom he had freed
from confinement and received into favor. His intention was
to send down these troops, in order to check the progress of
the rebels ; while he himself should follow with a greater body,
which would absolutely insure success. But Smrey thought
himself strong enough to encounter alone a raw and unarmed
multitude ; and he succeeded in the attempt. The rebels
were dissipated ; John Achamber was taken prisoner, and
afterwards executed with some of his accomplices ; Sir John
Egremond fled to the duchess of Burgundy, who gave him
protection ; the greater number of the rebels received a
pardon.
Henry had probably expected, when he obtained this grant
from parliament, that he should be able to terminate the affair
of Brittany by negotiation, and that he might thereby fill his
coffers with the money levied by the imposition. But as the
distresses of the Bretons still multiplied, and became every
day more urgent, he found himself under the necessity of
taking more vigorous measures, in order to support them.
On the death of the duke, the French had revived some anti-
quated claims to the dominion of the duchy ; and as the duke
of Orleans was now captive in France, their former pretence
for hostilities could no longer serve as a cover to their ambi-
tion. The king resolved therefore to engage as auxiliary to
Brittany ; and to consult the interests, as well as desires oi his
people, by opposing himself to the progress of the French
power. Besides entering into a league with Maximilian, and
another with Ferdinand, which were distant resources, he
levied a body of troops, to the number of six thousand men,
with an intention of transporting them into Brittany. Still
anxious, however, for the repayment of his expenses, he con
eluded a treaty with the young duchess, [1439. J by which she
engaged to deliver into his hands two seaport towns, there to
remain till she phould entirely refund the charges oi tb?
SO HISTORY OF ENGLANL [AD 14JU
armamen;.* Though he engaged for the stivice of these
troops during the space of ten months only, yet was the
duchess obliged, by the necessity of her affairs, to submit to
such rigid conditions, imposed by an ally so much con-
cerned in interest to protect her. The forces arrived under
the command of Lord Willoughby of Broke ; and made the
Bretons, during some time, masters of the field. The French
retired into their garrisons ; and expected by dilatory measures
to waste the fire of the English, and disgust them with the
enterprise. The scheme was well laid, and met with success.
Lord Broke found such discord and confusion in the counsels
of Brittany, that no measures could be concerted lor any
undertaking ; no supply obtained ; no provisions, carriages,
artillery, or military stores procured. The whole court was
rent into factions : no one minister had acquired the ascendant:
and whatever project was formed by one, was sure to be
traversed by another. The English, disconcerted in everj
enterprise by these animosities ami uncertain counsels, re-
turned home as soon as the time of their service was elapsed ;
leaving only a small garrison in those towns which had been
consigned into their hands. During their stay in Brittany,
they had only contributed still further to waste the country ;
and by their departure, they left it entirely at the mercy of
the enemy. So feeble was the succor which Henry in this
important conjuncture afforded his ally, whom the invasion of
a foreign enemy, concurring with domestic dissensions, had
reduced to the utmost distress.
The great object of the domestic dissensions in Brittany
was the disposal of the young duchess in marriage. The
cnareschal Rieux, favored by Henry, seconded the suit of the
lord D'Albret, who led some forces to her assistance. The
chancellor Montauban, observing the aversion of the duchess
to this suitor, insisted that a petty prince, such as D'Albret,
was unable to support Anne in her present extremities ; and
he recommended some more powerful alliance, particularly
that of Maximilian, king of the Romans. [1490.] This party
at last prevailed ; the marriage with Maximilian was cele-
brated by proxy ; and the duchess thenceforth assumed the
title of queen of the Romans. But this magnificent appella
iion was all she gained by her marriage. Maximilian, desti-
tute of troops and money, and embarrassed with the continuaJ
* Va Tillet, Recueil des Traites.
A. D. 1490. J henry vn. 31
-evolts of the Flemings, could send no succor to his distressed
consort ; while D'Albret, enraged at the preference given to
his rival, deserted her cause, and received the French into
Nantz, the most important place in the duchy both for strength
and riches.
The French court now began to change their scheme with
regard to the subjection of Brittany. Charles had formerly
been affianced to Margaret, daughter of Maximilian ; who,
though too young for the consummation of her marriage, had
been sent to Paris to be educated, and at this time bore the
title of queen of France. Besides the rich dowry which she
brought the king, she was, after her brother Philip, then in
early youth, heir to all the dominions of the house of Burgun-
dy; and seemed in many respects the most proper match that
could be chosen for the young monarch. These circumstances
had so blinded both Maximilian and Henry, that they nev§f
suspected any otber intentions in the French court ; nor were
they able to discover that engagements, seemingly so advan-
tageous and so solemnly entered into, could be infringed and
eet aside. But Charles began to perceive that the conquest
}f Brittany, in opposition to the natives, and to all the great
powers of Christendom, would prove a difficult enterprise ;
and that even if he should overrun the country and make
himself master of the fortresses, it would be impossible for
him long to retain possession of them. The marriage alone
of the duchess could fully reannex that fief to the crown ;
and the present and certain enjoyment of so considerable a
territory, seemed preferable to the prospect of inheriting the
dominions of the house of Burgundy ; a prospect which became
every day more distant and precarious. Above all, the mar
riage of Maximilian and Anne appeared destructive to the
grandeur and even security of the French monarchy ; while
mat prince, possessing Flanders on the one hand, and Brittany
on the other, might thus, from both quarters, make inroads
into the heart of the country. The only remedy for these
evils was therefore concluded to be the dissolution of the two
marriages, which had been celebrated, but not consummated;
and the espousal of the duchess of Brittany by the king of
France.
It was necessary that this expedient, which had not been
foreseen by any court in Europe, and which they were all
bo much interested to oppose, should be kept a profound
lecret, and should be discovered to the world only by the full
^2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1491.
execution of it. The measures of the French ministry in the
conduct of this delicate enterprise were wise and political.
While they pressed Brittany with all the rigors of war, they
secretly gained the count of Dunois, who possessed great
authority with the Bretons ; and having also engaged in their
interests the prince of Orange, cousin-german to the duchess,
they gave him his liberty, and sent him into Brittany. These
partisans, supported by other emissaries of France, prepai'ed
the minds of men for the great revolution projected, and dis-
played, though still with many precautions, all the advantages
of a union with the French monarchy. They represented to
the barons of Brittany, that their country, harassed during so
many years with perpetual war, had need of some repose,
and of a solid and lasting peace with the only power that
was formidable to them : that their alliance with Maximilian
was not able to afford them even present protection ; and, by
closely uniting them to a power which was rival to the great-
ness of France, fixed them in perpetual enmity with that
potent monarchy : that their vicinity exposed them first to
the inroads of the enemy ; and the happiest event which,
in such a situation, could befall them, would be to attain a
peace, though by a final subjection to France, and by the loss
of that liberty transmitted to them from their ancestors : and
that any other expedient, compatible with the honor of the
state and their duty to their sovereign, was preferable to a
scene of such disorder and devastation.
These suggestions had influence with the Bretons : but the
chief difficulty lay in surmounting the prejudices of the young
duchess herself. That princess had imbibed a strong prepos-
session against the French nation, particularly against Charles,
the author of all the calamities which, from her earliest
infancy, had befallen her family. She had also fixed her
affections on Maximilian ; and as she now deemed him her
husband, she could not. she thought, without incurring the
greatest guilt, and violating the most solemn engagements,
contract a marriage with any other person. [1491.] In order
to overcome her obstinacy, Charles gave the duke of Orleans
his liberty ; who, though formerly a suitor to the duchess,
was now contented to ingratiate himself with the king, by
employing in his favor all the interest which he still possessed
in Brittany. Mareschal Bieux and Chancellor Montauban
were reconciled by his mediation ; and these rival ministers
now concurred with the prince of Orange and the count of
A. D 1 49 1 . 1 edward vn. 33
Dunois, in pressing the conclusion of a marriage with Charles
By their suggestion, Charles advanced with a powerful army,
and invested Rennes, at that time the residence of the
duchess ; who, assailed on all hands, and finding none to
support her in her inflexibility, at last opened the gates of
the city, and agreed to espouse the king of France. She was
married at Langey, in Touraine ; conducted to St. Denis,
where she was crowned ; thence made her entry into Paiis,
amidst the joyful acclamations of the people, who regarded
this marriage as the most prosperous event that could have
befallen the monarchy.
The triumph and success of Charles was the most sensible
mortification to the king of the Romans. He had lost a con-
siderable territory, which he thought he had acquired, and an
accomplished princess, whom he had espoused ; he was af-
fronted in the person of his daughter Margaret, who was sent
back to him, after she had been treated during some years as
queen of France ; he had reason to reproach himself with his
own supine security, in neglecting the consummation of his mar-
riage, which was easily practicable for him, and which would
have rendered the tie indissoluble : these considerations threw
him into the most violent rage, which he vented in veiy inde-
cent expressions ; and he threatened France with an invasion
from the united arms of Austria, Spain, and England.
The king of England had also just reason to reproach him
self with misconduct in this important transaction ; and though
the affair had terminated in a manner which he could not
precisely foresee, his negligence, in leaving his most usei'ul
ally so long exposed to the invasion of superior power, could
not but appear on reflection the result of timid caution and
narrow politics. As he valued himself on his extensive
foresight and profound judgment, the ascendant acquired over
him by a raw youth, such as Charles, could not but give him
the highest displeasure, and prompt him to seek vengeance,
after all remedy for his miscarriage was become absolutely
impracticable. But he was further actuated by avarice, a
motive still more predominant with him than either pride oi
revenge ; and he sought, even from his present disappoint-
ments, the gratification of this ruling passion. On pretence
of a French war, he issued a commission for levying a " be-
nevolence" on his people ; * a species of taxation which had
* Rymer, vol. xi . p. 446. Bacon says that the bcnevoicnce wa»
•evieil with consent of parliament, which is a mistake
34 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [A. D. 1491
been abolished by a recent law of Richard III. This violence
(for such it really was) fell chiefly on the commercial pavrt
of the nation, who were possessed of the ready money.
London alone contributed to the amount of near ten thousand
pounds. Archbishop Morton, the chancellor, instructed the
commissioners to employ a dilemma, in which every one
might be comprehended : if the persons applied to lived fru-
gally, they were told that their parsimony must necessarily
have enriched them ; if their method of living were splendid
and hospitable, they were concluded to be opulent on account
of their expenses. This device was by some called Chancel-
lor Morton's fork, by others bis crutch.
So little apprehensive was the king of a parliament on
account of his levying this arbitrary imposition, that he soon
after summoned that assembly to meet at Westminster ; and
he evf»n expected to enrich himself further by working on theii
passions and prejudices. He knew the displeasure which the
English had conceived against France on account of the ac-
quisition of Brittany ; and he took care to insist on that topic,
in the speech which he himself pronounced to the parliament
He told them, that France, elated with her late successes, had
even proceeded to a contempt of England, and had refused to
pay the tribute which Lewis XL had stipulated to Edward IV. :
that it became so warlike a nation as the English to be roused
by this indignity, and not to limit their pretensions merely to
repelling the present injury : that, for his part, he was deter-
mined to lay claim to the crown itself of France, and to main-
tain by force of arms so just a title, transmitted to him by his
gallant ancestors : that Crecy, Poictiers, and Azincour were
sufficient to instruct them in their superiority over the enemy ;
nor did he despair of adding new names to the glorious cata-
logue : that a king of France had been prisoner in London,
and a king of England had been crowned at Paris ; events
which should animate them to an emulation of like glory with
that which had been enjoyed by their forefathers : that the
domestic dissensions of England had been the sole cause of
her losing these foreign dominions ; and her present internal
union would be the effectual means of recovering them :
that where such lasting honor was in view, and such an im-
portant acquisition, it became not brave men to repine at the
advance of a little treasure : and that, for his part, he was
determined to make the war maintain itself; and hoped, by
A D. 1492.} HENRY V1L 35
the invasion of so opulent a kingdom as France, to increase
rather than diminish the riches of the nation.*
Notwithstanding these magnificent vaunts of the king, all
men of penetration concluded, from the personal character of
the man, and still more from the situation of affairs, that he
had no serious intention of pushing the war to such extremities
as he pretended. France was not now in the same condition
as when such successful inroads had been made upon her by
former kings of England. The great fiefs were united to the
crown ; the princes of the blood were desirous of tranquillity ;
the nation abounded with able captains and veteran soldiers ;
and the general aspect of her affairs seemed rather to threaten
her neighbors, than to promise them any considerable advan-
tages against her. The levity and vain-glory of Maximilian
were supported by his pompous titles ; but were ill seconded
by military power, and still less by any revenue proportioned
to them. The politic Ferdinand, while he made a show of
war, was actually negotiating for peace ; and rather than ex-
pose himself to any hazard, would accept of very moderate
concessions from France. Even England was not free from
domestic discontents ; and in Scotland, the death of Henry's
friend and ally, James III., who had been murdered by his
rebellious subjects, had made way for the succession of his son,
Jarnes IV., who was devoted to the French interest, and would
surely be alarmed at any important progress of the English
arms. But all these obvious considerations had no influence
on the parliament. Inflamed by the ideas of subduing France,
and of enriching themselves by the spoils of that kingdom, they
gave into the snare prepared for them, and voted the supply
which the king demanded. Two fifteenths were granted him ;
and the better to enable his vassals and nobility to attend him,
an act was passed, empowering them to sell their estates, with-
out paying any fines for alienation.
[1492.] The nobility were universally seized with a desire
of military glory; and having credulously swallowed all the
boasts of the king, they dreamed of no less than carrying their
triumphant banners to the gates of Paris and putting the crown
if France on the head of their sovereign. Many of them bor-
rowed large sums, or sold oft tianors, that they might appear
in the field with greater splendor, and lead out their follow-
ers in more complete order. The king crossed the sea, and
* Bacon, p. 601.
36 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. t A. D. 1492
arrived at Calais on the sixth of October, with an army of
twenty five thousand foot, and sixteen hundred horse, which
he put under the command of the duke of Bedford and the
earl of Oxford : but as some inferred, from his opening the
campaign in so late a season, that peace would soon be con-
cluded between the crowns, he was desirous of suggesting a
contrary inference. " He had come over," he said, " to make
an entire conquest of France, which was not the work of one
summer. It was therefore of no consequence at what season
he began the invasion ; especially as he had Calais ready for
winter quarters." As if he had seriously intended this enter-
prise, he instantly marched into the enemy's country, and laid
siege to Boulogne : but notwithstanding this appearance of
hostility, there had been secret advances made towards peace
above three months before ; and commissioners had been
appointed to treat of the terms. The better to reconcile the
minds of men to this unexpected measure, the king's ambassa-
dors arrived in the camp from the Low Countries, and informed
him, that Maximilian was in no readiness to join him ; noi
was any assistance to be expected from that quarter. Soon
after, messengers came from Spain, and brought news of a
peace concluded between that kingdom and France, in which
Charles had made a cession of the counties of Roussillon and
Cerdagne to Ferdinand. Though these articles of intelligence
were carefully dispersed throughout the army, the king was
still apprehensive lest a sudden peace, after such magnificent
promises and high expectations, might expose him to reproach.
In order the more effectually to cover the intended measures,
he secretly engaged the marquis of Dorset, together with
twenty-three persons of distinction, to present him a petition
for agreeing to a treaty with France. The pretence was
founded on the late season of the year, the difficulty of sup-
plying the army at Calais during winter, the obstacles which
arose in the siege of Boulogne, the desertion of those allies
whose assistance had been most relied on : events which might,
all of them, have been foreseen before the embarkation of the
forces.
In consequence of these preparatory steps, the bishop of
Exeter and Lord Daubeney were sent to confer at Estaplea
with the mareschal de Cordes, and to put the last hand to the
treaty. A few days sufficed for that purpose : the demands
of Henry wjre wholly pecuniary ; and the king of France,
who deemed the peaceable possession of Brittany an equiva
A.D. 1492.] HENRY VII. 3f
lent for any sum, and who was all on fire for his projected
expedition into Italy, readily agreed to the proposals made
him. He engaged to pay Henry seven hundred and forty-five
thousand crowns, near four hundred thousand pounds sterling
of our present money ; partly as a reimbursement of the suras
advanced to Brittany, partly as arrears of the pension due to
Edward IV. And he stipulated a yearly pension to Henry
and his heirs of twenty-five thousand crowns. Thus the king,
as remarked by his historian, made profit upon his subjects
for the war, and upon his enemies for the peace * And the
people agreed that he had fulfilled his promise, when he said to
the parliament that he would make the war maintain itself.
Maximilian was, if he pleased, comprehended in Henry's
treaty ; but he disdained to be in any respect beholden to an
ally, of whom, he thought, he had reason to complain : ho
made a separate peace with France, and obtained restitution
of Artois, Franche Compte, and Charolois, which had been
ceded as the dowry of his daughter when she was affianced to
the king of France.
The peace concluded between England and France was the
more likely to continue, because Charles, full of ambition and
youthful hopes, bent all his attention to the side of Italy, and
soon after undertook the conquest of Naples : an enterprise
which Henry regarded with the greater indifFerence, as Naples
lay remote from him, and France had never, in any age, been
successful in that quarter. The king's authority was fully
established at home ; and every rebellion which had been at-
tempted against him, had hitherto tended only to confound his
enemies, and consolidate his power and influence. His repu-
tation for policy and conduct was daily augmenting ; his treas-
ures had increased even from the most unfavorable events ;
the hopes of all pretenders to his throne were cut off", as weli
by his marriage as by the issue which it had brought him.
In this prosperous situation, the king had reason to flatter him-
self with the prospect of durable peace and tranquillity ; but
his inveterate and indefatigable enemies, whom he had wan-
tonly provoked, raised him an adversary, who long kept him
in inquietude, and sometimes even brought him into danger.
The duchess of Burgundy, full of resentment for the de-
pression of her family and its partisans, rather irritated than
discouraged by the ill success of her past enterprises, wai
* Bacon, p. G05. Polyd. Virg. p. 586.
38 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [A.D. 1492
determined at least to disturb that government which she
found it so difficult to subvert. By means of her emissaries,
she propagated a report that her nephew, Richard Plantage-
net, duke of York, had escaped from the Tower when his
elder brother was murdered, and that he still lay somewhere
concealed : and finding this rumor, however improbable, to
be greedily received by the people, she had been looking out
for some young man proper to personate that unfortunate
prince.
There was one Osbec, or Warbec, a renegado Jew of
Tournay, who had been carried by some business to London
in the reign of Edward TV., and had there a son born to him
Having had opportunities of being known to the king, and
obtaining his favor, he prevailed with that prince, whose man-
ners were very affable, to stand godfather to his son, to whom
he gave the name of Peter, corrupted, after the Flemish man-
ner, into Peterkin, or Perkin. It was by some believed that
Edward, among his amorous adventures, had a secret com
merce with Warbec's wife ; and people thence accounted foi
that resemblance which was afterwards remarked between
young Perkin and that monarch* Some years after the birth
of this child, Warbec returned to Tournay ; where Perkin, his
son, did not long remain, but by different accidents was car-
ried from place to place, and his birth and fortunes became
thereby unknown, and difficult to be traced by the most dili-
gent inquiry. The variety of his adventures had happily
favored the natural versatility and sagacity of his genius ; and
he seemed to be a youth perfectly fitted to act any part, or
assume any character. In this light he had been represented
to the duchess of Burgundy, who, struck with the concurrence
of so many circumstances suited to her purpose, desired to D6
made acquainted with the man, on whom she already began
to ground her hopes of success. She found him to exceed her
most sanguine expectations ; so ccmely did he appear in his
person, so graceful in his air, so courtly in his address, so full
of docility and good sense in his behavior and conversatiou
The lessons necessary to be taught him, in order to his per-
sonating the duke of York, were soon learned by a youth of
Buch quick apprehension ; but as the season seemed not then
"avorable for their enterprise, Margaret, in order the better to
conceal him, sent him, under the care of Lady Brampton into
Portugal, where he remained a year unknown to all the world
* P>:v-on, p. 60C
A.D. 1492.| aenry vn. 39
The war, which was then ready to hreak out between France
and England, seemed to afford a proper opportunity for the
iiscovery of this new phenomenon ; and Ireland, which still
retained its attachment to the house of York, was chosen as
the proper place for his first appearance.* He landed at
Cork ; and immediately assuming the name of Richard Plan-
tagenet, drew to him partisans among that credulous people
He wrote letters to the earls of Desmond and Kildare, inviting
them to join his party : he dispersed every where the strange
intelligence of his escape from the cruelty of his uncle Rich-
ard : and men, fond of every thing new and wonderful, began
to make him the general subject of their discourse, and even
the object of their favor.
The news soon reached France, and Charles, prompted by
the secret solicitations of the duchess of Burgundy, and the
intrigues of one Frion, a secretary of Henry's, who had de-
serted his service, sent Perkin an invitation to repair to him
at Paris. He received him with all the remarks of regard
due to the duke of York ; settled on him a handsome pension,
assigned him magnificent lodgings, and in order to provide at
once for his dignity and security, gave him a guard for his
person, of which Lord Congresal accepted the office of cap-
tain. The French courtiers readily embraced a fiction which
their sovereign thought it his interest to adopt : Perkin, both
by his deportment and personal qualities, supported the pre-
possession which was spread abroad of his royal pedigree :
and the whole kingdom was full of the accomplishments, as
well as the singular adventures and misfortunes, of the young
Plantagenet. Wonders of this nature are commonly aug-
mented at a distance. From France the admiration and
credulity diffused themselves into England : Sir George Nevil,
Sir John Taylor, and above a hundred gentlemen more, came
to Paris, in order to offer their services to the supposed duke
of York, and to share his fortunes : and the impostor had now
the appearance of a court attending him, and began to enter
tain hopes of final success in his undertakings.
When peace was concluded between France and England
at Estaples, Henry applied to have Perkin put into his hands ;
but Charles, resolute not to betray a young man, of whatevei
birth, whom he had invited into his kingdom, would agree only
to dismiss him. The pretended Richard retired to the duchesa
* Poljii. Virg. p. 5? ►.
40 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. It/3
of Burgundy, and craving her protection and assistance,
offered to lay before her all the proofs of that birth to which
he laid claim. The princess affected ignorance of his
pretensions ; even put on the appearance of distrust ; and
having, as she said, been already deceived by Simnel, she
was determined never again to be seduced by any impostor.
She desired before all the world to be instructed in his reasons
for assuming the name which he bore ; seemed to examine
every circumstance with the most scrupulous nicety ; put
many particular questions to him ; affected astonishment at his
answers ; and at last, after long and severe scrutiny, burst out
into joy and admiration at his wonderful deliverance, embraced
him as her nephew, the true image of Edward, the sole heir
of the Plantagenets, and the legitimate successor to the Eng-
lish throne. [1493.] She immediately assigned him an equi-
page suited to his pretended birth ; appointed him a guard of
thirty halberdiers ; engaged every one to pay court to him ,
and on all occasions honored him with the appellation of the
White Rose of England. The Flemings, moved by the author-
ity which Margaret, both from her rank and personal charac-
ter, enjoyed among them, readily adopted the fiction of Per-
kin's royal descent : no surmise of his true birth was as yet
heard of : little contradiction was made to the prevailing opin-
ion : and the English, from their great communication with
the Low Countries, were every day more and more prepossess-
ed in favor of the impostor.
It was not the populace alone of England that gave credit
to Perkin's pretensions. Men of the highest birth and quality,
disgusted at Henry's government, by which they found the
nobility depressed, began to turn their eyes towards the new
claimant ; and some of them even entered into a correspond-
ence with him. Lord Fitzwater, Sir Simon Mountfort, Sir
Thomas Thwaites, betrayed their inclination towards him : Sir
William Stanley himself', lord chamberlain, who had been so
active in raising Henry to the throne, moved either by blind
credulity or a restless ambition, entertained the project of a
revolt in favor of his enemy.* Sir Robert Clifford and William
Barley were still more open in their measures : they went
over to Flanders, were introduced by the duchess of Burgundy
to the acquaintance of Perkin, and made him a tender of then
services. Clifford wrote back to England, that he knew per
* Baoon. n. flOS.
A.D 1493.1 henry vn. 41
fectly the person of Richard, duke of York, that this youig
man was undoubtedly that prince himself, and that no circum-
stance of his story was exposed to the least difficulty. Such
positive intelligence, conveyed by a person of rank and
character, was sufficient, with many to put the matter beyond
question, and excited the attention and wonder even of the
most indifferent. The whole nation was held in suspense ; a
regular conspiracy was formed against the king's authority
and a correspondence settled between the malecontents in
Flanders and those in England.
The king was informed of all these particulars ; but agree
ably to his character, which was both cautious and resolute
lie proceeded deliberately, though steadily, in counterworking
the projects of his enemies. His first object was to ascertain
the death of the real duke of York, and to confirm the
opinion that had always prevailed with regard to that event.
Five persons had been employed by Richard in the murder
of his nephews, or could give evidence with regard to it ; Sir
James Tyrrel, to whom he had committed the government
of the Tower for that purpose, and who had seen the dead
princes ; Forrest, Dighton, and Slater, who perpetrated the
crime ; and the priest who buried the bodies. Tyrrel and
Dighton alone were alive, and they agreed in the same story ;
but as the priest was dead, and as the bodies were supposed
to have been removed by Richard's orders from the place
where they were first interred, and could not now be found,
it was not in Henry's power to put the fact, so much as he
wished, beyond all doubt and controversy.
He met at first with more difficulty, but was in the end
more successful, in detecting who this wonderful person was
that thus boldly advanced pretensions to his crown. He dis
persed his spies all over Flanders and England ; he engaged
many to pretend that they had embraced Perkin's party ; he
directed them to insinuate themselves into the confidence of
the young man's friends ; in proportion as they conveyed
intelligence of any conspirator, he bribed his retainers, his
domestic servants, nay, sometimes his confessor, and by these
means traced up some other confederate : Clifford himself he
engaged, by the hope of rewards and pardon, to betray the
secrets committed to him ; the more trust he gave to any ot
his spies, the higher resentment did he feign against them ,
some of them he even caused to be publicly anathematized,
in. order the better to procure them the confidence of h*«
42 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [A. D. 1494.
enemies : and in the issue, the whole plan of the conspiracy
was clearly laid before him ; and the pedigree, adventures,
life, and conversation of the pretended duke of York. This
latter part of the story was immediately published for the
satisfaction of the nation : the conspirators he reserved for a
dower and surer vengeance.
[1494.] Meanwhile he remonstrated with the archduke
Philip, on account of the countenance and protection which
was afforded in his dominions to so infamous an impostor ;
contrary to treaties subsisting between the sovereigns, and to
the mutual amity which had so long been maintained by the
subjects of both states. Margaret had interest enough to get
his application rejected ; on pretence that Philip had nc
authority over the demesnes of the duchess dowager. And
the king, in. resentment of this injury, cut off all commerce
with the Low Countries, banished the Flemings, and recalled
his own subjects from these provinces. Philip retaliated by
like edicts ; but Henry knew, that so mutinous a people as the
Flemings would not long bear, in compliance with the humors
of their prince, to be deprived of the beneficial branch of
commerce which they carried on with England.
He had it in his power to inflict more effectual punishment
on his domestic enemies ; and when his projects were suffi-
ciently matured, he failed not to make them feel the effects
of his resentment. Almost in the same instant he arrested
Fitzwater, Mountfort, and Thwaites, together with William
Daubeney, Robert Ratcliff, Thomas Cressenor, and Thomas
Astwood. All these were arraigned, convicted, and con-
demned for high treason, in adhering and promising aid to
Perkin. Mountfort, Ratcliff, and Daubeney were immediatelj
executed : Fitzwater was sent over to Calais, and detained in
custody ; but being detected in practising on his keeper for an
escape, he soon after underwent the same fate. The rest
were pardoned, together with William Worseley, dean of St.
Paul's, and some others, who had been accused and examined,
but not brought to public trial.*
Greater and more solemn preparations were deemed requi-
site for the trial of Stanley, lord chamberlain, whose authority
in the nation, whose domestic connections with the king, as
well as his former services, seemed to secure him against
any accusation or punishment. Clifford was directed to come
* Polyd Virg. p. 592.
A. t». 1495. J henry vn. 4>
over privately to England, and to throw himself at the king's
feet while he sat in council ; craving pardon for past offences,
and offering to atone for them by any services which should
be required of him. Henry then told him, that the best proof
he could give of penitence, and the only service he could now
render him, was the full confession of his guilt, and the dis-
covery of all his accomplices, however distinguished by rank
or character. Encouraged by this exhortation, Clifford accused
Stanley, then present, as his chief abettor ; and offered to lay
before the council the full proof of his guilt. Stanley him-
self could not discover more surprise than was affected by
Henry on the occasion. He received the intelligence as
absolutely false and incredible ; that a man, to whom he was
in a great measure beholden for his crown, and even for his
life ; a man, to whom, by every honor and favor, he had
endeavored to express his gratitude ; whose brother, the earl
of Derby, was his own father-in-law ; to whom he had even
committed the trust of his person, by creating him lord
chamberlain : that this man, enjoying his full confidence and
affection, not actuated by any motive of discontent or appre-
hension, should engage in a conspiracy against him. Clifford
was therefore exhorted to weigh well the consequences of his
accusation ; but as he persisted in the same positive assevera-
tions, Stanley was committed to custody, and was soon after
examined before the council.* He denied not the guilt
imputed to him by Clifford ; he did not even endeavor much
to extenuate it ; whether he thought that a frank and open
confession would serve as an atonement, or trusted to his
present connections and his former services for pardon and
security. But princes are often apt to regard great services
as a ground of jealousy, especially if accompanied with a
craving and restless disposition in the person who has per-
formed them. The general discontent also, and mutinous
humor of the people, seemed to require some great example
of severity. And as Stanley was one of the most opulent
subjects in the kingdom, being possessed of above three
thousand pounds a year in land, and forty thousand marks in
plate and money, besides other property of great value, the
prospect of so rich a forfeiture was deemed no small motive foi
Henry's proceeding to extremities against him. [1495. J Aftei
lix weeks' delay, which was interposed in order to show that
* Bacon, p. 611. Pulyd. Virg. p. 593.
44 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. fA.D. 1495
the king was restrained by doubts and scruples, the prisoner
was brought to his trial, condemned, and presently aftei
beheaded. Historians are not agreed with regard to the
crime which was proved against him. The general report is,
that he should have said in confidence to Clifford, that if he
were sure the young man who appeared in Flanders was
really son to King Edward, he never would bear arms against
him. The sentiment might disgust Henry, as implying a
preference of the house of York to that of Lancaster ; but
could scarcely be the ground, even in those arbitrary times,
of a sentence of high treason against Stanley. It is more
pi'obable, therefore, as is asserted by some historians, that he
had expressly engaged to assist Perkin, and had actually sent
him some supply of money.
The fate of Stanley made great impression on the kingdom,
and struck all the partisans of Perkin with the deepest dismay.
From Clifford's desertion, they found that all their secrets were
betrayed ; and as it appeared that Stanley, while he seemed
to live in the greatest confidence with the king, had been
continually surrounded by spies, who reported and registered
every action in which he was engaged, nay, every word which
fell from him, a general distrust took place, and all mutual
confidence was destroyed, even among intimate friends and
acquaintance. The jealous and severe temper of the king,
together with his great reputation for sagacity and penetration,
kept men in awe, and quelled not only the movements of
sedition, but the very murmurs of faction. Libels, however,
jrept out against Henry's person and administration ; and
being greedily propagated by every secret art, showed that
there still remained among the people a considerable root of
discontent, which wanted only a proper opportunity to discovei
itself.
But Henry continued more intent on increasing the terrors
of his people, than on gaining their affections. Trusting to
tli3 great success which attended him in all his enterprises,
he gave every day more and more a loose to his rapacioua
tamper, and employed the arts of perverted law and justice,
in order to exact fines and compositions from his people. Sir
William Capel, alderman of London, was condemned on
some penal statutes to pay the sum of two thousand seven
hundred and forty-three pounds, and was obliged to compound
for sixteen hundred and 111 teen. This was the first noted case
of the kind : but it became a precedent, which prepared thf
A. D. 1495.] henry vn. 4!
way for many others. The management, indeed, of these
arts of chicanery, was the great secret of the king's adminis-
tration. While he depressed the nobility, he exalted, and hon-
ored, and caressed the lawyers ; and by that means both be-
stowed authority on the laws, and was enabled, whenever he
pleased, to pervert them to his own advantage. His govern-
ment was oppressive ; but it was so much the less burden-
some, as, by his extending royal authority, and curbing the
nobles, he became in reality the sole oppressor in his king-
dom.
As Perkin found that the king's authority daily gained
ground among the people, and that his own pretensions were
becoming obsolete, he resolved to attempt something which
might revive the hopes and expectations of his partisans.
Having collected a band of outlaws, pirates, robbers, and
necessitous persons of all nations, to the number of six hun-
dred men, he put to sea, with a resolution of making a descent
in England, and of exciting the common people to arms, since
all his correspondence with the nobility was cut off by Henry's
vigilance and severity. Information being brought him that
the king had made a progress to the north, he cast anchor on
the coast of Kent, and sent some of his retainers ashore, who
invited the country to join him. The gentlemen of Kent
assembled some troops to oppose him ; but they purposed to
do more essential service than by repelling the invasion : they
carried the semblance of friendship to Perkin, and invited
him to come himself ashore, in order to take the command
over them. But the wary youth, observing that they had
more order and regularity in their movements than could be
supposed in new levied forces who had taken arms against
established authority, refused to intrust himself into theit
hands ; and the Kentish troops, despairing of success in their
stratagem, fell upon such of his retainers as were already
landed ; and besides some whom they slew, they took a hun-
dred and fifty prisoners. These were tried and condemned ;
and all of them executed, by orders from the king, who was
resolved to use no lenity towards men of such desperate for-
tunes*
This year a parliament was summoned in England, and
another in Ireland ; and some remarkable laws were passed
* Polyd. Virg. p. 595.
46 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1495
ill both countries. The English parliament enacted, that no
person who should by arras, or otherwise, assist the kin? foi
the time being, should ever afterwards, either by course of
law or act of parliament, be attainted for such an instance of
obedience. This statute might be exposed to some censure,
as favorable to usurpers ; were there any precise rule, which
always, even during the, most factious times, could determine
the true successor, and render every one inexcusable who did
not submit to him. But as the titles of princes are then the
great subject of dispute, and each party pleads topics in its
own favor, it seems but equitable to secure those who act in
support of public tranquillity, an object at all times of un-
doubted benefit and importance. Henry, conscious of his
disputed title, promoted this law, in order to secure his par-
tisans against all events ; but as he had himself observed a
contrary practice with regard to Richard's adherents, he had
reason to apprehend that, during the violence which usually
ensues on public convulsions, his example, rather than his law,
would, in case of a new revolution, be followed by his en-
emies. And the attempt to bind the legislature itself, by pre-
scribing rules to future parliaments, was contradictory to the
plainest principles of political government
This parliament also passed an act, empowering the king to
levy, by course of law, all the sums which any person had
agreed to pay by way of benevolence ; a statute by which
that arbitrary method of taxation was indirectly authorized
and justified.
The king's authority appeared equally prevalent and uncon-
trolled in Ireland. Sir Edward Poynings had been sent over
to that country, with an intention of quelling the partisans of
the house of York, and of reducing the natives to subjection.
He was not supported by forces sufficient for that enterprise :
the Irish, by flying into their woods, and morasses, and moun-
tains, for some time eluded his efforts ; but Poynings sum
moned a parliament at Dublin, where he was more successful
He passed that memorable statute, which still bears his name,
and which establishes the authority of the English govern-
ment in Ireland. By this statute, all the former laws of Eng-
land were made to be of force in Ireland ; and no bill can b«
introduced into the Irish parliament, unless it previously re-
ceive the sanction of the council of England. This latter
clause seems calculated for insuring the dominion of the
English ; but was really granted at the desire of the Irish
4..D. 149&.J henry vn. M
commons, who intended, by that means, to secure themselves
from the tyranny of their lords, particularly of such lieuten-
ants or deputies as were of Irish birth.*
While Henry's authority was thus established throughou.
his dominions, and general tranquillity prevailed, the whole
continent was thrown into combustion by the French invasion
of Italy, and by the rapid success which attended Charles in
that rash and ill-concerted enterprise. The Italians, who had
entirely lost the use of arms, and who, in the midst of con-
tinual wars, had become every day more unwarlike, were
astonished to meet an enemy that made the field of battle,
not a pompous tournament, but a scene of blood, and sought,
at the hazard of their own lives, the death of their enemy.
Their effeminate troops were dispersed every where on the
approach of the French army : their best fortified cities
opened their gates : kingdoms and states were in an instant
overturned ; and through the whole length of Italy, which the
French penetrated without resistance, they seemed rather to
be taking quarters in their own country, than making con-
quests over an enemy. The maxims which the Italians during
thai age followed in negotiations, were as ill calculated to sup-
port their states, as the habits to which they were addicted in
war : a treacherous, deceitful, and inconsistent system of pol
itics prevailed ; and even those small remains of fidelity and
honor, which were preserved in the councils of the other
European princes, were ridiculed in Italy, as proofs of igno-
rance and rusticity. Ludovico, duke of Milan, who invited
the French to invade Naples, had never desired or expected
their success ; and was the first that felt terror from the pros-
perous issue of those projects which he himself had concerted.
By his intrigues, a league was formed among several poten
tates, to oppose the progress of Charles's conquests, and se
cure their own independency. This league was composed of
Ludovico himself, the pope, Maximilian, king of the Romans,
Ferdinand of Spain, and the republic of Venice. Henry too
entered into the confederacy ; but was not put to any expense
or trouble in consequence of his engagements. The king of
France, terrified by so powerful a combination, retired from
Naples with the greater part of his army, and returned to
France. The forces which he left in his new conquest were,
* Sir John Davis, p. 23£
48 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1496.
partly by the revolt of the inhabitants, partly by the invasion
of the Spaniards, soon after subdued ; and the whole kingdom
of Naples suddenly returned to its allegiance under Ferdinand,
son to Alphonso, who had been suddenly expelled by the
irruption of the French. Ferdinand died soon after, and left
his uncle Frederick in full possession of the throne.
A.D. I49b.i henry vn. ♦*
SHAP1ER XXVI.
HENRY VII.
[1495.] After Perkin was repulsed from the coast oi
Kent, he retired into Flanders ; but as he found it impossible
to procure subsistence for himself and his followers while he
remained in tranquillity, he soon after made an attempt upon
Ireland, which had always appeared forward to join every
invader of Henry's authority. But Poynings had now put the
affairs of that island in so good a posture, that Perkin met
with little success ; and being tired of the savage life which
he was obliged to lead, while skulking among the wild Irish,
he bent his course towards Scotland, and presented himself to
James IV., who then governed that kingdom. He had been
previously recommended to this prince by the king of France,
who was disgusted at Henry ibr entering into the general
league against him ; and this recommendation was even sec-
onded by Maximilian, who, though one of the confederates,
was also displeased with the king, on account of his prohibit-
ing in England all commerce with the Low Countries. The
countenance given to Perkin by these princes procured him a
favorable reception with the king of Scotland, who assured
him, that, whatever he were, he never should repent putting
himself in his hands : * the insinuating address and plausible
behavior of the youth himself, seem to have gained him credit
and authority. James, whom years had not yet taught distrust
or caution, was seduced to believe the story of Perkin's birth
and adventures ; and he carried his confidence so far as to
give him in marriage the lady Catharine Gordon, daughter of
the earl of Huntley, and related to himself; a young lady, too,
eminent for virtue as well as beauty.
[1496.] There subsisted at that time a great jealousy between
the courts of England and Scotland ; and James was probably
the more forward on that account to adopt any fiction which he
thought might reduce his enemy to distress or difficulty. Ho
* Bacon, p. 8&5. Polyd. Virg. p. 59(\ 597.
vox., nr. — C
f»rt HISTOBV O^ ^N«LANB. [A. D. 1496
suddenly resolved to make au inroad into England, attended by
some of the borderers ; and he carried Perkin along with him,
in hopes that the appearance of the pretended prince might
raise an insurrection in the northern counties. Perkin himsell
dispersed a manifesto, in which he set forth his own story,
and craved the assistance of all his subjects in expelling the
usurper, whose tyranny and maladministration, whose depres-
sion of the nobility by the elevation of mean persons, whose
oppression of the people by multiplied impositions and vexa-
tions, had justly, he said, rendered him odious to all men. But
Perkin's pretensions, attended with repeated disappointments,
were now become stale in the eyes even of the populace ,
and the hostile dispositions which subsisted between the king-
doms, rendered a prince supported by the Scots but an unwel-
come present to the English nation. The ravages also com-
mitted by the borderers, accustomed to license and disorder,
struck a terror into all men, and made the people prepare
rather for repelling the invaders than for joining them. Per-
kin, that he might support his pretensions to royal birth,
feigned great compassion for the misery of his plundered sub-
jects, and publicly remonstrated with his ally against the de-
predations exercised by the Scottish army;* but James told
him, that he doubted his concern was employed only in behalf
of an enemy, and that he was anxious to preserve what never
should belong to him. That prince now began to perceive
that his attempt would be fruitless ; and hearing of an army
which was on its march to attack him, he thought proper to
retreat into his own country.
The king discovered little anxiety to procure either repara-
tion or vengeance for this insult committed on him by the
Scottish nation : his chief concern was to draw advantage from
it, by the pretence which it might afford him to levy imposi-
tions on his own subjects. He summoned a parliament, to
whom he made bitter complaints against the irruption of the
Scots, the absurd imposture countenanced by that nation, the
cruel devastations committed in the northern counties, and the
multiplied insults thus offered both to the king and kingdom of
England The parliament made the expected return to this
discourse, by granting a subsidy to the amount of one hundred
and twenty thousand pounds, together with two fifteenths
After making this grant, they were dismissed.
Polyd Virg. p. 598
a.. I). 1497.1 iienjiy vn fP.
[1497.] The vote of parliament for imposing the tax wat
without much difficulty procured by the authority of Henry ,
but he found it not so easy to levy the money upon his sub-
jects. The people, who were acquainted with the immense
treasures which he had amassed, could ill brook the new im-
positions raised on every slight occasion ; and it is probable
that the flaw which was universally known to be in his title,
made his reign the more subject to insurrections and rebellions.
When the subsidy began to be levied in Cornwall, the inhabit-
ants, numerous and poor, robust and courageous, murmured
against a tax occasioned by a sudden inroad of the Scots, from
which they esteemed themselves entirely secure, and which
had usually been repelled by the force of the northern counties.
Their ill humor was further incited by one Michael Joseph, a
farrier of Bodmin, a notable prating fellow, who, by thrusting
himself forward on every occasion, and being loudest in every
complaint against the government, had acquired an authority
among those rude people. Thomas Flammoc, too, a lawyer
who had become the oracle of the neighborhood, encouraged
the sedition, by informing them that the tax, though imposed
by parliament, was entirely illegal ; that the northern nobility
were bound by their tenures to defend the nation against the
Scots ; and that if these new impositions were tamely submit-
ted to, the avarice of Henry and of his ministers would soon
render the burden intolerable to the nation. The Cornish, he
said, must deliver to the king a petition, seconded by such a
force as would give it authority ; and in order to procure the
concurrence of the rest of the kingdom, care must be taken, by
their orderly deportment, to show that they had nothing in
view but the public good, and the redress of all those griev-
ances under which the people had so long labored.
Encouraged by these speeches, the multitude flocked togeth-
er, and armed themselves with axes, bills, bows, and such
weapons as country people are usually possessed of. Flam-
moc and Joseph were chosen their leaders. They soon con-
ducted the Cornish through the county of Devon, and reached
that of Somerset. At Taunton, the rebels killed, in then
fury, an officious and eager commissioner of the subsidy, whom
they called the provost of Perin. When they reached Wells, t
they were joined by Jjord Audley, a nobleman of an ancient'.
family, popular in. his deportment, but vain, ambitious, and
restless in his temper. He had from the beginning main-
tained a secret correspondence with the first movers of th«
67 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D- 149?
insurrection, and was now joyfully received by them as theii
leader. Proud of the countenance given them by so consider*
able a nobleman, they continued their march, breathing de-
struction to the king's ministers and favorites, particularly to
Morton, now a cardinal, and Sir Reginald Bray, who were
deemed the most active instruments in all his oppressions.
Notwithstanding their rage against the administration, they
carefully followed the directions given them by their leaders ;
and as they met with no resistance, they committed, during
their march, no violence or disorder.
The rebels had been told by Flammoc that the inhabitants
of Kent, as they had ever, during all ages, remained unsub-
dued, and had even maintained their independence during the
Norman conquest, would surely embrace their party, and
declare themselves for a cause which was no other than that
of public good and general liberty. But the Kentish people
had very lately distinguished themselves by repelling Perkins
invasion ; and as they had received from the king many
gracious acknowledgments for this service, their affections
were by that means much conciliated to his government. It
was easy, therefore, lor the earl of Kent, Lord Abergavenny,
and Lord Cobham, who possessed great authority in those
parts, to retain the people in obedience ; and the Cornish
rebels, though they pitched their camp near Eltham, at the
very gates of London, and invited all the people to join them,
got reinforcement from no quarter. There wanted not discon-
tents every where, but no one would take part in so rash
and ill-concerted an enterprise ; and besides, the situation in
which the king's affairs then stood discouraged even the bold-
est and most daring.
Henry, in order to oppose the Scots, had already levied an
army, which he put under the command of Lord Daubeney,
the chamberlain ; and as soon as he heard of the Cornish
insurrection, he ordered it to march southwards and suppress
the rebels. Not to leave the northern frontier defenceless, he
despatched thither the earl of Surrey, who assembled the forces
on the borders, and made head against the enemy. Henry
{bund here the concurrence of the three most fatal incidents
that can befall a monarchy ; a foreign enemy, a domestic
rebellion, and a pretender to his crown ; but he enjoyed great
resources in his army and treasure, and still more in the intre-
pidity and courage of his own temper. He did not, however,
immediately give full scope to his military spirit. On othej
A.D 1497.] hknry vii. 53
occasions, he had always hastened to a decision ; and it was a
usual saying with him, "that he desired but to see his rebels :"
but as the Cornish mutineers behaved in an inoffensive manner,
and committed no spoil on the country ; as they received nc
accession of force on their march or in their encampment ,
and as such hasty and popular tumults might be expected to
diminish every moment by delay ; he took post in London.
and assiduously prepared the means of insuring victory.
After all his forces were collected, he divided them into
three bodies, and marched out to assail the enemy. The first
body, commanded by the earl of Oxford, and under him by the
earls of Essex and Suffolk, were appointed to place them-
selves behind the hill on which the rebels were encamped : the
second, and most considerable, Henry put under the command
of Lord Daubeney, and ordered him to attack the enemy in
front, and bring on the action. The third he kept as a body
of reserve about his own person, and took post in St. George's
Fields ; where he secured, the city, and could easily, as occa-
sion served, either restore the fight or finish the victory. To
put the enemy off their guard, he had spread a report that he
was not to attack them till some days after ; and the better to
eonfirm them in this opinion, he began not the action till near
the evening. Daubeney beat a detachment of the rebels from
Deptfbrd bridge ; and before their main body could be in
order to receive him, he had gained the ascent of the hill, and
placed himself in array before them. They were formidable
from their numbers, being sixteen thousand strong, and v/ere
not defective in valor; but being tumultuary troops, ill armed,
and not provided with cavalry or artillery, they were but an
unequal match for the king's forces. Daubeney began the
attack with courage, and even with a contempt of the enemy
which had almost proved fatal to him. He rushed into the
midst of them, and was taken prisoner ; but soon after was
released by his own troops. After some resistance, the rebels
were broken and put to flight.* Lord Audley, Flammoc, and
Joseph, their leaders, were taken, and all three executed.
The latter seemed even to exult in his end, and boasted, with
a preposterous ambition, that he should make a figure in his-
tory. The rebels, being surrounded on every side by the
king's troops, were almost all made prisoners ; and imme-
diately dismissed without further punishment : whether, that
* Poly.l. Vir<r. p. 001.
04 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [ A. D. 1437
Henry was satisfied with the victims who had fallen in the
field, and who amounted to near two thousand ; or that he
pitied the ignorance and simplicity of the multitude, or favored
them on account of their inoffensive behavior ; or was pleaseo.
that they had never, during their insurrection, disputed his title,
and had shown no attachment to the house of York, the highest
crime of which, in his eyes, they could have been guilty.
The Scottish king was not idle during these commotions in
England. He levied a considerable army, and sat down
before the Castle of Norham, in Northumberland ; but found
that place, by the precaution of Fox, bishop of Durham, so
well provided both with men and ammunition, that he made
little or no progress in the siege. Hearing that the earl of
Surrey had collected some forces, and was advancing upon
"lim, he retreated into his own country, and left the frontiers
exposed to the inroads of the English general, who besieged
and took Aiton, a small castle lying a few miles beyond Ber-
wick. These unsuccessful or frivolous attempts on both sides
prognosticated a speedy end to the war ; and Henry, notwith-
standing his superior force, was no less desirous than James
of terminating the differences between the nations. Not to
depart, however, from his dignity, by making the first ad-
vances, he employed in this friendly office Peter Hialas, a
man of address and learning, who had come to him as am-
bassador from Ferdinand and Isabella, and who was charged
with a commission of negotiating the marriage of the Infanta
Catharine, their daughter, with Arthur, prince of Wales.*
Hialas took a journey northwards, and offered his mediation
between James and Henry, as minister of a prince who was
in alliance with both potentates. Commissioners were soon
appointed to meet and confer on terms of accommodation.
The first demand of the English was, that Perkin should be
put into their hands : James replied, that he himself was no
judge of the young man's pretensions ; but having received
him as a supplicant, ind promised him protection, he was
determined not to betray a man who had trusted to his good
faith and his generosity. The next demand of the English
met with no better reception : they required reparation for
the ravages committed by the late inroads into England : the
Scottish commissioners replied, that the spoils were like water
*pilt upon the ground, which could never be recovered ; and
* Polyd. Virjr. p. 603.
A..D. 1497. i henry vn. 56
that Henry's subjects were better able to bear the loss, than
their master to repair it Henry's commissioners next pro-
posed, that the two kings should have an interview at New-
castle, in order to adjust all differences ; but James said, that
he meant to treat of a peace, not to go a begging for it. Lest
the conferences should break off altogether without effect, a
truce was concluded for some months ; and James, perceiving
that while Perkin remained in Scotland he himself never
should enjoy a solid peace with Henry, privately desired him
to depart the kingdom.
Access was now barred Perkin into the Low Countries, his
usual retreat in all his disappointments. The Flemish mer-
chants, who severely felt the loss resulting from the interrup-
tion of commerce with England, had made such interest in
the archduke's council, that commissioners were sent to Lon-
don, in order to treat of an accommodation. The Flemish
court agreed, that all English rebels should be excluded the
Low Countries ; and in this prohibition the demesnes of the
duchess dowager were expressly comprehended. When this
principal article was agreed to, all the other terms were easily
adjusted. A treaty of commerce was finished, which was
favorable to the Flemings, and to which they long gave the
appellation of " intercursus magnus," the great treaty. And
when the English merchants returned to their usual abode at
Antwerp, they were publicly received, as in procession, with
joy and festivity.
Perkin was a Fleming by descent, though born in England ;
and it might therefore be doubted whether he were inc'uded
in the treaty between the two nations : but as he must dismiss
all his English retainers if he took shelter in the Low Coun-
tries, and as he was sure of a cold reception, if not bad
usage, among people who were determined to keep on terms
of friendship with the court of England, he thought fit rather
to hide himself during some time in the wilds and fastnesses
of Ireland. Impatient, however, of a retreat which was both
disagreeable and dangerous, he held consultations with his
followers, Heme, Skelton, and Astley, three broken trades-
men : by their advice he resolved to try the affections of the
Cornish, whose mutinous disposition, notwithstanding the king's
lenity, still subsisted after the suppression of their rebellion.
No sooner did he appear at Bodmin, in Cornwall, than the
populace, to the number of three thousand, flocked to hia
standard; and Perkin, elated with this appearance of success
f>6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. 1437.
took on him, for the first time, the appellation of Richard IV ~
king of England. Not \d suffer the expectations of his fol
lowers to languish, he presented himself before Exeter ; and
by many fair promises invited that city to join him. Finding
that the inhabitants shut their gates against him, he laid siege
to the place ; but being unprovided with artillery, ammunition,
and every thing requisite for the attempt, he made no prog-
ress in his undertaking. Messengers were sent to the king,
informing him of this insurrection : the citizens of Exeter
meanwhile were determined to hold out to the last extremity,
in expectation of receiving succor from the well-known
vigilance of that monarch.
When Henry was informed that Perkin was landed in
England, he expressed great joy, and prepared himself with
alacrity to attack him, in hopes of being able, at length, to put
a period to pretensions which had so long given him vexation
and inquietude. All the courtiers, sensible that their activity
on this occasion would be the most acceptable service which
they could render the king, displayed their zeal for the enter-
prise, and forwarded his preparations. The lords Daubeney
and Broke, with Sir Rice ap Thomas, hastened forward with
a small body of troops to the relief of Exeter. The earl of
Devonshire, and the most considerable gentlemen in the
county of that name, took arms of their own accord, and
marched to join the king's generals. The duke of Bucking-
ham put himself at the head of a troop, consisting of young
nobility and gentry, who served as volunteers, and who longed
for an opportunity of displaying their courage and their
loyalty. The king himself prepared to follow with a con-
siderable army ; and thus all England seemed united against
a pretender who had at first engaged their attention and
divided their affections.
Perkin, informed of these great preparations, immediately
raised the siege of Exeter, and retired to Taunton. Though
his followers now amounted to the number of near seven
thousand, and seemed still resolute to maintain his cause, he
himself despaired of success, and secretly withdrew to the
sanctuary of Beaulieu, in the new forest. The Cornish rebels
submitted to the king's mercy, and found that it was not yet
exhausted in their behalf. Except a few persons of desperate
fortunes, who were executed, and some others who were
Beverely fined, all the rest were dismissed with impunity.
Lady Catharine Gordon, wife to Perkin. fell into the handi
A.D. 1498. J HENRY V\l 57
of the victor, and was treated with a generosity which does
him honor. He soothed her mind with many marks of re-
gard, placed her in a reputable station about the queen, and
assigned her a pension, which she enjoyed even under his
successor.
[1498.] Henry deliberated what course to take with
rerkin himself. Some counselled him to make the privileges
of the church yield to reasons of state, to take him by
violence from the sanctuary, to inflict on him the punishment
due to his temerity, and thus at once to put an end to an
imposture which had long disturbed the government, and
which the credulity of the people and the artifices of male-
contents were still capable of reviving. But the king deemed
not the matter of such importance as to merit so violent a
remedy. He employed some persons to deal with Perkin,
and persuade him, under promise of pardon, to deliver himself
into the king's hands.* The king conducted him in a species
of mock triumph to London. As Perkin passed along the
road and through the streets of the city, men of all ranks
flocked about him, and the populace treated with the highest
derision his fallen fortunes They seemed desirous of reveng-
ing themselves, by their insults, for the shame which their
former belief of his impostures had thrown upon them.
Though the eyes of the nation were generally opened with
regard to Perkin's real parentage, Henry required of him a
confession of his life and adventures ; and he ordered the
account of the whole to be dispersed soon after, for the satis-
faction of the public. But as his regard to decency mado
him entirely suppress the share which the duchess of Bur-
gundy had had in contriving and conducting the imposture,
the people, who knew that she had been the chief instrument
in the whole affair, were inclined, on account of the silence
on that head, to pay the less credit to the authenticity of the
narrative.
[1499.] But Perkin, though his life was granted him, was
still detained in custody ; and keepers were appointed to
guard him. Impatient of confinement, he broke from his
keepers, and flying to the sanctuary of Shyne, put himself
into the hands of the prior of that monastery. The prioi
had obtained great credit by his character of sanctity ; and
hs prevailed on the king again to grant a pardon to Perkin.
* Polvtl Virg. p. 60(5.
&S HISTORY OF FJIGLAND. [A. D. 1499
But in order to reduce him to still greater contempt, he was
set in the stocks at Westminster and Cheapside, and obliged
in both places to read aloud to the people the confession
which had formerly been published in his name. He was
lb'"" confined to the Tower, where his habits of restless
uicrigue and enterprise followed him. He insinuated himself
into the intimacy of four servants of Sir John Digby, lieuten-
ant of the Tower ; and by their means opened a correspond-
ence with the earl oi Warwick, who was confined in the same
prison. This unfortunate prince, who had from his earliest
youth been shut up irom the commerce of men, and who was
ignorant even of the most common affairs of life, had fallen
into a simplicity which made him susceptible of any impres-
sion. The continued dread also of the more violent effects of
Henry's tyranny, joined to the natural love of liberty, engaged
him to embrace a project for his escape, by the murder of the
lieutenant ; and Perkin offered to conduct the whole enter-
prise. The conspiracy escaped not the king's vigilance : it
was even very generally believed, that the scheme had been
laid by himself, in order to draw Warwick and Perkin into
the snare ; but the subsequent execution of two of Digby's
servants for the contrivance seems to clear the king of
that imputation, which was indeed founded more on the
general idea entertained of his character than on any positive
evidence.
Perkin, by this new attempt, after so many enormities,
had rendered himself totally unworthy of mercy ; and he
was accordingly arraigned, condemned, and soon after hanged
at Tyburn, persisting still in the confession of his imposture.*
It happened about that very time that one Wilford, a cord-
wainer's son, encouraged by the surprising credit given to
other impostures, had undertaken to personate the earl of
Warwick ; and a priest had even ventured from the pulpit
to recommend his cause to the people, who seemed still to
retain a propensity to adopt it. This incident served Henry
as a pretence for his severity towards that prince. He
was brought to trial, and accused, not of contriving his
escape, (lor as he was committed for no crime, the desiro
cf liberty must have been regarded as natural and innocent,)
but of ibrming designs to disturb the government, and raise
an insurrection among the people. Warwick confessed the
* See note A, at the end of the volume.
A D. 1199.] henry vn. 39
indictment, was condemned, and the sentence was executed
upon him.
This violent act of tyranny, the great blemish of Henry'a
reign, by which he destroyed the last remaining male of the
line of Plantagenet, begat great discontent among the people,
who saw an unhappy prince, that had long been denied all
the privileges of his high birth, even been cut off from the
common benefits of nature, now at last deprived of life itself,
merely for attempting to shake oil' that oppression undei
which he labored. In vain did Henry endeavor to alleviate
the odium of this guilt, by sharing it with his ally, Ferdinand
of Arragon, who, he said, had scrupled to give his daughter
Catharine in marriage to Arthur while any male descendant
of the house of York remained. Men, on the contrary, felt
higher indignation at seeing a young prince sacrificed, not to
law and justice, but to the jealous politics of two subtle and
crafty tyrants.
But though these discontents festered in the minds of men,
they were so checked by Henry's watchful policy and steady
severity, that they seemed not to weaken his government ;
and foreign princes, deeming his throne now entirely secure,
paid him rather the greater deference and attention. The
archduke Philip, in particular, desired an interview with him ;
and Henry, who had passed over to Calais, agreed to meet
him in St. Peter's church, near that city. The archduke, on
his approaching the king, made haste to alight, and offered to
hold Henry's stirrup ; a mark of condescension which that
prince would not admit of. He called the king "father/'
' patron," " protector ;" and by his whole behavior expressed
a strong desire of conciliating the friendship of England.
The duke of Orleans had succeeded to the crown of France
by the appellation of Lewis XII. ; and having carried
his arms into Italy, and subdued the duchy of Milan, his
progress begat jealousy in Maximilian, Philip's father, as well
as in Ferdinand, his father-in-law. By the counsel, there-
fore, of these monarchs, the young prince endeavored by
every art to acquire the amity of Henry, whom they regarded
as the chief counterpoise to the greatness of France. Nc
particular plan, however, of alliance seems to have been
concerted between these two princes in their interview : all
passed in general professions of affection and regard ; at
least, in remote projects of a closer union, by the future
6U HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1500
intermarriages of their children, who were then in a state of
infancy.
[1500.] The pope, too, Alexander VI., neglected not the
friendship of a monarch whose reputation Avas spread ovei
Europe. He sent a nuncio into England, who exhorted the
king to take part in the great alliance projected for the recov-
ery of the Holy Land, and to lead in person his forces against
the infidels. The general frenzy for crusades was now en-
tirely exhausted in Europe ; but it was still thought a necessary
r.iece of decency to pretend zeal for those pious enterprises.
Henry regretted to the nuncio the distance of his situation,
which rendered it inconvenient for him to expose his person
in defence of the Christian cause. He promised, however, his
utmost assistance by aids and contributions ; and rather than
the pope should go alone to the holy wars, unaccompanied by
any monarch, he even promised to overlook all other consid-
erations, and to attend him in person. He only required, as a
uecessary condition, that all differences should previously be
adjusted among Christian princes, and that some seaport towns
in Italy should be consigned to him for his retreat and secu-
rity. It was easy to conclude that Henry had determined not
to intermeddle in any war against the Turk ; but as a great
name, without any real assistance, is sometimes of service,
the knights of Pwhodes, who were at that time esteemed the
bulwark of Christendom, chose the king protector of theii
order.
But the prince whose alliance Henry valued the most was
Ferdinand of Arragon, whose vigorous and steady policy,
always attended with success, had rendered him in many
respects the most considerable monarch in Europe. There
was also a remarkable similarity of character between these
two princes ; both were full of craft, intrigue, and design : and
though a resemblance of this nature be a slender foundation
for confidence and amity, where the interests of the parties
in the least interfere, such was the situation of Henry and
Ferdinand, that no jealousy ever on any occasion arose
between them. The king had now the satisfaction of com-
pleting a marriage, which had been projected and negotiated
during the course of seven years, between Arthur, prince of
Wales, and the infanta Catharine, fourth daughter of Ferdi-
nand and Isabella ; he near sixteen years of age, she eighteen.
But this marriage proved in the issue unprosperous. The
voung prince, a few months after, sickened and died, much
AD. 1502. J henry vn. 6}
regretted by the nation. [1502.] Henry, desirous to continue
his alliance with Spain, and also unwilling to restore Catha-
rine's dowry, which was two hundred thousand ducats, obliged
his second son, Henry, whom he created prince of Wales, to
be contracted to the infanta. The prince made all the oppo-
sition of which a youth of twelve years of age was capable ;
but as the king persisted in his resolution, the espousals were
at length, by means of the pope's dispensation, contracted be-
tween the parties ; an event which was afterwards attended
\\ ith the most important consequences.
The same year another marriage was celebrated, which
was also, in the next age, productive of great events , the
marriage of Margaret, the king's eldest daughter, with James,
king of Scotland. This alliance had been negotiated during
three years, though interrupted by several broils ; and Henry
hoped, from the completion of it, to remove all source of
discord with that neighboring kingdom, by whose animosity
England had so often been infested. When this marriage
was deliberated on in the English council, some objected, that
England might, by means of that alliance, fall under the do-
minion of Scotland. " No," replied Henry, " Scotland, in that
event, will only become an accession to England." [1503.]
Amidst these prosperous incidents, the king met with a domes-
tic calamity, which made not such impression on him as it
merited : his queen died in childbed ; and the infant did not
long survive her. This princess was deservedly a favorite of
the nation ; and the general affection for her increased on
account of the harsh treatment which it was thought she met
with from her consort.
The situation of the king's affairs, both at home and abroad,
was now in every respect very fortunate. All the efforts of
the European princes, both in war and negotiation, were turn-
ed to the side of Italy ; and the various events which there
arose, made Henry's alliance be courted by every party, yet
interested him so little as never to touch him with concern
?r anxiety. His close connections with Spain and Scotland
insured his tranquillity; and his continued successes over
domestic enemies, owing to the prudence and vigor of his
conduct, had reduced the people to entire submission and
obedience. Uncontrolled, therefore, by apprehension or oppo-
sition of any kind, he gave full scope to his natural propen-
sity ; and avarice, which had ever been hi? ruling passion,
being increased by age, and encouraged by absolute authority
52 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [A. D. 1503
broke all restraints of shame or justice. He had found two
ministers, Empson and Dudley, perfectly qualified to second
his rapacious and tyrannical inclinations, and to prey upon hia
defenceless people. These instruments of oppression were
both lawyers ; the first of mean birth, of brutal manners, of
an unrelenting temper ; the second better born, better educa-
ted, and better bred, but equally unjust, severe, and inflexible.
By their knowledge in law, these men were qualified to per-
rert the forms of justice to the oppression of the innocent ; and
the formidable authority of the king supported them in all their
iniquities.
It was their usual practice, at first, to observe so far the
appearance of law as to give indictments to those whom they
attended to oppress ; upon which the persons were committed
to prison, but never brought to trial ; and were at length
obliged, in order to recover their liberty, to pay heavy fines
and ransoms, which were called mitigations and compositions.
By degrees, the very appearance of law was neglected : the
two ministers sent forth their precepts to attach men, and
summon them before themselves and some others, at their pri-
vate houses, in a court of commission, where, in a summary
manner, without trial or jury, arbitrary decrees were issued,
both in pleas of the crown and controversies between private
parties. Juries themselves, when summoned, proved but
small security to the subject ; being browbeaten by these
oppressors ; nay, fined, imprisoned, and punished, if they
gave sentence against the inclination of the ministers. The
whole system of the feudal law, which still prevailed, was
turned into a scheme of oppression. Even the king's wards,
after they came of age, were not suffered to enter into pos-
session of their lands without paying exorbitant fines. Men
were also harassed with informations of intrusion upon scarce
colorable titles. When an outlawry in a personal action was
issued against any man, he was not allowed to purchase his
charter of pardon, except on the payment of a great sum ; and
if he refused the composition required of him, the strict law,
which in such cases allows forfeiture of goods, was rigor-
ously insisted on. Nay, without any color of law, the half of
men's lands and T3nts were seized during two years, as a
panalty in case of outlawry. But the chief means of oppres-
sion employed by these ministers were the penal statutes,
which, without consideration of rank, quality, or services, weru
rigidly put in execution against all men : spies, informers, and
A. D. 1505] henry vn. 63
inquisitors were rewarded and encouraged in every quarter of
the kingdom : and no difference was made, whether the stat-
ute were heneficial or hurtful, recent or obsolete, possible or
impossible to be executed. The sole end of the king and his
ministers was to amass money, and bring every one under the
lash of their authority.*
Through the prevalence of such an arbitrary and iniquitous
administration, the English, it may safely be affirmed, were
considerable losers by their ancient privileges, which secured
them from all taxations, except such as were imposed by their
own consent in parliament. Had the king been empowered
to levy general taxes at pleasure, he would naturally have
abstained from these oppressive expedients, which destroyed
all security in private property, and begat a universal diffidence
throughout the nation. In vain did the people look for protec-
tion from the parliament, which was pretty frequently sum-
moned during this reign. [1504.] That assembly were sc
overawed, that at this very time, during the greatest rage of
Henry's oppressions, the commons chose Dudley their speaker,
the very man who was the chief instrument of his iniquities
And though the king was known to be immensely opulent
and had no pretence of wars or expensive enterprises of an\
kind, they granted him the subsidy which he demanded. But
so insatiable was his avarice, that next year he levied a
new benevolence, and renewed that arbitrary and oppressive
method of taxation. [1505]. By all these arts of accumula-
tion, joined to a rigid frugality in his expense, he so filled his
coffers, that he is said to have possessed in ready money the
sum of one million eight hundred thousand pounds ; a treas-
ure almost incredible, if we consider the scarcity of money in
those times.t
But while Henry was enriching himself by the spoils of his
oppressed people, there happened an event abroad which
engaged his attention, and was even the object of his anxiety
* Bacon, p. 629, 630. Holingshed, p. 504. Polyd. Virg. p. 613, 615.
t Silver was during this reign at thirty-seven shillings and sixpence
a pound which makes Henry's treasure near three millions of our pres-
ent money. Besides, many commodities have become above thrice as
dear by the increase of gold and silver in Europe. And what is a cir
cumstance of still greater weight, all other states were then very pooi,
in comparison i( what they are at present. These circumstances make
Henry's treasure appear very great, and may lead us to conceive th»>
oppressions of his government.
ft4 HISTO] Y OF ENGLAND. ]A.D. 150b
and concern Isabella, queen of Castile, died about tbis time .
and it was foreseen that by this incident the fortunes of Ferdi-
nand, her husband, would be much affected. The king was
not only attentive to the fate of his ally, and watchful lest the
general system of Europe should be affected by so important
an event ; he also considered the similarity of his own situation
with that of Ferdinand, and regarded the issue of these trans-
actions as a precedent for himself. Joan, the daughter of
Ferdinand by Isabella, was married to the archduke Philip,
and being, in right of her mother, heir of Castile, seemed
entitled to dispute with Ferdinand the present possession of
that kingdom. Henry knew that, notwithstanding his own
pretensions by the house of Lancaster, the greater part of the
nation was convinced of the superiority of his wife's title ; and
he dreaded lest the prince of Wales, who was daily advancing
towards manhood, might be tempted by ambition to lay imme
diate claim to the crown. By his perpetual attention to depress
the partisans of the York family, he had more closely united
them into one party, and increased their desire of shaking oft'
that yoke under which they had so long labored, and of takiug
every advantage which his oppressive government should give
his enemies against him. And as he possessed no independent
force like Ferdinand, and governed a kingdom more turbulent
and unruly, which he himself by his narrow politics had con-
firmed in factious prejudices, he apprehended that his situation
would prove in the issue still more precarious.
Nothing at first could turn out more contrary to the king'a
wishes than the transactions in Spain. Ferdinand, as well as
Henry, had become very unpopular, and from a like cause,
his former exactions and impositions ; and the states of Castile
discovered an evident resolution of preferring the title of Philip
and Joan. [1506.] In order to take advantage of these favor-
able dispositions, the archduke, now king of Castile, attended
by his consort, embarked for Spain during the winter season ;
but meeting with a violent tempest in the channel, was obliged
to take shelter in the harbor of Weymouth. Sir John Trench-
ard, a gentleman of authority in the county of Dorset, hearing
of a fleet upon the coast, had assembled some forces ; and
being joined by Sir John Carey, who was also at the head of
an armed body, he came to that town. Finding that Philip,
in order to relieve his sickness and fatigue, was already come
ashore, he invited him to his house , and immediately de
6patched a messenger to inform the court of this important
A.D. 150G.J HENRY VII. 6b
incident. The king sent in all haste the earl of Arundel tc
compliment Philip on his arrival in England, and to inform
him that he intended to pay him a visit in person, and to give
him a suitable reception in his dominions. Philip knew that
he could not now depart without the king's consent; and
therefore, for the sake of despatch, he resolved to anticipate hig
visit, and to have an interview with him at Windsor. Henry
received him with all the magnificence possible, and with all
the seeming cordiality ; but he resolved, notwithstanding, to
draw some advantage from this involuntary visit paid him by
his royal guest.
Edmond de la Pole, earl of Suffolk, nephew to Edward IV.,
and brother to the earl of Lincoln, slain in the battle of Stoke,
had some years before killed a man in a sudden fit of passion,
and had been obliged to apply to the king for a remission of
the crime. The king had granted his request ; but, being
little indulgent to all persons connected with the house of York,
he obliged him to appear openly in court and plead his pardon.
Suffolk, more resenting the affront than grateful for the favor,
bad fled into Flanders, and taken shelter with his aunt, the
duchess of Burgundy ; but being promised forgiveness by the
king, he returned to England, and obtained a new pardon.
Actuated, however, by the natural inquietude of his temper,
and uneasy from debts which he had contracted by his great
expense at Prince Arthur's wedding, he again made an
elopement into Flanders. The king, well acquainted with the
general discontent which prevailed against his administration,
neglected not this incident, which might become of importance ;
and he employed his usual artifices to elude the efforts of his
enemies. He directed Sir Robert Curson, governor of the
castle of Hammes, to desert his charge, and to insinuate him-
self into the confidence of Suffolk, by making him a tender
of his services. Upon information secretly conveyed by Cur-
son, the king seized William Courtney, eldest son to the earl
of Devonshire, and married to the lady Catharine, sister ot
the queen ; William de la Pole, brother to the earl of Suffolk ;
Sir James Tyrrel, and Sir James Windham, with some persons
rd" inferior quality ; and he committed them to custody. Lord
Abergavenny and Sir Thomas Green were also apprehended ,
out were soon after released from their confinement. William
de la Pole was long detained in prison : Courtney was attainted,
and, though not executed, he recovered not his liberty during
the king's lifetime. But Henry's chief severity fell upon Sii
Ot> HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D.I 506
James Windham and Sir James Tyrrel, -who were brought to
their trial, condemned, and executed : the fate of the latter
gave general satisfaction, on account of his participation in the
murder of the young princes, sons of Edward IV. Notwith-
standing these discoveries and executions, Curson was stil!
able to maintain his credit with the earl of Suffolk : Henry,
in order to remove all suspicion, had ordered him to be excom-
municated, together with Suffolk himself, for his pretended
rebellion. But after that traitor had performed ali the services
expected from him, he suddenly deserted the earl, and came
over to England, where the king received him with unusual
marks of favor and confidence. Suffolk, astonished at this
instance of perfidy, finding that even the duchess of Burgundy,
tired with so many fruitless attempts, had become indifferent
to his cause, fled secretly into France, thence into Germany
and returned at last into the Low Countries ; where he wai
protected, though not countenanced, by Philip, then in close
alliance with the king.
Henry neglected not the present opportunity of complaining
to his guest of the reception which Suffolk had met with in his
dominions. " I really thought," replied the king of Castile,
" that your greatness and felicity had set you far above appre-
hensions from any person of so little consequence : but, to
give you satisfaction, I shall banish him my state." "I ex-
pect that you will carry your complaisance further," said
the king ; "I desire to have Suffolk put into my hands, where
alone I can depend upon his submission and obedience."
•' That measure," said Philip, " will reflect dishonor upon you
as w r ell as myself. You will be thought to have treated me
as a prisoner." " Then the matter is at an end," replied the
king ; " for I will take that dishonor upon me ; and so your
honor is saved."* The king of Castile lound himself under a
necessity of complying ; but he first exacted Henry's promise
that he would spare Suffolk's life. That nobleman was invited
over to England by Philip ; as if the king would grant him a
pardon, on the intercession of his friend and ally. Upon his
appearance, he was committed to the Tower ; and the king of
Castile, having fully satisfied Henry, as well by this concession
as by signing a treaty of commerce between England and
Castile, which was advantageous to the former kingdom,! was
at last allowed to depart, after a stay of three months. He
Bacon, p. 633. t Rynier, vol. xiii p. 1 12.
A IX 1603. J henry vn. G"?
landed in Spain was joyfully received by the Castilians, and
put- in possession of the throne. [1507.] He died soon
after ; and Joan, his widow, falling into deep melancholy,
Ferdinand was again enabled to reinstate himself in authority,
and to govern, till the day of his death, the whole Spanish
monarchy.
The king survived these transactions two years ; but nothing
memorable occurs in the remaining part of his reign, except
his affiancing his second daughter, Mary, to the young arch-
duke Charles, son of Philip of Castile. [1508.] He enter-
tained also some intentions of marriage for himself, first with
the queen dowager of Naples, relict of Ferdinand ; afterwards
with the duchess dowager of Savoy, daughter of Maximilian,
and sister of Philip. But the decline of his health put an end
to all such thoughts ; and he begau to cast his eye towards that
future existence which the iniquities and severities of his reign
rendered a very dismal prospect to him. To allay the terrors
under which '»w labored, he endeavored, by distributing alms
and founding religious houses, to make atonement lor his
crimes, and to purchase, by the sacrifice of part of his ill-got-
ten treasures, a reconciliation with his offended Maker. Re-
morse even seized him at intervals for the abuse of his author-
ity by Empson and Dudley; but not sufficient to make him
stop the rapacious hand of those oppressors. Sir William
Capel was again fined two thousand pounds under some friv-
olous pretence, and was committed to the Tower for daring to
murmur against the iniquity. Harris, an alderman of Lon-
don, was indicted, and died of vexation before his trial came
to an issue. Sir Laurence Ailmer, who had been mayor, and
his two sheriffs, were condemned in heavy fines, and sent to
prison till they made payment. The king gave countenance
to all these oppressions ; till death, by its nearer approaches,
impressed new terrors upon hirn ; and he then ordered, by a
general clause in his will, that restitution should be made to
all those whom he had injured. [1509.] He died of a con-
sumption at his favorite palace of Richmond, after a reign of
twenty-three years and eight months, and in the fifty-second
year of his age.*
The reign of Henry VII. was, in the main, fortunate for hia
people at home, and honorable abroad. He put an end to the
civil wars with which the nation had long been harassed, ha
* Dugd. Baronage, ii. p. 237
68 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. L"08.
maintained peace and order in the state, he depressed the
former exorbitant power of the nobility, and, together with the
friendship of some foreign princes, he acquired the considera-
tion and regard of all. He loved peace without fearing war :
though agitated with continual suspicions of his servants and
ministers, he discovered no timidity, either in the conduct of
his affairs, or in the day of battle; and though often severe
in his punishments, he was commonly less actuated by revenge
than by maxims of policy. The services which he rendered
the people were derived from his views of private advantage,
rather than the motives of public spirit ; and where he deviated
from interested regards, it was unknown to himself, and ever
from the malignant prejudices of faction, or the mean projects
of avarice ; not from the sallies of passion, or allurements of
pleasure ; still less from the benign motives of friendship and
generosity. His capacity was excellent, but somewhat con-
tracted by the narrowness of his heart ; he possessed insinua-
tion and address, but never employed these talents, except
where some great point of interest was to be gained ; and
while he neglected to conciliate the affections of his people,
he often felt the danger of resting his authority on their fear
and reverence alone. He was always extremely attentive to
his affairs ; but possessed not the faculty of seeing Far into
futurity ; and was more expert at providing a remedy for his
mistakes than judicious in avoiding them. Avarice was, on
the whole, his ruling passion ;* and he remains an instance,
almost singular, of a man placed in a high station, and pos-
sessed of talents for great affairs, in whom that passion pre-
dominated above ambition. Even among private persons,
avarice is commonly nothing but a species of ambition, and is
chiefly incited by the prospect of that regard, distinction, and
consideration, which attend on riches.
The power of the kings of England had always been some-
what irregular or discretionary ; but was scarcely ever so
absolute during any former reign, at least after the estab-
* As a proof of Henry's attention to the smallest profits, Bacon
tells us, that he had seen a book of accounts kept by Empson, and
subscribed in almost every leaf by the king's own band. Among
other articles was tbe following: "Item. Received of such a one
five marks for a pardon, which if it do not pass, the money to be
repaid, or the party otherwise satisfied." Opposite to the memoran-
dum, the king had writ with his own hand, "Otherwise satisfied."
Bacon, p. 630.
A.D lOO'J.j HENRY VII. bti
lishment of the Great Charter, as during that of Henry
Besides the advantages derived from the personal character,
of the man, full of vigor, industry, and severity, deliberate in
ail projects, steady in every purpose, and attended with caution
as well as good fortune in every enterprise ; he came to the
throne after long and bloody civil wars, which had destroyed
all the great nobility, who alone could resist the encroach-
ments of his authority ; the people were tired with discord
and intestine convulsions, and willing to submit to usurpations,
and even to injuries, rather than plunge themselves anew into
like miseries : the fruitless efforts made against him served
always, as is usual, to confirm his authority : as he ruled by
a faction, and the lesser faction, all those on whom he con-
ferred offices, sensible that they owed every thing to his pro-
tection, were willing to support his power, though at the ex-
pense of justice and national privileges. These seem the chiei
causes which at this time bestowed on the crown eo consider-
able an addition of prerogative, and rendered the present reign
a kind of epoch in the English constitution.
This prince, though he exalted his prerogative above law,
is celebrated by his historian for many good laws, which he
made be enacted for the government of his subjects. Sev-
eral considerable regulations, indeed, are found among the
Statutes of this reign, both with regard to the police of the
kingdom, and its commerce : but the former are generally
contrived with much better judgment than the latter. The
.nore simple ideas of order and equity are sufficient to guide a
legislator in every thing that regards the internal administra-
tion of justice : but the principles of commerce are much more
complicated, and require long experience and deep reflection to
be well understood in any state. The real consequence of a
law or practice is there often contrary to first appearances.
No wonder that during the reign of Henry VII. these matters
were frequently mistaken ; and it may safely be affirmed, that
even in the age of Lord Bacon, very imperfect and erroneous
ideas were formed on that subject.
Early in Henry's reign, the authority of the star chamber,
which was before founded on common law and ancient prac-
tice, was in some cases confirmed by act of parliament : *
Lord. Bacon extols the utility of this court ; but men began,
even during the age of that historian, to feel that so arbitrary
* See note B, at the end of the volume.
70 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D 1509.
a jurisdiction was incompatible with liberty ; and in proportion
as the spirit of independence still rose higher in the nation,
the aversion to it increased, till it was entirely abolished by
act of parliament m the reign of Charles I., a little before the
commencement of the civil wars.
Laws were passed in this reign, ordaining the king's suit
for murder to be carried on within a year and a day.* For-
merly it did not usually commence till after ; and as the
friends of the person murdered often in the interval compound-
ed matters with the criminal, the crime frequently passed un-
punished. Suits were given to the poor " in forma pauperis,"
as it is called ; that is, without paying dues for the writs, or
any fees to the council ; t a good law at all times, especially
in that age, when the people labored under the oppression
of the great ; but a law difficult to be carried into execution.
A law was made against carrying off any woman by force. $
The benefit of clergy was abridged ; § and the criminal, on
the first offence, was ordered to be burned in the hand with
a letter denoting his crime ; after which he was punished
capitally for any new offence. Sheriffs were no longer al-
lowed to fine any person, without previously summoning him
before their court. || It is strange that such a practice should
ever have prevailed. Attaint of juries was granted in cases
which exceeded forty pounds' value ; IT a law which has an
appearance of equity, but M'hich was afterwards found incon-
venient. Actions popular were not allowed to be eluded by
fraud or covin. If any servant of the king's conspired against
the life of the steward, treasurer, or comptroller of the king's
household, this design, though not followed by any overt
act, was made liable to the punishment of felony.*-*
This statute was enacted for the security of Archbishop
Morton, who found himself exposed to the enmity of great
numbers.
There scarcely passed any session during this reign without
Eome statute against engaging retainers, and giving them
badges or liveries; ft a practice by which they were in s
* 3 Henry VII. cap. 1. til Henry VII. cap. 12.
t 3 Henry VII. cap. 2. §4 Henrv VII. cap. 13.
II 11 Henry VII. cap. 15.
I 11 Henry VII. cap. 24. '9 Henry VII. cap. 3.
** 3 Henry VII. cap. 13.
tt 3 Henry VII. cap. 1 and 12. 11 Henry VII. cap. 3. 19 Henr?
VII. cap, 14
AD. 1509 J HENRY VII 71
manner enlisted under some great lord, and were kept in
readiness to assist him in all wars, insurrections, riots, vio-
lences, and even in bearing evidence for him in courts of
justice.* This disorder, which had prevailed during many
reigns, when the law could give little protection to the subject,
was then deeply rooted in England ; and it required all the
vigilance and rigor of Henry to extirpate it. There is a story
of his severity against this abuse ; and it seems to merit praise,
though it is commonly cited as an instance of his avarice and
rapacity. The earl of Oxford, his favorite general, in whom
he always placed great and deserved confidence, having splen-
didly entertained him at his castle of Heningham, was desirous
of making a parade of his magnificence at the departure of his
royal guest ; and ordered all his retainers, with their liveries
and badges, to be drawn up in two lines, that their appearance
might be the more gallant and splendid. "My lord," said the
king, " I have heard much of your hospitality, but the truth
far exceeds the report. These handsome gentlemen and yeo-
men, whom I see on both sides of me, are no doubt your
menial servants." The earl smiled, and confessed that his
fortune was too narrow for such magnificence. " They are
most of them," subjoined he, " my retainers, who are come to
do me service at this time, when they know 1 am honored
with your majesty's presence." The king started a little, and
said, " By my faith, my lord, I thank you for your good cheer,
but I must not allow my laws to be broken in my sight. My
attorney must speak with you." Oxford is said to have paid
no less than fifteen thousand marks, as a composition for his
offence.
The increase of the arts, more effectually than all the
severities of law, put an end to this pernicious practice. The
nobility, instead of vying with each other in the number and
boldness of their retainers, acquired by degrees a more civilized
species of emulation, and endeavored to excel in the splendor
and elegance of their equipage, houses, and tables. The com-
mon people, no longer maintained in vicious idleness by theii
superiors, were obliged to learn some calling or industry, and
became useful both to themselves and to others. Aud it must
be acknowledged, in spite of those who declaim so violently
against refinement in the arts, or what they are pleased to call
luxury, that, as much as an industrious tradesman is both a
* 3 Henry VII. cap. 12. 11 Henry VII. r>ap. 25
72 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. l509
better man and a better citizen than one of those idle retainers
who formerly depended on the great families, so much is the
life of a modern nobleman more laudable than that of an
ancient baron.*
But the most important law, in its consequences, which was
enacted during the reign of Henry, was that by which the
nobility and gentry acquired a power of breaking the ancient
entails, and of alienating their estates.t By means of this law,
joined to the beginning luxury and refinements of the age, the
great fortunes of the barons were gradually dissipated, and the
property of the commons increased in England. It is probable
that Henry foresaw and intended this consequence ; because
the constant scheme of his policy consisted in depressing the
great, and exalting churchmen, lawyers, and men of new
families, who were more dependent on him.
The king's love of money naturally led him to encourage
commerce, which increased his customs; but, if we may judge
by most of the laws enacted during his reign, trade and indus-
try were rather hurt than promoted by the care and attention
given to them. Severe laws were made against taking interest
for money, which was then denominated usury. $ Even the
profits of exchange were prohibited, as savoring of usury, §
which the superstition of the age zealously proscribed. All
evasive contracts, by which profits could be made from the
loan of money, were also carefully guarded against. || It is
needless to observe how unreasonable and iniquitous these
laws, how impossible to be executed, and how hurtful to trade,
if they could take place. We may observe, however, to the
praise of this king, that sometimes, in order to promote com-
merce, he lent to merchants sums of money without interest,
when he knew that their stock was not sufficient for those
enterprises which they had in view.1T
Laws were made against the exportation of money, plate,
or bullion : ** a precaution which serves to no other purpose
* See note C, at the end of the volume.
t 4 Henry VII. cap. 24. The practice of breaking entails by means
of a fine and recovery was introduced in the reign ot Edward IV. : but
it was not, properly speaking, law. till the statute of Henry VII. : which,
ky correcting some abuses that attended that practice, gave indirectly
a sanction to it.
J 3 Henry VII. cap. 5. § 3 Henry VII. cap 6
H 7 Henry VII. cap. 8. V Polyd. Virg.
** 4 Henry VII. cap 23.
A.D. 1509.] HENRY Vil. 7S
lhan to make more be exported. But so far was the anxiety
on this head carried, that merchants alien, who imported com-
modities into the kingdom, were obliged to invest in Eng-
lish commodities all the money acquired by their sales, in
order to prevent their conveying it away in a clandestine
manner.*
ft was prohibited to export horses ; as if that exportation
did not encourage the breed, and render them more plentiful
tu the kingdom. t In order to promote archery, no bows were
(o be sold at a higher price than six shillings and fourpence, |
reducing money to the denomination of our time. The only
effect of this regulation must be, either that the people would
oe supplied with bad bows, or none at all. Prices were also
affixed to woollen cloth,* to caps and liats : || and the wages
of laborers were regulated by law. TT It is evident, that thesi
matters ought always to be left free, and be intrusted to the
common course of business and commerce. To some it may
appear surprising, that the price of a yard of scarlet cloth
should be limited to six-and-twenty shillings, money of our
age ; that of a yard of colored cloth to eighteen ; higher
prices than these commodities bear at present ; and that the
wages of a tradesman, such as a mason, bricklayer, tiler,
etc., should be regulated at near tenpence a day ; which is
not much inferior to the present wages given in some parts
of England. Labor and commodities have certainly risen
since the discovery of the West Indies ; but not so much in
every particular as is generally imagined. The greater
industry of the present times has increased the number of
tradesmen and laborers, so as to keep wages nearer a par
than could be expected from the great increase of gold and
silver. Aud the additional art employed in the finer man-
ufactures has even made some of these commodities fall
below their former value. Not to mention, that merchants
aud dealers, being contented with less profit than formerly,
afford the goods cheaper to their customers. It appears by
a statute of this reign,** that goods bought for sixteenpence
would sometimes be sold by the merchants for three shillings.
The commodities whose price has chiefly risen, are butcher's*
. _ _____ _ j
* 1 Henry VII. cap. 8. t 11 Henry VII. cap. li
■ $ Henry VII. cap. 12. § 4 Henry VII. cap. 8.
ft I Henry VII. cap. 9. f 11 Henry VII o. p. _?
** t Henry VII. oap. 9.
vor jn.- -D
74 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [AD. 1 56£>
meat, fowl, and fish, (especially the latter,) which cannot be
much augmented in quantity by the increase of art and indus-
try. The profession which then abounded most, and was
sometimes embraced by persons of the lowest rank, was the
church : by a clause of a statute, all clerks or students of the
university were forbidden to beg, without a permission from
the vice-chancellor.*
One great cause of the low state of industry during this
period, was the restraints put upon it , and the parliament, or
rather the king, (for he was the prime mover in every thing),
enlarged a little some of these limitations ; but not to the
degree that was requisite. A law had been enacted during
the reign of Henry IV., t that no man could bind his son or
daughter to an apprenticeship, unless he were possessed of
twenty shillings a year in land ; and Henry VII., because the
decay of manufactures was complained of in Norwich from
the want of hands, exempted that city from the penalties of
the law. $ Afterwards the whole county of Norfolk obtained
a like exemption with regard to some branches of the woollen
manufacture.^ These absurd limitations proceeded from a
desire of promoting husbandry, which, however, is never more
effectually encouraged than by the increase of manufactures.
For a like reason, the law enacted against enclosures, and for
the keeping up of farm houses, || scarcely deserves the high
praises bestowed on it by Lord Bacon. If husbandmen
understand agriculture, and have « ready vent for their com-
modities, we need not dread a diminution of the people
employed in the country. All methods of supporting pop-
ulousness, except by the interest of the proprietors, are violent
and ineffectual. During a century and a half after this pe-
riod, there was a frequent renewal of laws and edicts against
depopulation ; whence we may infer, that none of them were
evef executed. The natural course of improvement at last
provided a remedy.
One check to industry in England was the erecting of cor-
porations ; an abuse which is not yet entirely corrected. A
law was enacted, that corporations should not pass any by-
laws without the consent of three of the chief officers of
state. ^F They were prohibited from imposing tolls at theil
* 11 Henry VII. cap. 23. ^ i 4 Hemy VII. c?p. h.
• 11 Henry VII. cap. 1?. $ 12 Hen^y TUi cap. 1.
J 4 Henry VIi. csp. 19. 1 19 Henry V'{) cap 7.
A. D. 1509/ henry vn. 76
gates.* The cities of Glocester and Worcester had even
imposed tolls on the Severn, which were abolished.!
There is a law of this reign, t containing a preamble, by
which it appears, that the company of merchant adventurers
in London had, by their own authority, debarred all the other
merchants of the kingdom from trading to the great marts in
the Low Countries, unless each trader previously paid them
the sum of near seventy pounds. It is surprising that such a
by-law (if it deserve the name) could ever be carried into
execution, and that the authority of parliament should be
requisite to abrogate it.
It was during this reign, o". the second of August, 1492,
a little before sunset, that Christopher Columbus, a Genoese,
set out from Spain on his memorable voyage for the discovery
of the western world ; and a lew years after, Vasquez de
Gama, a Portuguese, passed the Cape of Good Hope, and
opened a new passage to the East Indies. These great events
were attended with important consequences to all the nations
of Europe, even to such as were not immediately concerned
in those naval enterprises. The enlargement of commerce
and navigation increased industry and the arts every where :
the nobles dissipated their fortunes in expensive pleasures
men of an inferior rank both acquired a share in the landed
property, and created to themselves a considerable property
of a new kind, in stock, commodities, art, credit, and cor
respondence. In some nations, the privileges of the commons
increased by this increase of property : in most nations, the
kings, finding arms to be dropped by the barons, who could
no longer endure their former rude manner of life, established
standing armies, and subdued the liberties of their kingdoms
but in all places, the condition of the people, from the depres-
sion of the petty tyrants by whom they had formerly been
oppressed rather than governed, received great improvement ;
and they acquired, if not entire liberty, at least the most
considerable advantages of it. And as the general course
of events thus tended to depress the nobles and exalt the
people, Henry VII., who also embraced that system of policy,
has acquired more praise than his institutions, strictly speak-
ing, seem of themselves to deserve on account of any profound
wisdom attending them.
* 19 Henry VII. cap. 8. t 19 Henry VII cap. 18.
t 1? Henry VII. cap. 6.
b HISTORY OF EIIGLAND. [A D. 150**
It was by accident only that the king had not a considera
ble share ui those great naval discoveries, by which the pres
ent age was so much distinguished. Columbus, after meeting
with many repulses from the courts of Portugal and Spain,
sent his brother Bartholomew to London, in order to explain
his projects to Henry, and crave his protection for the execu-
tion of them. The king invited him over to England ; but his
brother, being taken by pirates, was detained in his voyage ;
and Columbus, meanwhile, having obtained the countenance
of Isabella, was supplied with a small fleet, and happily exe-
cuted his enterprise. Henry was not discouraged by this
disappointment ; he fitted out Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian,
settled in Bristol, and sent him westwards in 1498, in search
of new countries. Cabot discovered the main land of Amer-
ica towards the sixtieth degree of northern latitude : he sailed
southwards along the coast, and discovered Newfoundland
and other countries; but returned to England without making
any conquest or settlement. Elliot and other merchants in
Bristol made a like attempt in 1502.* The king expended
fourteen thousand pounds in building one ship, called the Great
Harry.t She was, properly speaking, the first ship in the
English navy. Before this period, when the prince wanted
a fleet, he had no other expedient than hiring or pressing ships
from the merchants.
But though this improvement of navigation, and the discov-
ery of both the Indies, was the most memorable incident that
happened during this or any other period, it was not the only
great event by which the age was distinguished. In 1453,
Constantinople was taken by the Turks ; and the Greeks,
among whom some remains of learning were still preserved,
being scattered hy these barbarians, took shelter in Italy, and
imported, together with their admirable language, a tincture
of their science, and of their refined taste in poetry and elo-
quence. About the same time, the purity of the Latin tongue
was revived, the study of antiquity became fashionable, and
the esteem for literature gradually propagated itself through-
out every nation in Europe. The art of printing, invented
about that time, extremely facilitated the progress of all these
improvements : the invention of gunpowder changed the
whole art of war : mighty innovations were soon after made
in religion, such as not only affected those states that embraced
* Rymer, vol. xiii. p. 37. t Stowe, p. 484.
AD. 1509.] henry vn. 71
them, but even those that adhered ;o the ancient faitK and
worship ; and thus a general revolution was made in human
affairs throughout this part of the world ; and men gradually
attained that situation, with regard to commerce, arts, science,
government, police, and cultivation, in which they have evei
since persevered. Here, therefore, commences the useful, as
well as the more agreeable part of modern annals ; certainty
has place in all the considerable, and even most of the minute
parts of historical narration ; a great variety of events, pre-
served by printing, give the author the power of selecting, as
well as adorning, the facts which he relates ; and as each
incident has a reference to our present manners and situation,
instructive lessons occur every moment during the course of
the narration. Whoever carries his anxious researches into
preceding periods, is moved by a curiosity, liberal indeed and
commendable ; not by any necessity for acquiring: knowledge
of public affairs, or the arts of civil government.
78
HISTORY OP ENGLAND.
[A.D. 150<>.
CHAPTER XXVII
HENRY VIII.
CONTEMPORARY MONARCHS
Ext. of Germ.
Maximilian 15i9
Charles V
K. of Scotland. I K. of France.
James IV. ... . 1513 Louis XII. . . 151c
James V. 154i I Francis 1.
Mary.
K. of Spain.
Philip and
Jane 15!(
Charles V.
Popes
Julius II. . . 1513
Leo X 1521
Adrian VI. . . 1523
Clement VII. 1534
Paul 111.
[1509.] The death of Henry VII. had been attended with
as open and visible a joy among the people as decency would
permit ; and the accession and coronation of his son, Henry
VIII., spread universally a declared and unfeigned satisfac-
tion. Instead of a monarch jealous, severe, and avaricious,
who, in proportion as he advanced in years, was sinking still
deeper in those unpopular vices, a young prince of eighteen
had succeeded to the throne, who, even in the eyes of men of
sense, gave promising hopes of his future conduct, much more
in those of the people, always enchanted with novelty, youth,
and royal dignity. The beauty and vigor of his person, ac
companied with dexterity in every manly exercise, was furthei
adorned with a blooming and ruddy countenance, with a lively
air, with the appearance of spirit and activity in all his de-
meanor.* His lather, in order to remove him from the knowl-
edge of public business, had hitherto occupied him entirely in
the pursuits of literature ; and the proficiency which he made
gave no bad prognostic of his parts and capacity.! Even the
vices of vehemence, ardor, and impatience, to which he was
subject, and which afterwards degenerated into tyranny, were
considered only as faults incident to unguarded youth, which
would be corrected when time had brought him to greate,
moderation and maturity. And as the contending titles of
York and Lancaster were now at last fully united in his per-
bou, men justly expected, from a prince obnoxious to no party,
that impartiality of administration which had long been un-
known in England.
* T. Mori l.ucubr. p. 182.
f Father Paul, lib. i.
A.I) 1509. J henry vm. 7t»
These favoiable prepossessions of the public were encour-
aged by the measures which Henry embraced iu the com-
mencement of his reign. His grandmother, the countess of
Richmond and Derby, was still alive ; and as she was a
woman much celebrated for prudence and virtue, he wisely
showed great deference to her opinion in the establishment
of bis new council. The members were, Warham, archbishop
of Canterbury and chancellor ; the earl of Shrewsbury, stew
ard ; Lord Herbert, chamberlain ; Sir Thomas Loved, master
of the wards and constable of the Tower ; Sir Edward Poyn-
ings, comptroller ; Sir Henry Marney, afterwards Lord Mar-
ney ; Sir Thomas Darcy, afterwards Lord Darcy ; Thomas
Ruthal, doctor of laws ; and Sir Henry Wyat.* These men
had long been accustomed to business under the late king,
and were the least unpopu/.ir of all the ministers employed by
that monarch.
But the chief competitors for favor and authority, under tho
new king, were the earl of Surrey, treasurer, and Fox, bishop
of Winchester, secretary and privy seal. This prelate, who
enjoyed great credit during all the former reign, had acquired
such habits of caution and frugality as he could not easily lay
aside ; and he still opposed, by his remonstrances, those
schemes of dissipation and expense, which the youth and pas-
sions of Henry rendered agreeable to him. But Surrey was a
more dexterous courtier ; and though few had borne a great-
er share in the frugal politics of the late king, he knew how to
conform himself to the humor of his new master ; and no one
was so forward in promoting that liberality, pleasure, and mag-
nificence, which began to prevail under the young monarch.!
By this policy, he ingratiated himself with Henry ; he made
advantage, as well as the other courtiers, of the lavish disposi-
tion of his master ; and he engaged him in such a course of
play and idleness as rendered him negligent of affairs, and
willing to intrust the government of the state entirely into the
hands of his ministers. The great treasures amassed by the
late king were gradually dissipated in the giddy expenses of
Henry. One party of pleasure succeeded to another : tilts,
tournaments, and carousals were exhibited with all the mag-
nificence of the age ; and as the present tranquillity of the pub-
lic permitted the court to indulge itself in every amusement
* Herbert, Stowe, p. 486. Holingshcd, p. 799.
t Lord Herbert.
80 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. 15U*.)
aerious business was but little attended to. Or, if the king
intermitted the course of his festivity, he chieily employed him-
self in an application to music and literature, which were his
favorite pursuits, and which were well adapted to his genius.
He had made such proficiency in the former art, as even to
compose some pieces of church music, which were sung in his
chapel.* He was initiated in the elegant learning of the an-
cients. And though he was so unfortunate as to be seduced
into a study of the barren controversies of the schools, which
were then fashionable, and had chosen Thomas Aquinas for
his favorite author, he still discovered a capacity fitted for
more useful and entertaining knowledge.
The frank and careless humor of the king, as it led him to
dissipate the treasures amassed by his father, rendered him
negligent in protecting the instruments whom that prince had
employed in his extortions. A proclamation being issued to
encourage complaints, the rage of the people was let loose
on all informers, who had so long exercised an unbounded
tyranny over the nation :f they were thrown into prison, con-
demned to the pillory, and most of them lost their lives by the
violence of the populace. Empson and Dudley, who were
most exposed to public hatred, were immediately summoned
before the council, in order to answer for their conduct, which
had rendered them so obnoxious. Empson nude a shrewd
apology for himself, as well as for his associate. He told the
council, that so far from his being justly exposed to censure for
his past conduct, his enemies themselves grounded their clamor
on actions which seemed rather to merit rewaid and appro
bation ; that a strict execution of law was the (.rime of which
he and Dudley were accused ; though that law had been
established by general consent, and though they had acted in
obedience to the king, to whom the administration of justice
was intrusted by the constitution : that it belonged not to
them, who were instruments in the hands of supreme power,
to determine what laws were recent or obsolete, expedient or
hurtful ; since they were all alike valid, so long as they
remained unrepealed by the legislature : that it was natural
lor a licentious populace to murmur against the restraints of
authority ; but all wise states had ever made their glory con-
* Lord Herbert.
t Herbert. Stovve, p. 48G. Holingshed, p. 799. Pulyd Virg. lib
*xvii.
&.. D. 1509. ] iienhv viii. 8t
sist iii the just distribution of rewards and punishments, ana
had annexed the former to the observance and enforcement
of the laws, the latter to their violation and infraction ; and
that a sudden overthrow of all government might be expected
where the judges were committed to the mercy of the crimi-
nals, the rulers to that of the subjects.*
Notwithstanding this defence, Empson and Dudley were
sent to the Tower, and soon after brought to their trial. The
strict execution of laws, however obsolete, could never be
imputed to them as a crime in a court of judicature ; and it irf
likely that, even where they had exercised arbitrary power,
the king, as they had acted by the secret commands of his
father, was not willing that their conduct should undergo too
severe a scrutiny. In order, therefore, to gratify the people
with the punishment of these obnoxious ministers, crimes very
improbable, or indeed absolutely impossible, were charged
upon them : that they had entered into a conspiracy againbt
the sovereign, and had intended, on the death of the late king,
to have seized by force the administration of government.
The jury were so far moved by popular prejudices, joined to
court influence, as to give a verdict against them ; which was
afterwards confirmed by a bill of attainder in parliament,'! and,
at the earnest desire of the people, was executed by warrant
from the king. Thus, in those arbitrary times, justice was
equally violated, whether the king sought power and riches,
or courted popularity.
Henry, while he punished the instruments of past tyranny,
had yet such a deference to former engagements as to delib-
erate, immediately after his accession, concerning the celebra-
tion of his marriage with the infanta Catharine, to whom he
had been affianced during his father's lifetime. Her former
marriage with his brother, and the inequality of their years,
were the chief objections urged against his espousing her ;
but, on the other hand, the advantages of her known virtue,
* Herbert, Holingshed, p. 804.
t This parliament met on the 21st January, 1510. A law was
thete enacted, in order to prevent some abuses which had prevailed
during tbe late reign. The forfeiture upon the penal statutes was
reduced to the term of three years. Costs and damages were given
against informers upon acquittal of the accused: more severe punish-
ments were enacted against perjury : the false inquisitions procured
by Empson and Dudley were declared null and invalid. Traverses
were allowed; and the time of tendering them enlarged. 1 Hen y
Vin. c. 8, 10, 11, 12.
82 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D.I 509
modesty, and sweetness of disposition were insisted on ; the
affection which she bore to the king ; the large, dowry to
which she was entitled as princess of Wales ; the interest of
cementing a close alliance with Spain ; the necessity of find-
ing some confederate to counterbalance the power of France ;
the expediency of fulfilling the engagements of the late king.
When these considerations were weighed, they determined the
council, though contrary to the opinion of the primate, to give
Henry their advice for celebrating the marriage. The countess
of Richmond, who had concurred in the same sentiments with
the council, died soon after the marriage of her grandson.
The popularity of Henry's government, his undisputed
title, his extensive authority, his large treasures, the tran-
quillity of his subjects, were circumstances which rendered
his domestic administration easy and prosperous : the situation
of foreign affairs was no less happy and desirable. Italy con-
tinued still, as during the late reign, to be the centre of all the
wars and negotiations of the European princes ; and Henry's
alliance was courted by all parties ; at the same time that he
was not engaged by any immediate interest or necessity to
take part with any. Lewis XII. of France, after his conquest
af Milan, was the only great prince that possessed any terri-
tory in Italy ; and could he have remained in tranquillity, he
was enabled by his situation to prescribe laws to all the Italian
princes and republics, and to hold the balance among them.
But the desire of making a conquest of Naples, to which he
had the same title or pretensions with his predecessor, still
engaged him in new enterprises : and as he foresaw opposi-
tion from Ferdinand, who was connected both by treaties and
affinity with Frederick of Naples, he endeavored by the offers
of interest, to which the ears of that monarch were ever open,
to engage him in an opposite confederacy. He settled with
him a plan for the partition of the kingdom of Naples, and
the expulsion of Frederick; a plan which the politicians of
that age rega»ded as the most egregious imprudence in the
Fren?h monarch, and the greatest perfidy in the Spanish.
Frederick, supported only by subjects who were either discon-
tented with his government or indifferent about his fortunes,
was unable to resist so powerful a confederacy, and was
deprived of his dominions : but he had the satisfaction to see
Naples immediately prove the source of contention among his
enemies. Ferdinand gave secret orders to his general, Gon-
salvo, whom the Spaniards honor with the appellation of the
A D. 150'.) I hk.xrv vn: Hi
•'great captain,' to attack the armies of France, and make
himself master of all the dominions of Naples. Gonsalvo
prevailed in every enterprise, defeated the French in two
pitched battles, and insured to his prince the entire possession
of that kingdom. Lewis, unable to procure redress by force
of arms, was obliged to enter into a fruitless negotiation with
Ferdinand for the recovery of his share of the partition ; and
all Italy, during gome time, was held in suspense between
these two powerful monarchs.
There has scarcely been any period when the balance ol
power was better secured in Europe, and seemed more able
to maintain itself without any anxious concern or attention of
the princes. Several great monarchies were established; and
no one so far surpassed the rest as to give any foundation or
even pretence for jealousy. England was united in domestic
peace, and by its situation happily secured from the invasion
of foreigners. The coalition of the several kingdoms of Spain
had formed one powerful monarchy, which Ferdinand admin-
istered with arts, fraudulent indeed and deceitful, but full of
vigor and ability. Lewis XII., a gallant and generous prince,
had, by espousing Anne of Brittany, widow to his predecessor,
preserved the union with that principality, on which the safety
of his kingdom so much depended. Maximilian, the emperor,
besides the hereditary dominions of the Austrian family
maintained authority in the empire, and, notwithstanding the
levity of his character, was able to unite the German princes in
any great plan of interest, at least of defence. Charles, prince
of Castile, grandson to Maximilian and Ferdinand, had already
succeeded to the rich dominions of the house of Burgundy ;
and being as yet in early youth, the government was intrust-
ed to Margaret of Savoy, his aunt, a princess endowed with
signal prudence and virtue. The internal force of these
several powerful states, by balancing each other, might long
have maintained general tranquillity, had not the active and
enterprising genius of Julius II., an ambitious pontiff, first
excited the flames of war and discord among them. By his
intrigues, a league had been formed at Cambray,* between
himself, Maximilian, Lewis, and Ferdinand ; and the object
of this great confederacy was to overwhelm, by their united
arms, the commonwealth of Venice. Henry, without any
motive from interest or passion, allowed his name to bn
* In 1508
S4 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1510
inserted in the confederacy. This oppressive and iniquitous
league was but too successful against the republic.
The great force and secure situation of the considerable
monarchies prevented any one from aspiring to any conquest
of moment ; and though this consideration could not maintain
general peace, or remedy the natural inquietude of men, it
rendered the princes of this age more disposed to desert
engagements, and change their alliances, in which they were
retained by humor and caprice, rather than by any natural
or durable interest. [1510.] Julius had no sooner humbled
the Venetian republic, than he was inspired with a nobler
ambition that of expelling all foreigners from Italy, or, to
speak in a style affected by the Italians of that age, the free-
ing of that country entirely from the dominion of barbarians.*
He was determined to make the tempest fall first upon Lewis ;
and in order to pave the way for this great enterprise, he at
once sought for a ground of quarrel with that monarch, and
courted the alliance of other princes. He declared war
against the duke of Ferrara, the confederate of Lewis. He
solicited the favor of England, by sending Henry a sacred
rose, perfumed with musk and anointed with chrism. f He
engaged in his interests Bambridge, archbishop of York, and
Henry's ambassador at Rome, whom he soon after created a
cardinal He drew over Ferdinand to his party, though that
monarch at first made no declaration of his intentions. And
what he chiefly valued, he formed a treaty with the Swiss
cantons, who, enraged by some neglects put upon them by
Lewis, accompanied with contumelious expressions, had quit-
ted the alliance of France, and waited for an opportunity of
revenging themselves on that nation.
[1511.] While the French monarch repelled the attacks
of his enemies, he thought it also requisite to make an attempt
on the pope himself, and to despoil him as much as possible
of that sacred character which chiefly rendered him formida-
ble. He engaged some cardinals, disgusted with the violence
of Julius, to desert him ; and by their authority he was
determined, in conjunction with Maximilian, who still adhered
*. v's alliance, to call a general council, which might reform
th3 church, and check the exorbitances of the Roman pontiff.
A council was summoned at Pisa, which from the beginning
bore a very inauspicious aspect, and promised little success t«
* Guieciard. lit viii. t Spel. Coned, vol. ii. p. 7?-S
A. D. 1511.] henr\ vni. 6J)
its adherents. Except a few French bishops, who unw iiingly
obeyed the king's commands in attending the council, all the
other prelates kept aloof from an assembly which they regard-
ed as the offspring of faction, intrigue, and worldly politics.
Even Pisa, the place of their residence, showed them signa
of contempt ; which engaged them to transfer their session to
Milan, a city under the dominion of the French monarch
Notwithstanding this advantage, they did not experience much
more respectful treatment from the inhabitants of Milan ; and
found it necessary to make another remove to Lyons.* Lewis
himself fortified these violent prejudices in favor of papal
authority, by the symptoms which he discovered of regard,
deference, and submission to Julius, whom he always spared,
even when fortune had thrown into his hands the most invit
ing opportunities of humbling him. And as it was known
that his consort, who had great influence over him, was ex-
tremely disquieted in mind on account of his dissensions with
the holy father, all men prognosticated to Julius final success
in this unequal contest.
The enterprising pontiff knew his advantages, and availed
himself of them with the utmost temerity and insolence. So
much had he neglected his sacerdotal character, that he acted
in person at the siege of Mirandola, visited the trenches, saw
«ome of his attendants killed by his side, and, like a young
soldier, cheerfully bore all the rigors of winter and a severe
season, in pursuit of military glory :t yet was he still able to
throw, even on his most moderate opponents, the charge of
impiety and profaneness. He summoned a council at the
Lateran : he put Pisa under an interdict, and all the places
which gave shelter to the schismatical council : he excommu-
nicated the cardinals and prelates who attended it : he even
pointed his spiritual thunder against the princes who adhered
to it : he freed their subjects from all oaths of allegiance, and
gave their dominions to every one who could take possession
of them.
Ferdinand of Arragon, who had acquired the surname of
Catholic, regarded the cause of the pope and of religion
only as a cover to his ambition and selfish politics : Henry,
naturally sincere and sanguine in his temuer, and the more
ro on account of his youth and inexperience, wa-s mcved with
a hearty desire of protecting the pope from the ODpre^ion to
* Guicciard. lib. >• t G-rn < "-vvJ lib L*-
HU HISTt RY OF ENGLAND, f A. D. 1512.
which he believed him exposed from the ambitious enterprises
of Lewis. [1512.] Hopes had been given him by Julius,
that the title of "most Christian king," which had hitherto
been annexed to the crown of France, and which was regard-
ed as its most precious ornament, should, in reward of his
services, be transferred to that of England.* Impatient also
of acquiring that, distinction in Europe, to which his power
and opulence entitled him, he could not long remain neuter
amidst the noise of arms ; and the natural enmity of the Eng-
lish against France, as well as their ancient claims upon that
kingdom, led Henry to join that alliance which the pope,
Spain, and Venice had formed against the French monarch.
A herald was sent to Paris, to exhort Lewis not to wage
impious war against the sove" ,a ign pontiff; and when he
returned without success, auotner was sent to demand the
ancient patrimonial provinces, Anjou, Maine, Guienne, aud
Normandy. This message was understood to be a declara-
tion of war ; and a parliament, being summoned, readily
granted supplies for a purpose so much favored by the English
aation.t
Buonaviso, aii agent of the pope's at London, had been
sorrupted by the court of France, and had previously revealed
to Lewis all the measures which Henry was concerting against
aim. But this infidelity did the king inconsiderable prejudice,
in comparison of the treachery which he experinced from the
selfish purposes of the ally on whom he chiefly relied foi
assistance. Ferdinand, his father-in-law, had so long pei-
severed in a course of crooked politics, that he began even to
value himself on his dexterity in fraud and artifice ; and he
made a boast of those shameful successes. Being told one
day, that Lewis, a prince of a very different character, had
complained of his having once cheated him : " He lies, the
drunkard!" said he; "I have cheated him above twenty
times." This prince considered his close connections with
Henry only as the means which enabled him the better to
take advantage of his want of experience. He advised him
not to invade France by the way of Calais, where he himself
should not have it in his power to assist him : he exhorted him
sather to send forces to Fontarabia, whence he could easily
* Gricciard. lib. xi. P. Daniel, vol. ii. p. ?893. Herbert Hoi
ICgshed p. 831.
t Herbert. Holingshed, p. 811.
AD. 1512.1 HENKY vni. 97
make a conquest of Guienne, a province in which it was
imagined the English had still some adherents. He promised
to assist this conquest by the junction of a Spanish army.
And so forward did he seem to promote the interests of his
son-in-law, that he even sent vessels to England, m order to
transport over the lorces which Henry had levied for that
purpose. The marquis of Dorset commanded this armament,
which consisted often thousand men, mostly infantry; Lord
Howard, son of the earl of Surrey, Lord Broke, Lord Ferrars,
and many others of the young gentry and nobility, accompanied
him in this service. Ail were on lire to distinguish themselves
by military achievements, and To make a conquest of import-
ance for their master. The secret purpose of Ferdinand, in
this unexampled generosity, was suspected by nobody.
The small kingdom of Navarre lies on the frontiers between
France and Spain ; and as John d' Albert, the sovereign, was
connected by friendship and alliance with Lewis, the oppor-
tunity seemed favorable to Ferdinand, while the English forces
were conjoined with his own, and while all adherents to the couu
cil of Pisa lay under the sentence of excommunication, to put
himself in possession of these dominions. No sooner, therefore,
was Dorset landed in Guipiscoa, than the Spanish monarch
declared his readiness to join him with his forces, to make with
united arms an invasion of France, and to form the siege of
Bayonne, which opened the way into Guienne : * but he re-
marked to the English general how dangerous it might prove
to leave behind them the kingdom of Navarre, which, being
in close alliance with France, could easily give admittance to
the enemy, and cut off all communication between Spain and
the combined armies. To provide against so dangerous an
event, he required that John should stipulate a neutrality in
the present war ; and when the prince expressed his willing-
ness to enter into any engagement for that purpose, he also
required that security should be given for the strict observance
of it. John having likewise agreed to this condition, Ferdinand
demanded that he should deliver into his hands six of the most
considerable places of his dominions, together with his eldest
son as a hostage. These were not terms to be proposed to a
sovereign ; and as the Spanish monarch expected a refusal,
he gave immediate orders to the duke of Alva, his general, to
make an invasion on Navarre, and to reduce that kingdom
* Herbert- Holir.gshed. p. 81.1
88 rnsTOR of England L A.D. 1012
Alva soon made himself master of all the smaller towns ; and
being ready to form the siege of Pampeluna, the capital, he
summoned the marquis of Dorset to join him with the English
army, and concert together all their operations.
Dorset began to suspect that the interests of his master were
very little regarded in all these transactions ; and having no
orders to invade the kingdom of Navarre, or make war any
where but in France, he refused to take any part in the enter-
prise. He remained therefore in his quarters at Fontarabia ;
but so subtle was the contrivance of Ferdinand, that even
while the English army lay in that situation, it was almost
equally serviceable to his purpose, as if it had acted in con-
junction with his own. It kept the French army in awe,
and prevented it from advancing to succor the kingdom of
Navarre ; so that Ana, having full leisure to conduct the
siege, made himself master of Pampeluna, and obliged John
to seek for shelter in France. The Spanish general applied
again to Dorset, and proposed to conduct with united counsels
the operations of the '-holy league," (so it was called,) against
Lewis : but as he still declined forming the siege of Bayonne,
and rather insisted on the invasion of the principality of Bearne,
a part of the king of Navarre's dominions which lies on the
French side of the Pyrenees, Dorset, justly suspicious of his
sinister intentions, represented that, without new orders from
his master, he could not concur in such an undertaking. In
order to procure these orders, Ferdinand despatched Martin de
Ampois to London ; and persuaded Henry that, by the refrac
tory and scrupulous humor of the English general, the most
favorable opportunities were lost ; and that it was necessary
he should on all occasions act in concert with the Spanish
commander, who was best acquainted with the situation of the
country, and the reasons of every operation. But before orders
to this purpose reached Spain, Dorset had become extremely
impatient ; and observing that his further stay served not to
promote the main undertaking, and that his army was daily
perishing by want and sickness, he demanded shipping from
Ferdinand to transport them back to England. Ferdinand,
who was bound by treaty to furnish him with this supply when-
ever demanded, was at length, after many delays, obliged to
yield to his importunity ; and Dorset, embarking his troops,
prepared himself for the voyage. Meanwhile the messenger
arrived with orders from Henry that the troops should remain
in Spain ; bu^ the soldiers were so discontented with the treat
A. 1). 1512.] henry vm. 8
inent which they had met with, that they mutinied, and obliged
their commanders to set sail for England. Henry was much
displeased with the ill success of this enterprise ; and it was
with difficulty that Dorset, by explaining the fraudulent con-
duct of Ferdinand, was at last able to appease him.
There happened this summer an action at sea, which biought
not any more decisive advantage to the English. Sir Thomas
Knevet, master of horse, was sent to the coast of Brittany with
a fleet of forty-five sail ; and he carried with him Sir Charles
Brandon, Sir John Carew, and many other young courtiers,
who longed for an opportunity of displaying their valor. After
they had committed some depredations, a French fleet of thirty
nine sail issued from Brest, under the command of Primauget,
and began an engagement with the English. Fire seized the
ship of Primauget ; who, finding his destruction inevitable, bore
down upon the vessel of the English admiral, and grappling
with her, resolved to make her share his fate. Both fleets
stood some time in suspense, as spectators of this dreadful
engagement ; and all men saw Avith horror the flames which
consumed both vessels, and heard the cries of fury and. de-
spair which came from the miserable combatants. At last the
French vessel blew up ; and at the same time destroyed the
English.* The rest of the French fleet made their escape
into different harbors.
The war which England waged against France, though it
brought no advantage to the former kingdom, was of great
prejudice to the latter ; and by obliging Lewis to withdraw his
forces for the defence of his own dominions, lost him that
superiority which his arms in the beginning of the campaign
had attained in Italy. Gaston de Foix, his nephew, a young
hero, had been intrusted with the command of the French
forces ; and in a few months performed such feats of military
art and prowess, as were sufficient to render illustrious the life
of the oldest captain. t His career finished with the great
battle of Ravenna, which, after the most obstinate conflict, he
gained over the Spanish and papal armies. He perished tho
very moment his victory was complete ; and with him perished
the fortune of the French arms in Italy. The Swiss, who had
rendered themselves extremely formidable by their bands of dis
ciplined infantry, invaded the Milanese with a numerous army
* Polyd. v'rg. lib xxvii. Stowe, p. 490. Lanquet's Epitome o-'
Chronicles, fo> 2~:J. t Guicciard. lib. x
90 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1 C 13
and raised up that inconstant people to a revolt against the
dominion of France. Genoa followed the example of the
dnchy : and thus Lewis in a few weeks entirely lost his Italian
■/ionqiK.sts, except some garrisons ; and Maximilian Sforza, tht
son of Ludovic, was reinstated in possession of Milan. [1513.]
Julius discovered extreme joy on the discomfiture of the
French ; and the more so as he had been heholden for it
to the Swiss, a people whose councils he hope." he should
always be able to influence and govern. The pontiff survived
this success a very little time ; and in his place was chosen
John dc Medicis, -who took the appellation of Leo X., and
proved one of the most illustrious princes that ever sat on the
papal throne. Humane, beneficent, generous, affable ; the
patron of every art, and friend of every virtue;* he had a
soul no less capable of forming great designs than his prede-
cessor, but was more gentle, pliant, and artful in employing
means for the execution of them. The sole defect, indeed,
of his character was too great finesse and artifice ; a fault
which, both as a priest and an Italian, it was difficult for him
to avoid. By the negotiations of Leo, the emperor Maximilian
was detached from the French interest ; and Henry, notwith-
standing his disappointments in the former campaign, was still
encouraged to prosecute his Avarlike measures against Lewis.
Henry had summoned a new session of parliament^ and
obtained a supply for his enterprise. It was a poll-tax, and
imposed different sums, according to the station and richer!
of the person. A duke paid ten marks, an earl five pounds.
a baron four pounds, a knight »four marks ; every man
valued at eight hundred pounds in goods, four marks. An
imposition was also granted of two fifteenths and four tenths. |
By these supplies, joined to the treasure which had been left
by his father, and which was not yet entirely dissipated, he
was enabled to levy a great army, and render himself for-
midable to his enemy. The English are said to have beeu
much encouraged, in this enterprise, by the arrival of a vessel
in the Thames under the papal banner. It carried presents
of wine and hams to the king and the more eminent
courtiers ; and such fond devotion was at that time enter-
tained towards the court of Rome, that these trivial presents
were every where received with the greatest triumph and
exultation.
* Father Paul. lib. i T November 4. 1512.
A.. D. 1513] henky vm. Di
In order to prevent all disturbances from Scotland whi.e
Henry's arms should be employed on the continent, Dr. West,
dean of Windsor, was despatched on an embassy to James,
the king's brother-in-law ; and instructions were given him to
accommodate all differences between the kingdoms, as well
as to discover the intentions of the court of Scotland.* Some
complaints had already been made on both sides. One Bar-
ton, a Scotchman, having suffered injuries from the Portu-
guese, for which he could obtain no redress, liad procured
letters of marque against that nation ; but he had no sooner
put to sea than he was guilty of the grossest abuses, com-
mitted depredations upon the English, and much infested the
narrow seas.t Lord Howard and Sir Edward Howard, admi-
rals, and sons of the earl of Surrey, sailing out against him,
fought him in a desperate action, where the pirate was killed ;
and they brought his shipa into the Thames. As Henry
refused all satisfaction for this act of justice, some of the
borderers, who wanted but a pretence for depredations,
entered England under the command of Lord Hume, warden
of the marches, and ccnmitted great ravages on that king-
dom. Notwithstanding these mutual grounds of dissatisfac-
tion, matters might easily have been accommodated, had it
not been for Henry's intended invasion of France, which
roused the jealousy of the Scottish nation. + The ancient
league which subsisted between France and Scotland was
conceived to be the strongest band of connection ; and the
Scots uuiversally believed, that were it not for the counte-
nance which they received from this foreign alliance, they
had never been able so long to maintain their independence
against a people so much superior. James was further incited
to take part in the quarrel by the invitations of Anne, queen
of France, whose knight he had ever in all tournaments pro-
fessed himself, and who summoned him, according to the ideas
of romantic gallantry prevalent in that age, to take the field
in her defence, and prove himself her true and valoroup
champion. The remonstrances of his consort and of his
wisest counsellors were in vain opposed to the martial ardor
of this prince. He first sent a squadron of ships to the
assistance of France ; the only fleet which Scotland seems
* Po'.yd. Virg. lib. xxvii.
t Stowe, p. 4S9. Holinijshed, p. 811.
t Buchanan, lib. xii. Drummond in the Life of James IV.
\t'4 HISTORY O* ENGLAND. |A.D. 1513
ever to have possessed. And though he still made profession?
of maintaining a neutrality, the English ambassador easih
foresaw that a war would in the end prove inevitable ; and nc
gave warning of the danger to his master, who sent the ear!
of Surrey to put the borders in a posture of defence, and to
resist the expected invasion of the enemy.
Henry, all on fire for military fame, was little discouraged
by this appearance of a diversion from the north ; and so
much the less, as he flattered himself with the assistance ol
all the considerable potentates of Europe in his invasion ol
France. The pope still continued to thunder out his excom-
munications against Lewis and all the adherents of the schis-
matical council : the Swiss cantons made professions of violent
animosity against France : the ambassadors of Ferdinand
and Maximilian had signed with those of Henry a treaty of
alliance against that power, and had stipulated the time and
place of their intended invasion : and though Ferdinand dis-
avowed his ambassador, and even signed a truce for a twelve-
month with the common enemy, Henry was not yet fully con-
vinced of his selfish and sinister intentions, and still hoped for
his concurrence after the expiration of that term. He had
now got a minister who complied with all his inclinations, and
flattered him in every scheme to which his sanguine and im-
petuous temper was inclined.
Thomas Wolsey, dean of Lincoln, and almoner to the king,
surpassed in favor all his ministers, and was fast advancing
towards that unrivalled grandeur which he afterwards attained.
This man was son of a butcher at Ipswich ; but having got
a learned education, and being endowed with an excellent
capacity, he was admitted into the marquis of Dorset's family
as tutor to that nobleman's children, and soon gained the
friendship and countenance of his patron.* He was recom-
mended to be chaplain to Henry VII. ; and being employed
by that monarch in a secret negotiation, which regarded
his intended marriage with Margaret of Savoy, Maximilian's
daughter, he acquitted himself to the king's satisfaction, and
obtained the praise both of diligence and dexterity in his con-
duct.! That prince, having given him a commission to Maxi-
milian, who at that time resided in Brussels, was surprised, in
less than three days after, to see Wolsey present himseli
* Stowe, p. 997.
t Cavendish. Fiddes's Life of Wolsey. Stowe.
A. D. 1513.; henry vni 93
before him ; and supposing that he had protracted his depart
ure, he began to reprove him for the dilatory execution of
his orders. Wolsey informed him that he had just returned
from Brussels, and had successfully fulfilled all his majesty's
commands. "But on second thoughts," said the king, "I
found that somewhat was omitted in your orders ; and have
sent a messenger after you with fuller instructions." " I met
the messenger," replied Wolsey, " on ray return : but as 1
had reflected on that omission, I ventured of myself to execute
what I knew must be your majesty's intentions." The death
of Henry soon after this incident retarded the advancement
of Wolsey, and prevented his reaping any advantage from the
good opinion which that monarch had entertained of him : but
thenceforwards he was looked on at court as a rising man ;
and Fox, bishop of Winchester, cast his eye upon him as one
who might be serviceable to him in his present situation.*
This prelate, observing that the earl of Surrey had totally
eclipsed him in favor, resolved to introduce Wolsey to the
young prince's familiarity ; and hoped that he might rival
Surrey in his insinuating arts, and yet be contented to act in
the cabinet a part subordinate to Fox himself, who had pro-
moted him. In a little time, Wolsey gained so much on the
king, that he supplanted both Surrey in his favor, and Fox in
his trust and confidence. Being admitted to Henry's parties
of pleasure, he took the lead in every jovial conversation, and
promoted all that frolic and entertainment which he found
suitable to the age and inclination of the young monarch.
Neither his own years, which were near forty, nor his charac-
ter of a clergyman, were any restraint upon him, or engaged
him to check, by any useless severity, the gayety in which
Henry, who had small propension to debauchery, passed his
careless hours. During the intervals of amusement, he intro-
duced business, and insinuated those maxims of conduct
which he was desirous his master should adopt. He observed
to him, that while he intrusted his affairs into the hands of his
father's counsellors, he had the advantage indeed of employing
men of wisdom and experience, but men who owed not their
promotion to his favor, and who scarcely thought themselves
accountable to him for the exercise of their authority : that
by the factions, and cabals, and jealousies which had long
prevailed among them, they more obstructed the advincement
* Antiq. Brit. Eccles. p. 309. Polj-rl Vivo-, ih. xxvii
94 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1513
of his affairs, than they promoted it by the knowledge which
age and practice had conferred upon them : that while hu
thought proper to pass his time in those pleasures to which his
age and royal fortune invited him, and in those studies which
would in time enable him to sway the sceptre with absolute
authority, his best system of government would be, to intrust
his authority into the hands of some one person who was the
creature of his will, and who could entertain no view but. that
of promoting his service : and that if this minister had also
the same relish for pleasure with himself, and the same
taste for science, he could more easily, at intervals, account
to him for his whole conduct, and introduce his master grad-
ually into the knowledge of public business ; and thus, with
out tedious constraint or application, initiate him in the science,
of government.*
Henry entered into all the views of Wolsey ; and finding
no one so capable of executing this plan of administration as
the person who proposed it, he soon advanced his favorite,
from being the companion of his pleasures, to be a member
of his council ; and from being a member of his council, to
be his sole and absolute minister. By this rapid advancement
and uncontrolled authority, the character and genius of Wol-
sey had full opportunity to display itself. Insatiable in his
acquisitions, but still more magnificent in his expense : of
extensive capacity, but still more unbounded enterprise : ambi
tious of power, but still more desirous of glory : insinuating,
engaging, persuasive ; and, by turns, lofty, elevated, com
manding : haughty to his equals, but affable to his dependents ,
oppressive to the people, but liberal to his friends ; more gen-
erous than grateful; less moved by injuries than by contempt ;
he was framed to take the ascendant in every intercourse with
others, but exerted this superiority of nature with such osten-
tation as exposed him to envy, and made every one willing to
recall the original inferiority, or rather meanness, of his fortune.
The branch of administration in which Henry most exerted
himself, while he gave his entire confidt nee to Wolsey, was
the military ; which, as it suited the natural gallantry and
bravery of his temper, as well as the ardor of his youth, was
the principal object of his attention. Finding that Lewis had
made great preparations both by sea and land to resist him, he
was no less careful to levy a formidable army, and equip a
* Cavendish, p. 12. Stowe, p. 499-
A.D. 1513. j hicnry vm 91
considerable fleet for the invasion of France. Tht command
of the fleet was intrusted to Sir Edward Howard ; who, after
scouring the Channel for some time, presented himself before
Brest, where the French navy then lay ; and he challenged
them to a combat. The French admiral, who expected from
the Mediterranean a reinforcement of some galleys under the
command of Prejeant de Bidoux, kept within the harbor, and
saw with patience the English burn and destroy the country
in the neighborhood. At last Prejeant arrived with six galleys,
and put into Conquet, a place within a few leagues of Brest ;
where he secured himself behind some batteries, which he
had planted on rocks that lay on each side of him. Howard
was, notwithstanding, determined to make an attack upon him ;
and as he had but two galleys, he took himself the command
of one, and gave the other to Lord Ferrars. He was followed
by some row-barges and some crayers under the command of
Sir Thomas Cheyney, Sir William Sidney, and other officers
of distinction. He immediately fastened on Prejeant's ship,
and leaped on board of her, attended by one Carroz, a Span-
ish cavalier, and seventeen Englishmen. The cable, mean-
while, which fastened his ship to that of the enemy, being cut,
the admiral was thus left in the hands of the French ; and as
he still continued the combat with great gallantry, he was
pushed overboard by their pikes.* Lord Ferrars, seeing the
admiral's galley fall of, followed with the other small vessels ;
and the whole fleet was so discouraged by the loss of theii
commander, that they retired from beibre Brest. t The French
navy came out of harbor, and even ventured to invade the
coast of Sussex. They were repulsed, and Prejeant, theii
commander, lost an eye by the shot of an arrow. Lord How-
ard, brother to the deceased admiral, succeeded to the com
mand of the English fleet; and little memorable passed at sea
during this summer.
Great preparations had been making at land, during tha
whole winter, for an invasion on France by the way of Calais,
but the summer was well advanced before every thing was ir.
* It was a maxim of Howard's, that no admiral was good for any
thing that was not brave even to a degree of madness. As the se?
service requires much less plan and contrivance, and capacity thai-
the land, this maxim lias great plausibility and appearance of tilth-
though the fate of Howard himself may serve o- a proof, that eve*
tnere courage ongiit to be tempered with discref-Mi.
J Stowe, p 491 Herber*.- Ho!in;?shesI, p. S. 1 -"..
96 HISTORY OF ENGLANb. [A. D. 1513
sufficient readiness for the intended enterprise. Trie long
peace which the kingdom had enjoyed, had somewhat unfitted
the English for military expeditions ; and the great change
which had lately been introduced in the an of war, had ren-
dered it still more difficult to inure them to the use of the
weapons now employed in action. The Swiss, and after them
the Spaniards, had shown the advantage of a stable infantry,
who fought with pike and sword, and were able to repulse ever.
the heavy-armed cavalry, in which the great force of the
armies formerly consisted. The practice of firearms was
become common ; though the caliver, which was the weapon
now in use, was so inconvenient, and attended with so many
disadvantages, that it had not entirely discredited the bow, a
weapon in which the English excelled all European nations.
A considerable part of the forces which Henry levied for the
invasion of France consisted of archers ; and as soon as
affairs were in readiness, the vanguard of the army, amount-
ing to eight thousand men, under the command of the earl of
Shrewsbury, sailed over to Calais. Shrewsbury was accom-
panied by the earl of Derby, the lords Fitzwater, Hastings,
Cobham, and Sir Rice ap Thomas, captain of the light horse.
Another body of six thousand men soon after followed under
the command of Lord Herbert, the chamberlain, attended by
the earls of Northumberland and Kent, the lords Audley and
Delawar, together with Carew, Curson, and other gentlemen.
The king himself prepared to follow with the main body
and rear of the army ; and he appointed the queen regent of
the kingdom during his absence. That he might secure hei
administration from all disturbance, he ordered Edmond de la
Pole, earl of Suffolk, to be beheaded in the Tower, the noble-
man who had been attainted and imprisoned during the late
reign. Henry was led to commit this act of violence by the
dying commands, as is imagined, of his father, who told him
that he never would be free from danger while a man of so
turbulent a disposition as Suffolk was alive. And as Richard
de la Pole, brother of Suffolk, had accepted of a command in
the French service, and foolishly attempted to revive the York
faction, and to instigate them against the present government,
he probably by that means drew more suddenly the king'?.
vengeance on this unhappy nobleman.
At last, Henry, attended by the duke of Buckingham and
many others of the nobility, arrived at Calais, and entered
ur*n his French expedition, from which he fondly expected
A.. D. 1513. j HENRY VIII. 97
bo much success and glory.* Of all those allies on whose
assistance he relied, the Swiss alone fully performed their
engagements. Being put in motion by a sum of money sent
them by Henry, and incited by their victories obtained in
Italy, and by their animosity against France, they were pre-
paring to enter that kingdom with an army of twenty-live
thousand men ; and no equal force could be opposed to their
incursion. Maximilian had received an advance of one hun-
dred and twenty thousand crowns from Henry, and had
promised to reenforce the Swiss with eight thousand men,
but failed in his engagements. That he might make atone-
ment to the king, he himself appeared in the Low Countries,
and joined the English army with some German and Flemish
soldiers, who were useful in giving an example of discipline
to Henry's new-levied forces. Observing the disposition of the
English monarch to be more bent on glory than on interest,
he enlisted himself in his service, wore the cross of St. George,
and received pay, a hundred crowns a day, as one of his
subjects and captains. But while he exhibited this extraor
dinary spectacle, of an emperor of Germany serving under a
king of England, he was treated with the highest respect by
Henry, and really directed all the operations of the English
army.
Before the arrival of Henry and Maximilian in the camp,
the earl of Shrewsbury and Lord Herbert had formed the siege
of Terouane, a town situated on the frontiers of Picardy ; and
they began to attack the place with vigor. Teligni and Crequi
commanded in the town, and had a garrison not exceeding
two thousand men ; yet made they such stout resistance as
protracted the siege a month ; and they at last found them-
selves more in danger from want of provisions and ammunition
than from the assaults of the besiegers. Having conveyed
intelligence of their situation to Lewis, who had advanced to
Amiens with his army, that prince gave orders to throw relief
into the place. Fontrailles appeared at the head of eight
hundred horsemen, each of whom carried a sack of gunpowder
behind him, and two quarters of bacon. With this small force
he made a sudden and unexpected irruption into the English
camp, and, surmounting all resistance, advanced to the fosse
of the town, where each horseman threw down his burden.
They immediately returned at the gallop, and were so fortunate
* Polyd. Virg. lib. xxvii. Bellarius, lib. xiv
VOL. HI.- — E
98 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. \A. 1). It'll 3
as again to break through the English, and to suffer little vi
no loss in this dangerous attempt.*
But the English had, soon alter, full revenge for the insult.
Henry had received intelligence of the approach of the French
horse, who had advanced to protect another incursion of Fon-
trailles ; and he ordered some troops to pass the Lis, in order
to oppose them. The cavalry of France, though they consisted
chiefly of gentlemen, who had behaved with great gallantry in
many desperate actions in Italy, were, on sight of the enemy,
seized with so unaccountable a panic, that they immediately
took to flight, and were pursued by the English. The duke
of Longueville, who commanded the French, Bussi d' Amboise,
Clermont, Imbercourt, the chevalier Bayard, and many other
officers of distinction were made prisoners. t This action, or
rather rout, is sometimes called the battle of Guinegate, from
the place where it was fought ; but more commonly the " battle
of spurs," because the French that day made more use of their
spurs than of their swords or military weapons.
After so considerable an advantage, the king, who was at
the head of a complete army of above fifty thousand men,
might have made incursions to the gates of Paris, and spread
confusion and desolation every where. It gave Lewis great
joy when he heard that the English, instead of pushing their
victory, and attacking the dismayed troops of France, returned
to the siege of so inconsiderable a place as Terouane. The
governors were obliged soon after to capitulate : and Henry
found his acquisition of so little moment, though gained at the
expense of some blood, and what, in his present circumstances,
was more important, of much valuable time, that he imme-
diately demolished the fortifications. The anxieties of the
French were again revived with regard to the motions of the
English. The Swiss at the same time had entered Burgundy
with a formidable army, and laid siege to Dijon, which was
in no condition to resist them. Ferdinand himself, though he
had made a truce with Lewis, seemed disponed to lay hold
oi' every advantage which fortune should present to him
Scarcely ever was the French monarchy in greater danger, or
\ess in a condition to defend itself against those powerful armies
nvhich on every side assailed or threatened it. Even many of
* Hist, de Chev. Bayard, chap, 57. Memoires de Bellai.
t Memoires de Bellai. liv. i. Polyd. Virg. liv. x - ; i. Holiugshf.d
, 822. Herbert.
A.D. 15J3.] HENRY Vfll. 99
the inhabitants of Paris, who believed themselves exposed to the
rapacity and violence of the enemy, began to dislodge, without
knowing what place could afford them greater security.
But Lewis was extricated from his present difficulties by
the manifold blunders of his enemies. The Swiss allowed
themselves to be seduced into a negotiation by Tremoille,
governor of Burgundy : and without making inquiry whether
that nobleman had any powers to treat, they accepted of the
conditions which he offered them. Tremoille, who knew that
he should be disavowed by his master, stipulated whatever
they were pleased to demand ; and thought himself happy, at
the expense of some payments and very large promises, to get
rid of so formidable an enemy.*
The measures of Henry showed equal ignorance in the art
of war with that of the Swiss in negotiation. Tournay was
a great and rich city, which, though it lay within the frontiers
of Flanders, belonged to France, and afforded the troops of
that kingdom a passage into the heart of the Netherlands
Maximilian, who was desirous of freeing his grandson from sc
troublesome a neighbor, advised Henry to lay siege to the
olace ; and the English monarch, not considering that such an
acquisition nowise advanced his conquests in France, was so
imprudent as to follow this interested counsel. The city of
Tournay, by its ancient charters, being exempted from the
burden of a garrison, the burghers, against the remonstrance of
their sovereign, strenuously insisted on maintaining this dar-
gerous privilege ; and they engaged, by themselves, to make a
vigorous defence against the enemy. t Their courage faded
them when matters came to trial ; and after a few days' siege,
the place was surrendered to the English. The bishop oi
Tournay was lately dead ; and as a new bishop was already
elected by the chapter, but not installed in his office, the king
bestowed the administration of the see on his favorite Wolsey.
and put him in immediate possession of the revenues, which
were considerable, t Hearing of the retreat of the Swiss, and
observing the season to be far advanced, he thought proper to
return to England ; and he carried the greater part of his army
with him. Success had attended him in every enterprise ; and
his youthful mind was much elated with this seeming prosper-
ity ; but all men of judgment, comparing the advantages of
* Memoires du Mareschal de Fleuranges. Bellarius, lib. xiv.
t Memoires de Fleuranges.
J Strype's Memorials, vol. i. p. 5, 6.
<00 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. k A.D. 1513
his situation with his progress, his expense with his acquis)
tions, were convinced that this campaign, so much vaunted,
was, in reality, both ruinous and inglorious to him.*
The success which, during this summer, had attended
Henry's arms in the north, was much more decisive. The
king of Scotland had assembled the whole force of his king-
dom ; and having passed the Tweed with a brave, though a
tumultuous army of above fifty thousand men, he ravaged
those parts of Northumberland which lay nearest that river,
and he employed himself in taking the Castles of Norham,
Etal, Werke, Ford, and other places of small importance.
Lady Ford, being taken prisoner in her castle, was presented
to James, and so gained on the affections of that prince, that
he wasted in pleasure the critical time which, during the
absence of his enemy, he should have employed in pushing
his conquests. His troops, lying in a barren country, where
they soon consumed all the provisions, began to be pinched
with hunger ; and as the authority of the prince was feeble,
and military discipline during that age extremely relaxed,
many of them had stolen from the camp, and retired home-
wards. Meanwhile, the earl of Surrey, having collected a
force of twenty-six thousand men, of which five thousand had
been sent over from the king's army in France, marched to
the defence of the country, and approached the Scots, who
lay on some high ground near the hills of Cheviot. The river
Till ran between the armies, and prevented an engagement :
Surrey therefore sent a herald to the Scottish camp, challen-
ging the enemy to descend into the plain of Milfield, which lay
towards the south ; and there, appointing a day for the combat,
to try their valor on equal ground. As he received no satis-
factory answer, he made a feint of marching towards Berwick ;
as if he intended 10 enter Scotland, to lay waste the borders,
and cut off the provisions of the enemy. The Scottish army,
in order to prevent his purpose, put themselves in motion ;
and having set fire to the huts in which they had quartered,
they descended from the hills. Surrey, taking advantage of
the smoke, which was blown towards him, and which con-
cealed his movements, passed the Till with his artillery and
vanguard at the bridge of Twisel, and sent the rest of his army
to seek a ford higher up the river.
An engagement was now become inevitable, and both sides
* Guiccinrdini.
A.D. 1513. j HENRY VIII. 10
prepared for it with tranquillity and order* Thf English
divided their army into two lines : Lord Howard led the main
hody of the first line, Sir Edmond Howard the right wing, Sir
Marmaduke Constable the left. The earl of Surrey himself
commanded the main hody of the second line, Lord Dacres
the right wing, Sir Edward Stanley the left. The front of
the Scots presented three divisions to the enemy : the middle
was led by the king himself; the right by the earl of Huntley,
assisted by Lord Hume ; the left by the earls of Lenox and
Argyle. A fourth division under the earl of Bothwell made a
body of reserve. Huntley began the battle, and, after a sharp
conflict, put to flight the left wing of the English, and chased
them off the field : but on returning from the pursuit, he Ibund
the whole Scottish army in great disorder. The division under
Lenox and Argyle, elated with the success of the other wing,
had broken their ranks, and, notwithstanding the remonstrances
and entreaties, of La Motte, the French ambassador, had rushed
headlong upon the enemy. Not only Sir Edmond Howard,
at the head of his division, received them with great valor,
but Dacres, wdio commanded in the second line, wheeling
about during the action, fell upon their rear, and put them to
the sword without resistance. The division under James and
that under Bothwell, animated by the valor of their leaders,
still made head against the English, and throwing themselves
into a circle, protracted the action, till night separated the
combatants. The victory seemed yet undecided, and the num-
bers that fell on each side were nearly equal, amounting to
above five thousand men : but the morning discovered where
the advantage lay. The English had lost only persons of
small note ; but the flower of the Scottish nobility had fallen
in battle, and their king himself, after the most diligent inquiry,
could nowhere be found. In searching the field, the English
met with a dead body which resembled him, and was arrayed
in a similar habit ; and they put it in a leaden coffin, and
sent it to Loudon. During some time it was kept unburied ;
because James died under sentence of excommunication, on
account of his confederacy with France, and his opposition to
the holy see : t but upon Henry's application, who pretended
that this prince had, in the instant before his ^e<ith, discovered
* Buchanan, lib. xiii. Drummond. Herbert Polyd. Virgi lit.
xxvii. Stowe, p. 493 Paulus Jovius.
t Buchanan, lib. xiu. Herbert.
102 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1514.
Bigns of repentance, absolution was given him, and his body
was interred. The Scots, however, still asserted that it waa
not James's body which was found on the field of battle, but
that of one Elphinston, who had been arrayed in arms resem-
bling their king's, in order to divide the attention of the Eng-
lish, and share the danger with his master. It was believed
that James had been seen crossing the Tweed at Kelso ; and
Borne imagined that he hal been killed by the vassals of Lord
Hume, whom that nobleman had instigated to commit so enor
taous a crime. But the populace entertained the opinion that
he was still alive, and having secretly gone in pilgrimage to
the Holy Land, would soon return and take possession of the
throne. This fond conceit was long entertained among the
Scots.
The king of Scotland and most of his chief nobles being
slain in the field of Flouden, (so this battle was called,) an
inviting opportunity was offered to Henry of gaining advan-
tages over that kingdom, perhaps of reducing it to subjection.
But he discovered on this occasion a mind truly great and
generous. When the queen of Scotland, Margaret, who was
created regent during the infancy of her son, applied for peace,
he readily granted it ; and took compassion of the helpless
condition of his sister and nephew. The earl of Surrey, who
had gained him so great a victory, was restored to the title of
duke of Norfolk, which had been forfeited by his father for
engaging on the side of Richard III. [1514.] Lord Howard
was honored with the title of earl of Surrey. Sir Charles
Brandon, the king's favorite, whom he had before created
Yis« k ount Lisle, was now raised to the dignity of duke of Suf-
folk. Wolsey, who was both his favorite and his minister,
was* created bishop of Lincoln. Lord Herbert obtained the
titlt* of earl of Worcester ; Sir Edward Stanley, that of Lord
Moateagle.
Though peace with Scotland gave Henry security on that
side, and enabled him to prosecute in tranquillity his enter-
prise against France, some other incidents had happened,
which more than counterbalanced this fortunate event, and
served to open his eyes with regard to the rashness of an
undertaking, into which his youth and high fortune had be-
trayed him.
Lewis, fully sensible of the dangerous situation to which his
kingdom had been reduced during the former campaign, was
resolved, by every expedient, to prevent the return of likfl
A..P 1514] henry vin. 103
perils, and to break the confederacy of his enemies. The
pope was nowise disposed to push the French to extremity ;
and provided they did not return to take possession of Milan,
his interests rather led him to preserve the balance among the
contending parties. He accepted, therefore, of Lewis's offer
to renounce the council of Lyons ; and he took off the excom-
munication which his predecessor and himself had fulminated
against that king and his kingdom. Ferdinand was now fast
declining in years, and as he entertained no further ambition
than that of keeping possession of Navarre, which he had sub-
dued by his arms and policy, he readily hearkened to the pro-
posals of Lewis for prolonging the truce another year ; and
he even showed an inclination of forming a more intimate
connection with that monarch. Lewis had dropped hints of
his intention to marry his second daughter, Henee, either to
Charles, prince of Spain, or his brother Ferdinand, both of them
grandsons of the Spanish monarch; and he declared his resolu-
tion of bestowing on her, as her portion, his claim to the duchy
of Milan. Ferdinand not only embraced these proposals with
joy, but also engaged the emperor Maximilian in the same
views, and procured his accession to a treaty which opened
so inviting a prospect of aggrandizing their common grand-
children.
When Henry was informed of Ferdinand's renewal of the
truce with Lewis, he fell into a violent rage, and loudly com-
plained, that his father-in-law had first, by high promises and
professions, engaged him in enmity with France, and after-
wards, without giving him the least warning, had now again
sacrificed his interests to his own selfish purposes, and had
left him exposed alone to all the danger and expense of the
war. In proportion to his easy credulity, and his unsuspect-
ing reliance on Ferdinand, was the vehemence with which he
exclaimed against the treatment which he met with ; and he
threatened revenge for this egregious treachery and breach
of faith.* But he lost all patience when informed of the other
negotiation, by which Maximilian was also seduced from his
alliance, and in which proposals had been agreed to for the
marriage of the prince of Spain with the daughter of France.
Charles, during the lifetime of the late king, had been affianced
tc Mary, Henry's younger sister ; and as the prince now
* Petrus de Angleria, Epist. 545, 546.
1 04 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 151-1
approached the age of puberty, the king had expected the
immediate completion of the marriage, and the honorable set-
tlement of a sister for whom he had entertained a tender
affection. Such a complication, therefore, of injuries gave hin,
the highest displeasure, and inspired him with a desire oi
expressing his disdain towards those who had imposed on hia
youth and inexperience, and had abused his too great facility.
The duke of Longueville, who had been made prisoner at
the battle of Guinegate, and who was still detained in Eng-
land, was ready to take advantage of all these dispositions of
Henry, in order to procure a peace, and even an alliance,
which he knew to be passionately desired by his master. He
represented to the king, that Anne, queen of France, being
lately dead, a door was thereby opened for an affinity, which
might tend to the advantage of both kingdoms, and which
would serve to terminate honorably all the differences between
them : that she had left Lewis no male children ; and as he had
ever entertained a strong desire of having heirs to the crown,
no marriage seemed more suitable to him than that with the
princess of England, whose youth and beauty afforded the
most flattering hopes in that particular : that though the mar-
riage of a princess of sixteen with a king of fifty-three might
seem unsuitable, yet the other advantages attending the alli-
ance were more than a sufficient compensation for this ine-
quality : and that Henry, in loosening his connections with
Spain, from which he had never reaped any advantage, would
contract a close affinity with Lewis, a prince who, through his
whole life, had invariably maintained the character of probity
and honor.
As Henry seemed to hearken to this discourse with willing
ears, Longueville informed his master of the probability which
he discovered of bringing the matter to a happy conclusion ;
and he received full powers for negotiating the treaty. The
articles were easdy adjusted between the monarchs. Louis
agreed that Tournay should remain in the hands of the Eng-
lish ; that Richard de la Pole should be banished to Metz,
there to live on a pension assigned him by Lewis; that Henry
should receive payment of a million of crowns, being the
arrears due by treaty to his father and himself; and that the
princess Mary should bring four hundred thousand crowns as
her portion, and enjoy as large a jointure as any queen of
France, even the former, who was heiress of Brittany. The
A. D. 1515.] HENRY VIII. I0t
two princes also agreed on the succors with which they
should mutually supply each other, in case either of them
was attacked by au enemy.*
In consequence of this treaty, Mary was sent over to France
with a splendid retinue ; and Lewis met her at Abbeville,
where the espousals were celebrated. He was enchanted with
the beauty, grace, and numerous accomplishments of the young
princess ; and being naturally of an amorous disposition, which
his advanced age had not entirely cooled, he was seduced into
such a course of gayety and pleasure, as proved very unsuit-
able to his declining state of health. t » [1515.] He died in less
than three months after the marriage, to the extreme regret
of the French nation, who, sensible of his tender concern foi
their welfare, gave him with one voice the honorable appella
tion of " father of his people."
Francis, duke of Angouleme, a youth of one and twenty,
who had married Lewis's eldest daughter, succeeded him on
the throne ; and, by his activity, valor, generosity, and other
virtues, gave prognostics of a happy and glorious reign. This
young monarch had been extremely struck with the charms
of the English princess ; and even during his predecessor's
lifetime, had paid her such assiduous court, as made some of
his friends apprehend that he had entertained views of gal-
lantry towards her. But being warned that, by indulging
this passion, he might probably exclude himself from the
throne, he forbore all further addresses ; and even watched
the young dowager with a very careful eye during the first
months of her widowhood. Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk,
was at that time in the court of France, the most comely per-
sonage of his time, and the most accomplished in all the exer-
cises which were then thought to befit a courtier and a soldier.
He was Henry's chief favorite ; and that monarch had even
once entertained thoughts of marrying him to his sister, and
had given indulgence to the mutual passion which took place
between them. The queen asked Suffolk, whether he had
now the courage, without further reflection, to espouse her ,
and she told him that her brother would more easily forgive
him for not asking his consent, than for acting contrary to his
orders. Suffolk declined not so inviting an offer ; and their
nuptials were secretly celebrated at Paris. Francis, who
was pleased with this marriage, as it prevented Henry fro«j
* Du Tillet. t Brantome, Elo^e tie Louis XII.
K*
106 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [A. D. 1515
forming any powerful alliance by means of his sister,* inter*
posed his good offices in appeasing him : and even Wolsey,
having entertained no jealousy of Suffolk, who was content to
participate in the king's pleasures, and had no ambition to
engage in public business, was active in reconciling the king
to his sister and brother-in-law ; and he obtained them per*
mission to return to England.
* Petrus de Angleria, Epist. 544.
A D. 151 A J RENRY VTD '01
CHAPTER XXVIII.
HENRY VIII.
[1515.] The numerous enemies whom Wolsey's sudden
elevation, his aspiring character, and his haughty deportment
had raised him, served only to rivet him faster in Henry's
confidence ; who valued himself on supporting the choice
which he had made, and who was incapable of yielding either
to the murmurs of the people or to the discontents of the
great. That artful prelate, likewise, well acquainted with
the king's imperious temper, concealed from him the absolute
ascendant which he had acquired ; and while he secretly
directed all public councils, he ever pretended a blind submis-
sion to the will and authority of his master. By entering into
the king's pleasures, he preserved his affection; by conduct-
ing his business, he gratified his indolence ; and by his unlim-
ited complaisance in both capacities, he prevented all that
jealousy to which his exorbitant acquisitions and his splendid
ostentatious train of life should naturally have given birth.
The archbishopric of York falling vacant by the death of
Bambridge, Wolsey was pi-omoted to that see, and resigned
the bishopric of Lincoln. Besides enjoying the administration
of Tournay, he got possession, on easy leases, of the revenues
of Bath, Worcester, and Hereford, bishoprics filled by Italians,
who were allowed to reside abroad, and who were glad to
compound for this indulgence, by yielding a considerable share
of their income. He held " in commendam" the abbey of
St. Albans, and many other church preferments. He was
even allowed to unite with the see of York, first that of Dur-
ham, next that of Winchester ; and there seemed to be no
end of his acquisitions. His further advancement in ecclesi-
astical dignity served him as a pretence for engrossing still
more revenues : the pope, observing his great influence over
the king, was desirous of engaging him in his interests, and
created him a cardinal. No churchman, under color of ex-
acting respect to religion, ever carried to a greater height tho
103 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1615
state and dignity of that character. His train consisted oi
«nght hundred servants, of whom many were knights and gen-
tlemen ; some even of the nohility put their children into his
family as a place of education ; and in order to gain them
favor with their patron, allowed them to bear offices as hia
servants. Whoever was distinguished by any art or science
paid court to the cardinal ; and none paid court in vain. Lit-
erature, which was then in its infancy, found in him a gener-
ous patron ; and both by his public institutions and private
bounty, he gave encouragement to every branch of erudition.*
Not content with this munificence, which gained him the ap-
probation of the wise, he strove to dazzle the eyes of the pop •
ulace by the splendor of his equipage and furniture, the costlj
embroidery of his liveries, the lustre of his apparel. He wa?
the first clergyman in England that wore silk and gold, no*
only on his habit, but also on his saddles and the trappings
of his horses. t He caused his cardinal's hat to be borne aloft
by a person of rank ; and when he came to the king's chapel,
would permit it to be laid on no place but the altar. A
priest, the tallest and most comely he could find, carried
before him a pillar of silver, on whose top was placed a cross :
but not satisfied with this parade, to which he thought
himself entitled as cardinal, he provided another priest of
equal stature and beauty, who marched along, bearing the
cross of York, even in the diocese of Canterbury ; contrary
to the ancient rule and the agreement between the prelates
of these rival sees. $ The people made merry with the car-
dinal's ostentation ; and said, they were now sensible that one
crucifix alone was not sufficient for the expiation of his sins
and offences.
Warham, chancellor and archbishop of Canterbury, a man
of a moderate temper, averse to all disputes, chose rather to
retire from public employment, than maintain an unequa,
contest with the haughty cardinal. He resigned his office of
chancellor ; and the great seal was immediately delivered tc
Wolsey. If this new accumulation of dignity increased his
enemies, it also served to exalt his personal character, and
prove the extent of his capacity. A strict administration of
justice took place during his enjoyment of this high office j
* Erasm. Epist. lib. ii. epist. i. ; lib. xvi. epist. 3.
t Polyd. Virg, lib. xxvii. Stowe, p. 501. Holingshed. p. 847
t l\,ly.!. Vira. lib. xxvii.
A. D. 1515.] henr-s vin. 10?
and no chancellor ever discovered greater impartiality in his
decisions, deeper penetration of judgment, or more enlarged
knowledge of law and equity.*
The duke of Norfolk, finding the king's money almost
entirely exhausted by projects and pleasures, while his incli-
nation for expense still continued, was glad to resign his office
of treasurer, and retire from court. His rival, Fox, bishop of
Winchester, reaped no advantage from his absence ; but
partly overcome by years and infirmities, partly disgusted at
the ascendant acquired by Wolsey, withdrew himself wholly
to the care of his diocese. The duke of Suffolk had also
taken offence, that the king, by the cardinal's persuasion, had
refused to pay a debt which he had contracted during his resi
dence in France ; and he thenceforth affected to live in priva-
cy. These incidents left Wolsey to enjoy without a rival the
whole power and favor of the king; and they put into his
hands every kind of authority. In vain did Fox, before his
retirement, warn the king " not to suffer the servant to be
greater than his master." Henry replied, "that he well
knew how to retain all his subjects in obedience ;" but he
continued still an unlimited deference in every thing to the
directions and counsels of the cardinal.
The public tranquillity was so well established in England,
the obedience of the people so entire, the general administra-
tion of justice, by the cardinal's means.t so exact, that no
domestic occurrence happened considerable enough to disturb
the repose of the king and his minister : they might even have
dispensed with giving any strict attention to foreign affairs,
were it possible for men to enjoy any situation in absolute
tranquillity, or abstain from projects and enterprises however
fruitless and unnecessary.
The will of the late king of Scotland, who left his widow
regent of the kingdom, and the vote of the convention of
states, which confirmed that destination, had expressly limited
her authority to the condition of her remaining unmarried ;t
but, notwithstanding this limitation, a few months after her
husband's death, she espoused the earl of Angus, of the name
of Douglas, a young nobleman of great family and promising
hopes. Some of the nobility now proposed the electing of
Angus to the regency, and recommended this choice "s the
* Sir Thomas More. Stowe, p. 504.
t Erasm. lib. ii. epist. i. Cavendish. Hall.
J "Rnr-hanftn. lib. xiv. Druraniornl. Herbert.
1 IU . IIISTOR*" OF ENGLAND. | A. D. 1510
rncst likely means of preserving peace with England ; but tht
jealousy ol" the great families, and the fear of exalting the
Douglases, begat opposition to this measure. Lord Hume in
particular, the most powerful chieftain in the kingdom, insisted
on recalling the. duke of Albany, son to a brother o( James III.,
who had been banished into France, and who, having there
married, had left posterity that were the next heirs to the
crown, and the nearest relations to their young sovereign.
Albany, though first prince of the blood, had never been in
Scotland, was totally unacquainted with the manners ol' the
people, ignorant of their situation, unpractised in their lan-
guage ; yet such was the favor attending the French alliance,
and so great the authority of Hume, that this prince was invit-
ed to accept the reins of government. Francis, careful not
to give offence to the king of England, detained Albany some
time in France ; but at length, sensible how important it was
to keep Scotland in his interests, he permitted him to go over
and take possession of the regency : he even renewed the
ancient league with that kingdom, though it implied such a
close connection as might be thought somewhat to intrench on
his alliance with England.
When the regent arrived in Scotland, he made inquiries
concerning the state of the country, and character of the
people : and he discovered a scene with which he was hither-
to but little acquainted. That turbulent kingdom, he found,
was rather to be considered as a confederacy, and that not a
close one, of petty princes, than a regular system of civil
polity ; and even the king, much more a regent, possessed an
authority very uncertain and precarious. Arms, more than
laws, prevailed ; and courage, preferably to equity or justice,
was the virtue most valued and respected. The nobility, in
whom the whole power resided, were so connected by heredi-
tary alliances, or so divided by inveterate enmities, that it
was impossible, without employing an armed force, either to
punish the most flagrant guilt, or give security to the most
entire innocence. Rapine and violence, when exercised on a
hostile tribe, instead of making a person odious among his
own clan, rather recommended him to their esteem and appro-
bation ; and by rendering him useful to the chieftain, entitled
aim to a preference above his fellows. And though the
necessity of mutual support served as a close cement of am-
ity among those of the same kindred, the spirit of revenge
against enemies, and the desire of prosecuting the deadly
A.. D. 1515.] HENRX VUI. Ill
feuds, (so they were called,) still appeared to be pulsions the
most predominant among that uncultivated peopie.
The persons to whom Albany, on his arrival, first applied
for information with regard to the state of the country, hap-
pened to be inveterate enemies of Hume ; * and they rep-
resented that powerful nobleman as the chief source of public
disorders, and the great obstacle to the execution of the laws
and the administration of justice. Before the authority of the
magistrate could be established, it was necessary, they said, to
make an example of this great offender ; and, by the terror
of his punishment, teach all lesser criminals to pay respect
to the power of their sovereign. Albany, moved by these
reasons, was induced to forget Hume's past services, to which
he had in a great measure been indebted for the regency ;
and he no longer bore towards him that favorable countenance
with which he was wont to receive him. Hume perceived
the alteration, and was incited, both by regard to his own
safety and from motives of revenge, to take measures in
opposition to the regent. He applied himself to Angus and
the queen dowager, and represented to them the danger to
which the infant prince was exposed from the ambition of
Albany, next heir to the crown, to whom the states had im-
prudently intrusted the whole authority of government. By
his persuasion Margaret formed the design of carrying off'
the young king, and putting him under the protection of her
brother ; and when that conspiracy was detected, she herself,
attended by Hume and Angus, withdrew into England, where
she was soon after delivered of a daughter.
Henry, in order to check the authority of Albany and the
French party, gave encouragement to these malecon tents, and
assured them of his support. Matters being afterwards in
appearance accommodated between Hume and the regent,
that nobleman returned into his own country ; but mutual
suspicions and jealousies still prevailed. He was committed
to custody, under the care of the earl of Arran, his brother-
in-law ; and was for some time detained prisoner in his castle
But having persuaded Arran to enter into the conspiracy with
him, he was allowed to make his escape ; and he openly
levied war upon the regent. A new accommodation ensued
not more sincere than the foregoing ; and Hume was so im-
prudent as to intrust himself, together with his brother, into
the hands of that prince. They were immediately seized
* Buchanan, lib. xiv Druinmond.
112 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 151.5
committed to custody, brought to trial, condemned and exe-
cuted. No legal crime was proved against these brothers : it
was only alleged, that at the battle of Flodden they had not.
done their duty in supporting the king ; and as this backward-
ness could not, from the course of their past life, be ascribed
to cowardice, it was commonly imputed to a more criminal
motive. The evidence, however, of guilt produced against
them was far from being valid or convincing ; and the people,
who hated them while living, were much dissatisfied with theii
execution.
Such violent remedies often produce for some time a
deceitful tranquillity ; but as they destroy mutual confidence,
and beget the most inveterate animosities, their consequences
are commonly fatal, both to the public and to those who have
recourse to them. The regent, however, took advantage of
the present calm which prevailed ; and being invited over by
the French king, who was at that time willing to gratify Henry,
he went into France, and was engaged to remain there for
some years. During the absence of the regent, such confu-
sions prevailed in Scotland, and such mutual enmity, rapine,
and violence among the great families, that that kingdom
was for a long time utterly disabled both from offending its
enemies and assisting its friends. We have carried on the
Scottish history some years beyond the present period ; that,
as that country had little connection with the general system
of Europe, we might be the less interrupted in the narration
of those more memorable events which were transacted in tho
other kingdoms.
It was foreseen, that a young, active prince, like Francis,
and of so martial a disposition, would soon employ the great
preparations which his predecessor before his death had made
lor the conquest of Milan. He had been observed even to
weep at the recital of the military exploits of Gaston de Foix ;
and these tears of emulation were held to be sure presages of
his future valor. He renewed the treaty which Lewis had
made with Henry ; and having left every thing secure behind
him, he marched his armies towards the south of France ;
pretending that his sole purpose was to defend his kingdom
against the incursions of the Swiss. This formidable people
utill retained their animosity against France ; and having
taken Maximilian, duke of Milan, under their protection, and
in reality reduced him to absolute dependence, they were
determined, from views both of honor and of interest, to
A. D. 1515.1 HENRY VIII. 113
defend him against the invader.* They fortified themselves
in all those valleys of the Alps through which they though;
the French must necessarily pass ; and when Francis, with
great secrecy, industry, and perseverance, made his entrance
into Piedmont by another passage, they were not dismayed,
but descended into the plain, though unprovided with cavalry,
and opposed themselves to the progress of the French arms
At Marignan, near Milan, they fought with Francis one of the
most furious and best contested battles that is to be met with
iu the history of these later ages ; and it required all the
heroic valor of this prince to inspire his troops with courage
sufficient to resist the desperate assault of those mountaineers.
After a bloody action in the evening, night and darkness
parted the combatants ; but next morning the Swiss renewed
the attack with unabated ardor ; and it was not till they had
lost all their bravest troops that they could be prevailed on
to retire. The field was strewed with twenty thousand slain
on both sides ; and the mareschal Trivulzio, who had been
present at eighteen pitched battles, declared that every en-
gagement which he had yet seen was only the play of children ;
the action of Marignan was a combat of heroes. t After this
great victory, the conquest of the Milanese was easy and open
to Francis.
The success and glory of the French monarch began to
excite jealousy in Henry ; and his rapid progress, though in
so distant a country, was not regarded without apprehensions
by the English ministry. Italy was, during that age, the seat
of religion, of literature, and of commerce ; and as it pos-
sessed alone that lustre which has since been shared out
among other nations, it attracted the attention of all Europe,
and every acquisition which was made there appeared more
important than its weight in the balance of power was,
strictly speaking, entitled to. Henry also thought that he
had reason to complain of Francis ibr sending the duke of
Albany into Scotland, and undermining the power and credit
of his sister the queen dowager. $ The repairing of the
fortifications of Terouenne was likewise regarded as a breach
of treaty. But, above all, what tended to alienate the court
of England, was the disgust which Wolsey had entertained
against the French monarch.
* Memoires du Bellai, lib. i. Guiceiard. lib. xii.
t Histoire de la Ligue de Cambray. $ Pere Daniel, vol. iii. p. 31
114 HIST0KY OF ENGLAND [A. L 1^16
Henry, on the conquest of Tournay, had refused to admit
Lewis Gaillart, tha bishop elect, to the possession of the tem-
poralities, because that prelate declined taking the oath of
allegiance to his new sovereign ; and Wolsey was appointed,
as above related, administrator of the bishopric. As the car-
dinal wished to obtain the free and undisturbed enjoyment of
this revenue, he applied to Francis, and desired him to bestow
on Gaillart some see of equal value in France, and to obtain
his resignation of Tournay. Francis, who still hoped to
recover possession of that city, and who feared that the full
establishment of Wolsey in the bishopric would prove an
obstacle to his purpose, had hitherto neglected to gratify the
haughty prelate ; and the bishop of Tournay, by applying to
the court of Rome, had obtained a bull for his settlement in
the see. Wolsey, who expected to be indulged in every
request, and who exacted respect from the greatest princes,
resented the slight put upon him by Francis ; and he pushed
his master to seek an occasion of quarrel with that monarch.*
Maximilian, the emperor, was ready to embrace every over
ture for a new enterprise ; especially if attended with an offer
of money, of which he was very greedy, very prodigal, and
very indigent. Fwichard Pace, formerly secretary to Cardinal
Bambridge, and now secretary of state, was despatched to
the court of Vienna, and had a commission to propose some
considerable payments to Maximilian : t he thence made a
journey into Switzerland ; and by like motives engaged some
of the cantons to furnish troops to the emperor. That prince
invaded Italy with a considerable army ; but being repulsed
from before Milan, he retreated with his army into Germany,
made peace with France and Venice, ceded Verona to that
republic for a sum of money, and thus excluded himself in
some measure from all future access into Italy. And Henry
found, that after expending five or six hundred thousand ducats,
in order to gratify his own and the cardinal's humor, he had
only weakened his alliance with Francis, without diminishing
the power of that prince.
There were many reasons which engaged the king not to
proceed further at present in his enmity against France : he
could hope for assistance from no power in Eui «pe. Ferdi-
aand, his father-in-law, who had often deceived him, was
* Po)_vil. Virg. lib. xxvii.
t Pofrns de Anglcria, epist. 568.
A. D. 1516. 1 HENRY VTll 11 3
declining through age and infirmities ; and a speedy period
was looked for to the long and prosperous reign of that great
monarch. Charles, prince of Spain, sovereign of the Low
Countries, desired nothing but peace with Francis, who had it
so much in his power, if provoked, to obstruct his peaceable
accession to that rich inheritance which was awaiting him.
The pope was overawed by the power of France, and Venice
was engaged in a close alliance with that monarchy.* Henry,
therefore, was constrained to remain in tranquillity during
(some time ; and seemed to give himself no concern with
regard to the affairs of the continent. In vain did Maximilian
endeavor to allure him into some expense, by offering to
make a resignation of the imperial crown in his favor. The
artifice was too gross to succeed, even with a prince so little
politic as Henry ; and Pace, his envoy, who was perfectly
well acquainted with the emperor's motives and character,
gave him warning that the sole view of that prince, in making
him so liberal an offer, was to draw money from him.
[1516.] While a universal peace prevailed in Europe,
that event happened which had so long been looked for, and
from which such important consequences were expected — the
'death of Ferdinand the Catholic, and the succession of his
grandson Charles to his extensive dominions. The more
Charles advanced in power and authority, the more was
Francis sensible of the necessity he himself lay under of
gaining the confidence and friendship of Henry; and he took
at last the only method by which he could obtain success,
the paying of court, by presents and flattery, to the haughty
cardinal.
[1518.] Bonnivet, admiral of France, was despatched to
London, and he was directed to employ all his insinuation and
address, (qualities in which he excelled,) to procure himself a
place in Wolsey's good graces. After the ambassador had
succeeded in his purpose, he took an opportunity of expressing
his master's regret that, by mistakes and misapprehensions,
he had been so unfortunate as to lose a friendship which he
so much valued as that of his eminence. Wolsey was not
deaf to these honorable advances from so great a monarch ;
and he was thenceforth observed to express himself, on all
occasions, in favor of the French alliance. The more to
engage him in his interests, Francis entered into such confi-
* Guicciard lib. xir.
UG HISVORY OF ENGLAND [A. D. 1518
dence with liim, that he asked his advice even in his mosl
secret affairs ; and had recourse to him in all difficult emer-
gencies, as to an oracle of wisdom and profound policy. The
cardinal made no secret to the king of this private corre-
spondence ; and Henry was so prepossessed in favor of the
great capacity of his minister, that he said he verily believed
he would govern Francis as well as himself*
When matters seemed sufficiently prepared, Bonnivet opened
to the cardinal his master's desire of recovering Tournay ;
and Wolsey immediately, without hesitation, engaged to effect
his purpose. He took an opportunity of representing *o the
king and council, that Tournay lay so remote from Calais,
that it would be very difficult, if not impossible, in case of
war, to keep the communication open between these two
places ; that as it was situated on the frontiers both of France
and the Netherlands, it was exposed to attacks from both these
countries, and must necessarily, either by force or famine,
fall into the hands of the first assailant ; that even in time of
peace it could not be preserved without a large garrison, to
restrain the numerous and mutinous inhabitants, ever discon-
tented with the English government ; and that the possession
of Tournay, as it was thut precarious and expensive, so was
it entirely useless, and afforded little or no means oi an-
noying, on occasion, the dominions either of Charles cr of
Francis.
These reasons were of themselves convincing, and were
sure of meeting with no opposition when they came from the
mouth of the cardinal. A treaty therefore was entered into
for the ceding of Tournay ; and in order to give to that
measure a more graceful appearance, it was agreed, that the
dauphin and the princess Mary, both of them infants, should
be betrothed, and that this city should be considered as the
dowry of the princess. Such kinds of agreement were then
common among sovereigns ; though it was very rare that the
interests and views of the parties continued so steady as to
render the intended marriages effectual. But as Henry had
been at considerable expense in building a citadel at Tournay.
Francis agreed to pay him six hundred thousand crowns at
twelve annual paymen s, and to put into his hands eight
hostages, all of them men of quality, for the performance of
the article.! And lest the cardinal should think hiujself
* Polyd. Virg. lib. xxvii.
t Memoires du Bellai, lib. I.
A.D. 1518.] henry vin. 117
neglected in. these stipulations, Francis promised him a yearly
pension of twelve thousand livres, as an equivalent for his ad-
ministration of the bishopric of Tournay.
The French monarch, having succeeded so well in this
negotiation, began to enlarge his views, and to hope for more
considerable advantages by practising on the vanity and sell-
conceit of the favorite. He redoubled his flatteries to the car-
dinal, consulted him more frequently in every doubt or difficulty,
called him in each letter "father," " tutor," "governor," and
professed the most unbounded deference to his advice and
opinion. All these caresses were preparatives to a negotiation
lor the delivery of Calais, in consideration of a sum of money
to be paid for it ; and if we may credit Polydore Virgil, who
bears a particular ill-will to Wolsey, on account of his being
dispossessed of his employment and thrown into prison by that
minister, so extraordinary a proposal met with a favorable
reception from the cardinal. He ventured not, however, to
lay the matter before the council : he was content to sound
privately the opinion of the other ministers, by dropping hints
in conversation, as if he thought Calais a useless burden to the
kingdom : * but when he found that all men were strongly
riveted in a contrary persuasion, he thought it dangerous to
proceed any further in his purpose ; and as he fell soon after
into new connections with the king of Spain, the great friend-
6hip between Francis and him began gradually to decline.
The pride of Wolsey was now further increased by a great
accession of power and dignity. Cardinal Campeggio had
been sent as legate into England, in order to procure a tithe
from the clergy, for enabling the pope to oppose the progress
of the Turks ; a danger which was become real, and was
formidable to all Christendom, but on which the politics of the
court of Home had built so many interested projects, that it
had lost all influence on the minds of men. The clergy refused
to comply with Leo's demands : Campeggio was recalled ; and
the king desired of the pope that Wolsey, who had been joined
in this commission, might alone be invested with the legatiue
power, together with the right of visiting all the clergy and
monasteries, and even with suspending all the laws of the
church during a twelvemonth. Wolsey, having obtained this
new dignity, made a new display of that state and parade to
which he was so much addicted. On solemn feast-days, he
* Polyd. Virg-. lib. xxvii.
118 HISTORY OF ENGLAN.. fA. D. 1518
was not content without saying mass after the manner of the
pope himself: not only he had bishops and abbots to serve
him ; he even engaged the first nobility to give him water
and the towel. He affected a rank superior to what had ever
been claimed by any churchman in England. Warham, the
primate, having written him a letter in which he subscribed
himself " your loving brother," Wolsey complained of his pre-
sumption in thus challenging an equality with him. When
Warham was told what offence he had given, he made light
of the matter. " Know ye not," said he, " that this man is
drunk with too much prosperity ?"
But Wolsey carried the matter much further than vain
pomp and ostentation. He erected an office which he called
the legatine court ; and as he was now, by means of the
pope's commission and the king's favor, invested with all
power, both ecclesiastical and civil, no man knew what bounds
were to be set to the authority of his new tribunal. He con-
ferred on it a kind of inquisitorial and censorial powers even
over the laity, and directed it to inquire into all matters of
conscience ; into all conduct which had given scandal ; into all
actions which, though they escaped the law, might appeal
contrary to good morals. Offence was taken at this commis-
sion, which was really unbounded ; and the people were the
more disgusted, when they saw a man who indulged himself
in pomp and pleasure, so severe in repressing the least appear-
ance of licentiousness in others. But to render his court more
obnoxious, Wolsey made one John Allen judge in it, a person
of scandalous life* whom he himself, as chancellor, had, it i*
said, condemned for perjury : and as it is pretended, that this
man either extorted fines from every one whom he was pleased
to find guilty, or took bribes to drop prosecutions, men con-
cluded, and with some appearance of reason, that he shared
with the cardinal those wages of iniquity. The clergy, and
in particular the monks, were exposed to this tyranny ; and
as the libertinism of their lives often gave a just handle against
them, they were obliged to purchase an indemnity by paying
large sums of money to the legate or his judge. Not content
with this authority, Wolsey pretended, by virtue of his com-
mission, to assume the jurisdiction of all the bishops' courts '
particularly that of judging of wills and testaments : and his
decisions in those important points were deemed not a little
* Strype's Memorials, vrl i p. 125.
A. D. 1519.] HKNRY VIII 11*
arbitrary. As if he himself were pope, and as it the pope
could absolutely dispose of every ecclesiastical preferment, he
presented to whatever priories or benefices he pleased, withoui
regard to the right of election in the monks, or of patronage
in the nobility and gentry.*
No one durst carry to the king any complaint against thes--.
usurpations of Wolsey, till Warham ventured to inform him ol
the discontents of his people. Henry professed his ignorance
of the whole matter. "A man," said he, "is not so blind
anv where as in his own house : but do you, father," added
he to the primate, " go to Wolsey, and tell him, if any thing
be amiss, that he amend it." A reproof of this kind was not
likely to be effectual : it only served to augment Wolsey's
enmity to Warham : but one London having prosecuted Allen,
the legate's judge, in a court of law, and having convicted him
of malversation and iniquity, the clamor at last reached the
king's ears ; and he expressed such displeasure to the car-
dinal, as made him ever after more cautious in exerting his
authority.
[1519.] While Henry, indulging himself in pleasure and
amusement, intrusted the government of his kingdom to this
imperious minister, an incident happened abroad which excited
his attention. Maximilian, the emperor, died ; a man who, of
himself, was indeed of little consequence ; but as his death
left vacant the first station among Christian princes, it set the
passions of men in agitation, and proved a kind of era in the
general system of Europe. The kings of France and Spain
immediately declared themselves candidates for the imperial
crown, and employed every expedient of money or intrigue
which promised them success in so great a point of ambition.
Henry also was encouraged to advance his pretensions ; but
his minister Pace, who was despatched to the electors, found
that he began to solicit too late, and that the votes of all these
princes were already preengaged either on one side or tho
other.
Francis and Charles made profession from the beginning of
carrying on this rivalship with emulation, but without enmity ,
* Polyd. Virg. lib. xxvii. This whole narrative has been copied by
all the historians from the author here cited; there are many circum-
stances, however, very suspicious, both because of the obvious par-
tiality of the historian, and because the parliament, when they after-
wards examined Wolsey's conduct, could find no proof of any material
offence he had ever committed
i*HO BiXtORY *F ENGLAND. [A. D.
and Francis in particular declared, that his brother Charles
and he were, fairly and openly, suitors to the same mistress :
the more fortunate, added he, will carry her ; the other must
rest contented.* But all men apprehended that this extreme
moderation, however reasonable, would not be of long dura-
tion ; and that incidents would certainly occur to sharpen the
minds of the candidates against each other. It was Charles
who at length prevailed, to the great disgust of the French
monarch, who still continued to the last in the belief that the
majority of the electoral college was engaged in his favor
And as he was some years superior in age to his rival, and,
after his victory at Marignan and conquest of the Milanese,
much superior in renown, he could not suppress his indigna-
tion at being thus, in the face of the world, after long and
anxious expectation, disappointed in so important a pretension
From this competition, as much as from opposition of interasts,
arose that emulation between these two great monarchs,
which, while it kept their whole age in movement, sets them
in so remarkable a contrast to each other : both of them princes
endowed with talents and abilities ; brave, aspiring, active,
warlike ; beloved by their servants and subjects, dreaded by
their enemies, and respected by all the world : Francis, open,
frank, liberal, munificent, carrying these virtues to an excess
which prejudiced his affairs : Charles, political, close, artful,
frugal ; better qualified to obtain success in wars and in nego-
tiations, especially the latter. The one the more amiable man ;
the other the greater monarch. The king, from -liis oversights
and indiscretions, naturally exposed to misfortunes ; but qual-
ified, by his spirit and magnanimity, to extricate himself
from them with honor : the emperor, by his designing, inter-
ested character, fitted, in his greatest successes, to excite
jealousy and opposition even among his allies, and to rouse up
a multitude of enemies in the place of one whom he had sub-
dued. And as the personal qualities of these princes thus
counterpoised each other, so did the advantages and disadvan-
tages of their dominions. Fortune alone, without the concur-
rence of prudence or valor, never reared up of a sudden so
great a power as that which centred in the emperor Charles.
He reaped the succession of Castile, of Arragon, of Austria,
of the Netherlands : he inherited the conquest of Naples, of
Grenada : election entitled him to the empire : even the bound*
* Belcario, lib. xvL Guieeiard. lib. xiii
A.. D. 1520.] henry vin. 121
of the globe seemed to be enlarged a little before his time, that
he might possess the whole treasure, as yet entire and unrifled,
of the new world. But though the concurrence of all these
advantages formed an empire greater and more extensive
than any known in Europe since that of the Romans, the
kingdom of France alone, being close, compact, united, rich,
populous, and being interposed between the provinces of the
(imperor's dominions, was able to make a vigorous opposition
to his progress, and maintain the contest against him.
Henry possessed the felicity of being able, both by the
native force of his kingdom and its situation, to hold the
balance between those two powers ; and had he known to
miprove by policy and prudence this singular and inestimable
advantage, he was really, by means of it, a greater potentate
than either of those mighty monarchs, who seemed to strive
for the dominion of Europe. But this prince was in his char-
acter heedless, inconsiderate, capricious, impolitic ; guided by
his passions or his favorite ; vain, imperious, haughty ; some-
times actuated by friendship for foreign powers, oftener by
resentment, seldom by his true interest. And thus, though he
exulted in that superiority which his situation in Europe gave
him, he never employed it to his own essential and durable
advantage, or to that of his kingdom.
[1520.] Francis was well acquainted with Henry's char-
acter, and endeavored to accommodate his conduct to it. He
solicited an interview near Calais ; in expectation of being able
by familiar conversation to gain upon his friendship and con-
fidence. "Wolsey earnestly seconded this proposal ; and hoped,
in the presence of both courts to make parade of his riches,
his splendor, and his influence over both monarchs.* And as
Henry himself loved show and magnificence, and had enter-
tained a curiosity of being personally acquainted with the
French king, he cheerfully adjusted all the preliminaries of
this interview. The nobility of both nations vied with each
other in pomp and expense : many of them involved them-
selves in great debts, and were not able, by the penury of their
whole lives, to repair the vain splendor of a few days. The
duke of Buckingham, who, though very rich, was somewhat
addicted to frugality, finding his preparations for this festival
amount to immense sums, threw out some expressions of dis-
pleasure against the cardinal, whom he believed the author of
* Polyd. Virg. lib. xxvii.
VOL. III. — F
122 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. I52t)
that measure;* an imprudence which was not forgotten by
this minister.
While Henry was preparing to depart for Calais, he heard
that the emperor was arrived at Dover ; and he immediately
hastened thither with the queen, in order to give a suitable
reception to his royal guest. That great prince, politic though
young, being informed of the intended interview between
Francis and Henry, was apprehensive of the consequences ;
and was resolved to take the opportunity, in his passage from
Spain to the Low Countries, to make the king still a higher
compliment, by paying him a visit in his own dominions.
Besides the marks of regard and attachment which he gave to
Henry, he strove by every testimony of friendship, by flattery,
protestations, promises, and presents, to gain on the vanity,
the avarice, and the ambition of the cardinal. He here
instilled into this aspiring prelate the hope of attaining the
papacy ; and as that was the sole point of elevation beyond
his present greatness, it was sure to attract his wishes with the
same ardor as if Fortune had never yet favored him with any
of her presents. In confidence of reaching this dignity by the
emperor's assistance, he secretly devoted himself to that mon-
arch's interests ; and Charles was perhaps the more liberal
of his promises, because Leo was a very young man ; and it
was not likely that for many years he should be called upon
to fulfil his engagements. Henry easily observed this court-
ship paid to his minister; but instead of taking umbrage at it,
he only made it a subject of vanity ; and believed that, as his
favor was Wolsey's sole support, the obeisance of such mighty
monarchs to his servant was, in reality, a more conspicuous
homage to his own grandeur.
The day of Charles's departure, Henry went over to Calais
with the queen and his whole court ; and thence proceeded to
Guisnes, a small town near the frontiers. Francis, attended
in like manner, came to Ardres, a few miles distant ; and the
two monarchs met, for the first time, in the fields, at a place
situated between these two towns, but still within the English
pale ; for Francis agreed to pay this compliment to Henry, in
consideration of that prince's passing the sea that he might be
present at the interview. Wolsey, to whom both kings hat?
intrusted the regulation of the ceremonial, contrived this cii-
tmmstance, in order to do honor to his master. The nobility
* Polyd Virg. lib xxvii. Herbert. Holingshed, r.. 85')-
A. D. 1520] henry viii. 123
both of France and England here displayed their magnificence
with such emulation and profuse expense, as procured to tho
place of interview the name of " the field of the cloth of gold."
The two monarchs, after saluting each other in the most
cordial manner, retired into a tent which had been erected on
purpose, and they held a secret conference together. Henry
here proposed to make some amendments on the articles of
their former alliance ; and he began to read the treaty, " 1
Henry, king :" these were the first words ; and he stopped a
moment. He subjoined only the words "of England," with-
out adding " France," the usual style of the English mon-
archs.* Francis remarked this delicacy, and expressed by a
smile his approbation of it.
He took an opportunity soon after of paying a compliment
to Henry of a more flattering nature. That generous prince,
full of honor himself, and incapable of distrusting others, was
shocked at all the precautions which were observed whenever
he had an interview with the English monarch : the number
of their guards and attendants were carefully reckoned on both
sides : every step was scrupulously measured and adjusted ■
and if the two kings intended to pay a visit to the queens, they
departed from their respective quarters at the same instant,
which was marked by the firing of a culverin ; they passed
each other in the middle point between the places ; and the
moment that Henry entered Ardres, Francis put himself into
the hands of the English at Guisnes. In order to break oft' this
tedious ceremonial, which contained so many dishonorable
implications, Francis one day took with him two gentlemen
and a page, and rode directly into Guisnes. The guards were
surprised at the presence of the monarch, who called aloud to
them, " You are all my prisoners : carry me to your master.'
Henry was equally astonished at the appearance of Francis ;
and taking him in his arms, "My brother," said he, "you
have here played me the most agreeable trick in the world,
and have showed me the full confidence I may place in you ;
I surrender myself your prisoner from this moment." He
took from his neck a collar of pearls, worth fifteen thousand
angels ;t and putting it about Francis's, begged him to wear,
it for the sake of his prisoner. Francis agreed, but on con-,
dition that Henry should wear a bracelet of which he made!'.
* Memoires de Fleuranges.
f An angel was then estimated at seven shillings, or near twelve
cf our present money.
MS
1^,4 HISTORY OF ENGI-4.ND. |A D 1 5<Jb
him a pre'xnt, and which was double in value to the collar *
The king went next day to Ardres without guards or attend-
ants ; and confidence being now fully established between the
•uonarchs, they employed the rest of the time entirely in tour-
•ainents and festivals.
A defiance had been sent by the two kings to each other's
court, and through all the chief cities in Europe, importing,
that Henry and Francis, with fourteen aids, would be ready,
in the plains of Picardy, to answer all comers that were gen-
tlemen, at tilt, tournament, and barriers. The monarchs, in
order to fulfil this challenge, advanced into the field on horse-
back, Francis surrounded with Henry's guards, and Henry
with those of Francis. They were gorgeously apparelled ;
and were both of them the most comely personages of their
age, as well as the most expert in every military exercise.
They carried away the prize at all trials in those rough and
dangerous pastimes ; and several horses and riders were over-
thrown by their vigor and dexterity. The ladies were the
judges in these feats of chivalry, and put an end to the ren-
counter whenever they judged it expedient. Henry erected a
spacious house of wood and canvas, which had been framed
in London ; and he there feasted the French monarch. He
had placed a motto on this fabric, under the figure of an Eng-
lish archer embroidered on it, "Cui adhsreo priest," He pre-
vails whom I favor ;t expressing his own situation, as holding
in his hands the balance of power among the potentates of
Europe. In these entertainments, more than in any serious
business, did the two kings pass their time, till their de-
parture.
Henry paid then a visit to the emperor and Margaret of
Savoy at Gravelines, and engaged them to go along with him
to Calais, and pass some days in that fortress. The artful and
politic Charles here completed the impression which he had
begun to make on Henry and his favorite, and effaced all the
friendship to which the frank and generous nature of Francis
had given birth. As the house of Austria began sensibly to
take the ascendant over the French monarchy, the interests
of England required that some support should be given to the
latter, and, above all, that any important wars should be pre-
vented which might bestow on either of them a decisive
superiority over the other. But the jealousy of the English
* Memoires de Fleurangea. t Mezeray,
A.l) f£'Ji.;| HENRY VTJI. 123
agamst France has usually prevented a cordial union between
these nations ; and Charles, sensible of this hereditary animos-
ity, and desirous further to flatter Henry's vanity, xiad made
him an offer, (an offer in which Francis was afterwards obliged
to concur,) that he should be entirely arbiter in any dispute or
difference that might arise between the monarchs. But the
masterpiece of Charles's politics was the securing of Wolsey
ju his interests, by very important services, and still highei
promises. lie renewed assurances of assisting him in obtain-
ing the papacy ; and he put him in present possession of the
revenues belonging to the sees of Badajoz and Palencia in
Castile. The acquisitions of Wolsey were now become so ex-
orbitant, that, joined to the pensions from foreign powers which
Henry allowed him to possess, his revenues were computed
nearly to equal those which belonged to the crown itself; and
he spent them with a magnificence, or rather an ostentation
which gave general offence to the people ; and even lessened
his master in the eyes of all foreign nations.*
The violent personal emufation and political jealousy which
had taken place between the emperor and the French king,
soon broke out in hostilities. But while these ambitious and
warlike princes were acting against each other in almost every
part of Europe, they still made professions of the strongest
desire of peace ; and both of them incessantly carried their
complaints to Henry, as to the umpire between them. The
king, who pretended to be neutral, engaged them to send
their ambassadors to Calais, there to negotiate a peace under
the mediation of Wolsey and the pope's nuncio. The em-
peror was well apprised of the partiality of these mediators ;
and his demands in the conference were so unreasonable, as
plainly proved him conscious of the advantage. He required
the restitution of Burgundy, a province which many years
before had been ceded to France by treaty, and which, if in
his possession, would have given him entrance into the heart
of that kingdom : and he demanded to be freed from the horn
age which his ancestors had always done for Flanders aur*
Artois, and which he himself had by the treaty of Noyon eu
gaged to renew. [1521.] On Francis's rejecting these terms,
the congress of Calais broke up ; and Wolsey soon after took a
journey to Bruges, where ho met with the emperor. He was
.received with the same state, magnificence, ami respect, as i/
* Polyd. Vir<r. Hall.
!26 HISTORY 01' ENGLAND. [A. D. 1 52 1
he had been the king of England himself; and he concluded,
m his master's name, an offensive alliance with the pope am!
the emperor against France. He stipulated that England
should next summer invade that kingdom with forty thousauJ
men ; and he betrothed to Charles the princess Mary, the
king's only child, who had now some prospect of inheriting
the crown. This extravagant alliance, which was prejudicial
to the interests, and might have proved fatal to the liberty and
independence of the kingdom, was the result of the humors
and prejudices of the king, and the private views and expecta
tions of the cardinal.
The people saw every day new instances of the uncontrolled
authority of this minister. The duke of Buckingham, consta-
ble of England, the first nobleman both for family and fortune
in the kingdom, had imprudently given disgust to the cardinal ;
and it was not long before he found reason to repent of his
indiscretion. He seems to have been a man full of levity and
rash projects ; and being infatuated with judu-ial astrology, he
entertained a commerce with onefliopkins, a Carthusian iriar.
who encouraged him in the notion of his mounting one day the
throne of England. He was descended by a female from the
duke of Glocester, youngest son of Edward III. ; and though
his claim to the crown was thereby very remote, he had been
so unguarded as to let fall some expressions, as if he thought
himself best entitled, in case the king should die without issue,
to possess the royal dignity. He had not even abstained from
threats against the king's life ; and had provided himself with
arms, which he intended to employ, in case a favorable oppor-
tunity should offer. He was brought to a trial ; and the duke of
Norfolk, whose son, the earl of Surrey, had married Bucking-
ham's daughter, was created lord steward, in order to preside
at this solemn procedure. The jury consisted of a duke, a
marquis, seven earls, and twelve barons ; and they gave their
verdict against Buckingham, which was soon after carried into
execution. There is no reason to think the sentence unjust ;*
but as Buckingham's crimes seemed to proceed more frotjS
indiscretion than deliberate malice, the people, who loved him,
expected that the king would grant him a pardon, and imputed
their disappointment to the animosity and revenge of the car-
dinal. The king's own jealousy, however, of all persons allied
* Herbert. Hall. Stowe, p. 513. Holingshed, p. 8G2,
A. D. 1521.] HENRY vra. i*/
to the crown, was, notwithstanding his undoubted tilie, very
remarkable daring the whole course of his reign ; and was
alone sufficient to render him implacable against Buckingham
The office of constable, which this noble.oian inherited from
the Bohuns, earls of Hereford, was forfeited, and was nevci
after revived in England.
128 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1 521
CHAPTER XXIX.
HENRY VIII.
[1521.] During some years, many parts of Europe had
been agitated with those religious controversies which produced
the reformation, one of the greatest events in history : but as
: t was not till this time that the king of England publicly took
part in the quarrel, we had no occasion to give any account of
its rise and progress. It will now be necessary to explain
these theological disputes ; or. what is more material, to trace
from their origin those abuses Avhich so generally diffused the
opinion, that a reformation of the church or ecclesiastical order
was become highly expedient, if not absolutely necessary.
We shall be better enabled to comprehend the subject if we
take the matter a little higher, and reflect a moment on the
reasons why there must be an ecclesiastical order and a
public establishment of religion in every civilized community.
The importance of the present occasion will, I hope, excuse
this short digression
Most of the arts and professions in a state are of such a
nature, that, while they promote the interests of the society,
they are also useful or agreeable to some individuals ; and, in
that case, the constant rule of the magistrate, except, perhaps,
on the first introduction of any art, is to leave the profession to
itself, and trust its encouragement to those who reap the ben-
efit of it. The artisans, finding their profits to rise by the
favor of their customers, increase as much as possible their
skill and industry ; and as matters are not disturbed by any
injudicious tampering, the commodity is always sure to be at
all times nearly proportioned to the demand.
But there are also some callings which, though useful ana
even necessary in a state, bring no particular advantage oi
pleasure to any individual ; and the supreme power is obliged
to alter its conduct with regard to the retainers of those pro-
fessions. It must give them public encouragement in order to
their subsistence ; and it must provide against that negligenco
to which they will naturally be subject, either by annexing
peculiar honors to the profession, by establishing % '(n-g- «■«•%*».
A. D. 1521.] HES.RY VIII. l^it
ordination of ranks and a strict dependence, or by some other
expedient. The persons employed in the finances, armies
fleets, and magistracy, are instances of this order of men.
It may naturally be thought, at first sight, that the ecclesi
astics belong to the first class, and that their encouragement,
as well as that of lawyers and physicians, may safely be in-
trusted to the liberality of individuals, who are attached to
their doctrines, and who find benefit or consolation from their
gpiritual ministry and assistance. Their industry and vigilance
will no doubt, be whetted by such an additional motive ; and
their skill in their profession, as well as their address in gov-
erning the minds of the people, must receive daily increase
from their increasing practice, study, and attention.
But if we consider the matter more closely, we shall find ,
that this interested diligence of the clergy is what every wise
legislator will study to prevent ; because in every religion,
except the true, it is highly pernicious, and it has even a na-
tural tendency to pervert the true, by infusing into it a strong
mixture of superstition, folly, and delusion. Each ghostly
practitioner, in order to render himself more precious and
sacred in the eyes of his retainers, will inspire them with the
most violent abhorrence of all other sects, and continually en-
deavor, by some novelty, to excite the languid devotion of his
audience. No regard will be paid to truth, morals, or decency,
in the doctrines inculcated. Every tenet will be adopted that
best suits the disorderly affections of the human frame. Cus-
tomers will be drawn to each conventicle by new industry and
address, in practising on the passions and credulity of the
•jopulace. And, in the end, the civil magistrate will find, that
he has dearly paid for his pretended frugality, in saving a fixed
establishment for the priests ; and that in reality the most de-
cent and advantageous composition which he can make with
the spiritual guides is to bribe their indolence, by assigning
stated salaries to their profession, and rendering it superfluous
for them to be further active than merely to prevent their
flock from straying in quest of new pastures. And in this
manner ecclesiastical establishments, though commonly they
arose at first from religious views, prove in the end advanta
geous to the political interests of society.
But we may observe, that few ecclesiastical establishments
have been fixed upon a worse foundation than that of the
church of Borne, or have been attended with circumstances
more hurtful to the peace and happiness of mankind.
130 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1521
The large revenues, privileges, immunities, and powers of
the clergy, rendered them formidable to the civil magistrate.,
and armed with too extensive authority an order of men who
always adhere closely together, and who never want a plausi-
ble pretence for their encroachments and usurpations. The
higher dignities of the church served, indeed, tc the support
of gentry and nobility ; but by the establishment of monas
teries, many of the lowest vulgar were taken from the useful
arts, and maintained in those receptacles of sloth and ignorance.
The supreme head of the church was a foreign potentate,
guided by interests always different from those of the com-
munity, sometimes contrary to them. And as the hierarchy
was necessarily solicitous to preserve a unity of faith, rites,
and ceremonies, all liberty of thought ran a manifest risk of
being extinguished ; and violent persecutions, or, what was
worse, a stupid and abject credulity, took place every where.
To increase these evils, the Church, though she possessed
iarge revenues, was not contented with her acquisitions, but
retained a power of practising further on the ignorance of
mankind. She even bestowed on each individual priest a
power of enriching himself by the voluntary oblations of the
faithful, and left him still an urgent motive for diligence and
industry in his calling. And thus that church, though an
expensive and burdensome establishment, was liable to many
of the inconveniences which belong to an order of priests,
trusting entirely to their own art and invention for obtaining
a subsistence.
The advantages attending the Romish hierarchy were but a
small compensation for its inconveniences. The ecclesiastical
privileges, during barbarous times, had served as a check on
the despotism of kings. The union of all the western churches
under the supreme pontiff facilitated the intercourse of nations,
and tended to bind all the parts of Europe into a close con-
nection with each other. And the pomp and splendor of
worship which belonged to so opulent an establishment, con-
tributed in some respect to the encouragement of the fine arts,
and began to diffuse a general elegance of taste by uniting it
with religion.
It will easily be conceived that, though the balance of evil
prevailed in the Romish church, this was not the chief jeason
which produced the reformation. A concurrence of incidents
must have contributed to forward that great revolution.
Loo X., by his generous and enterprising temper, had muefr
A. J). 1521] henry vm. 131
exhausced his treasury, and was obliged to employ everv
invention which might yield money, in order to support his
projects, pleasures, and liberalities. The scheme of selling
indulgences was suggested to him, as an expedient which had
often served in former times to draw money from the Chris-
tian world, and make devout people willing contributors to the
grandeur and riches of the court of Rome. The church, it
was supposed, was possessed of a great stock of merit, as
being entitled to all the good works of all the saints, beyond
what were employed in their own justification ; and even to
the merits of Christ himself, which were infinite and unbound-
ed ; and from this unexhausted treasury the pope might retail
particular portions, and by that traffic acquire money to be
employed in pious purposes, in resisting the infidels, or subdu-
ing schismatics. When the money came into his excheq-
uer, the greater part of it was usually diverted to other pur-
poses.*
It is commonly believed that Leo, from the penetration of
his genius, and his familiarity with ancient literature, was fully
acquainted with the ridicule and falsity of the doctrines which,
as supreme pontiff, he was obliged by his interest to promote :
it is the less wonder, therefore, that he employed for his profit
those pious frauds which his predecessors, the most ignorant and
credulous, had always, under plausible pretences, made use of
for their selfish purposes. He published the sale of a general
indulgence ;t and as his expenses had not only exhausted his
usual revenue, but even anticipated the money expected from
this extraordinary expedient, the several branches of it were
openly given away to particular persons, who were entitled to
levy the imposition. The produce, particularly of Saxony and
the countries bordering on the Baltic, was assigned to his sister
Magdalene, married to Cibo, natural son of Innocent VIII. ;
and she, in order to enhance her profit, had farmed out the
revenue to one Arcemboldi, a Genoese, once a merchant, now
a bishop, who still retained all the lucrative arts of his former
profession, t The Austin friars had usually been employed
in Saxony to preach the indulgences, and from this trust had
derived both profit and consideration : but Arcemboldi, fearing
lest practice might have taught them moans to secrete the
money, § and expecting no extraordinary success from the
ordinary methods of collection, gave this occupation to th«?
* Father Paul and Sleidan. t In 1517.
} Father Paul. Sleidan. $ Father Paul, lib. i
132 UlhiuRY OP ENGLAAU. [A.l>. 1521.
Dominicans. These monks, in order to prove themselves
worthy of the distinction conferred on them, exaggerated tha
benefits of indulgences by the most unbounded panegyrics ;
and advanced doctrines on that head, which, though not mora
ridiculous than those already received, were not as yet entirely
familiar to the ears of the people.* To add to the scandal,
the collectors of this revenue are said to have lived very licen-
tious lives, and to have spent in taverns, gaming-houses, and
places still more infamous, the money which devout persona
had saved from their usual expenses, in order to purchase a
remission of their sins.f
All these circumstances might have given cfience, but would
have been attended with no event of any importance, had
there not arisen a man qualified to take advantage of the inci
dent. Martin Luther, an Austin friar, professor in the uni-
versity of Wittemberg, resenting the affront put upon his order,
began to preach against these abuses in the sale of indulgences ;
and heing naturally of a fiery temper, and provoked by oppo-
sition, he proceeded even to decry indulgences themselves .
and was thence carried, by the heat of dispute, to question the
authority of the pope, from which his adversaiies derived their
chief arguments against him. t Still, as he enlarged his read-
ing, in order to support these tenets, he discovered some new
abuse or error in the church of Rome ; and finding his opinions
greedily hearkened to, he promulgated them by writing, dis-
course, sermon, conference ; and daily increased the numbei
of his disciples. All Saxony, all Germany, all Europe, were
in a very little time filled with the voice of this daring inno
vator ; and men, roused from that lethargy in which they had
so long slept, began to call in question the most ancient and
most received opinions. The elector of Saxony, favorahle to
Luther's doctrine, protected him from the violence of the
papal jurisdiction : the republic of Zurich even reformed their
church according to the new model : many sovereigns of the
empire, and the imperial diet itself, showed a favorable dispo-
sition towards it : and Luther, a man naturally inflexible,
vehement, opinionative, was become incapable, either from
promises of advancement or terrors of severity, to relinquish a
aect of which he was himself the founder, and which brought
him a glory superior to all others — the glory of dictating the
religious faith and principles of multitudes.
* See note D, at the end of the volume.
I Father Paul, lib. i. J Father Paul. Sleidan.
A.J). 1621. 1 henry via. 13$
The rumor of these innovations soon reached England ;
and as there still subsisted in that kingdom great remains of
the Lollards, whose principles resembled those of Luther, the
new doctrines secretly gained many partisans among the laity
of all ranks and denominations. But Henry had been educated
in a strict attachment to the church of Rome ; and he bore a
particular prejudice against Luther, who, in his writings, spoke
with contempt of Thomas Aquinas, the king's favorite author *
he opposed himself, therefore, to the progress of the Lutheraa
tenets, by all the inriuence which his extensive and almost
absolute authority conferred upon him : he even undertook to
combat them with weapons not usually employed by monarchs,
especially those in the flower of their age and force of their
passions. He wrote a book in Latin against the principles
of Luther ; a performance which, if allowance be made for
the subject and the age, does no discredit to his capacity.
He sent a copy of it to Leo, who received so magnificent a
present with great testimony of regard ; and conferred on him
the title of "defender of the faith;" an appellation still re-
tained by the kings of England. Luther, who was in the
heat of controversy, soon published an answer to Henry ; and
without regard to the dignity of his antagonist, treated him
with all the acrimony of style to which, in the course of his
polemics, he had so long been accustomed. The king, by this
ill usage, was still more prejudiced against the new doctrines ;
but the public, who naturally favor the weaker party, were
inclined to attribute to Luther the victory in the dispute.*
And as the controversy became more illustrious by Henry's
entering the lists, it drew still more the attention of mankind ;
and the Lutheran doctrine daily acquired new converts in
every part of Europe.
The quick and surprising progress of this bold sect may
justly in part be ascribed to the late invention of printing,
and revival of learning : not that reason bore any considerable
share in opening men's eyes with regard to the impostures of
the Romish church ; for of all branches of literature, philosophy
had, as yet, and till long afterwards, made the most incon-
siderable progress ; neither is there any instance, that argu-
ment has ever been able to free the people from that enormous
load Df absurdity with which superstition has every where
avarwhelmed them ; not to mention, that the rapid advance
* Father Paul, lib. i.
134 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [ A. D 1521
of the Lutheran doctrine, and the violence with which it was
embraced, prove sufficiently, that it owed not its success to
reason and reflection. The art of printing and the revival of
learning forwarded its progress in another manner. By means
of that art, the books of Luther and his sectaries, full of
vehemence, declamation, and a rude eloquence, were propa-
gated more quickly, and in greater numbers. The minds of
men, sooewhat awakened from a profound sleep of so many
centuries, were prepared for every novelty, and scrupled less to
(read in any unusual path which was opened to them. And
as copies of the Scriptures and other ancient monuments of
the Christian faith became more common, men perceived
the innovations which were introduced after the first cen-
turies ; and though argument and reasoning could not give
conviction, an historical fact, well supported, was able to make
impression on their understandings. Many of the powers,
indeed, assumed by the church of Rome, were very ancient,
and were prior to almost every political government established
in Europe : but as the ecclesiastics would not agree to possess
their privileges as matters of civil right, which time might
render valid, but appealed still to a divine origin, men were
tempted to look into their primitive charter ; and they could,
without much difficulty, perceive its defect in truth and
authenticity.
In order to bestow on this topic the greater influence,
Luther and his followers, not satisfied with opposing the
pretended divinity of the Romish church, and displaying the
temporal inconveniences of that establishment, carried matters
much further, and treated the religion of their ancestors as
abominable, destestable, damnable ; foretold by sacred writ
itself as a source of all wickedness and pollution. They
denominated the pope Antichrist, called his communion the
«car)et whore, and gave to Rome the appellation of Babylon ;
expressions which, however applied, were to be found in
Scripture, and which were better calculated to operate on the
multitude than the most solid arguments. Excited by contest
and persecution on the one hand, by success and applause
on the other, many of the reformers carried to the greatest
extremities their opposition to the church of Rome ; and in
contradiction to the multiplied superstitions with which that
communion was loaded, they adopted an enthusiastic strain
of devotion, which admitted of no observances, rites, or cere
niouies, but placed all merit in a mysterious species of faith
\. D. 1621.1 Ronrr vm. 135
.n inward vision, rapture, and ecstasy. The new sertanes,
seized with this spirit, were indefatigable in the propagation
of their doctrine, and set at defiance all the anathemas and
punishments with which the Roman pontiff endeavored to
overwhelm them.
That the civil power, however, might afford them protec-
tion against the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, the Lutherans ad-
vanced doctrines favorable in some respect to the temporal
authority of sovereigns. They inveighed against the abuses
of the court of Rome, with which men were at that time
generally discontented ; and they exhorted princes to reinstate
themselves in those powers, of which the encroaching spirit of
the ecclesiastics, especially of the sovereign pontiff had so long
bereaved them. They condemned celibacy and monastic vows,
and thereby opened the doors of the convents to those who
were either tired of the obedience and chastity, or disgusted
with the license, in which they had hitherto lived. They
blamed the excessive riches, the idleness, the libertinism of the
clergy; and pointed out their treasures and revenues as lawful
spoil to the first invader. And as the ecclesiastics had hither-
to conducted a willing and a stupid audience, and were totally
unacquainted with controversy, much more with every species
of true literature, they were unable to defend themselves against
men armed with authorities, quotations, and popular topics,
and qualified to triumph in every altercation or debate. Such
were the advantages with which the reformers began their
attack on the Romish hierarchy ; and such were the causes
of their rapid and astonishing success.
Leo X., whose oversights and too supine trust in the pro-
found ignorance of the people had given rise to this sect, but
whose sound judgment, moderation, and temper, were well
qualified to retard its progress, died in the flower of his age, a
little after he received the king's book against Luther ; and
he was succeeded in the papal chair by Adrian, a Fleming,
who had been tutor to the emperor Charles. This man was
fitted to gain on the reformers by the integrity, candor, and
simplicity of manners which distinguished his character ;
but, so violent were their prejudices against the church, he
rather hurt the cause by his imprudent exercise of those
virtuas. He frankly confessed, that many abominable and
detestable practices prevailed in the court of Rome ; and by
this sincere avowal, he gave occasion of much triumph to the
Lutherans. This pontiff alsr, whose penetration was not
i36 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ]A JP 1 1>22
equal to his good intentions, was seduced to concur in that
league which Charles and Henry had formed against France ; *
and he thereby augmented the scandal occasioned by the prac-
tice of so many preceding popes, who still made their spiritual
arms subservient to political purposes.
[1522.] The emperor, who knew that Wolsey had re-
ceived a disappointment in his ambitious hopes by the election
of Adrian, and who dreaded the resentment of that haughty
minister, was solicitous to repair the breach made in their
friendship by this incident. He paid another visit to Eng-
land ; and besides flattering the vanity of the king and the
cardinal, he renewed to Wolsey all the promises which he
had made him of seconding his pretensions to the papal throne.
Wolsey, sensible that Adrian's great .age and infirmities prom
ised a speedy vacancy, dissembled his resentment, and wa3
willing to hope for a more prosperous issue to the next
election. The emperor renewed the treaty made at Bruges,
to which some articles were added ; and he agreed to indem-
nify both the king and Wolsey for the revenue which they
should lose by a breach with France. The more to ingratiate
himself with Henry and the English nation, he gave to Sur-
rey, admiral of England, a commission for being admiral of
his dominions ; and he himself was installed knight of the
garter at London. After a stay of six weeks in England, he
embarked at Southampton, and in ten days arrived in Spain,
where he soon pacified the tumults which had arisen in his
absence.t
The king declared war against France ; and this measure
was founded on so little reason, that he could allege nothing
as a ground of quarrel, but Francis's refusal to submit to his
arbitration, and his sending Albany into Scotland. This last
step had not been taken by the French king, till he was quite
assured of Henry's resolution to attack him. Surrey landed
some troops at Cherbourg, in Normandy ; and after laying
waste the country, he sailed to Morlaix, a rich town in Brit-
tany, which he took and plundered. The English merchants
had great property in that place, which was no more spared
by the soldiers than the goods of the French. Surrey then
'eft the charge of the fleet to the vice-admiial ; and sailed
£. Calais, where he took the command of the <*glish army.
* Guicciard. lih. xiv.
1 Petrus dc Angleria, epist. 76*
A D. 1522. j henry vra. 1&7
destined for the invasion of France. This army, -when
joined hy forces from the Low Countries, under the command
of the count de Buren. amounted in the whoie to eighteen
thousand men.
The French had made it a maxim, in almost all their wars
with the English since the reign of Charles V., never, with-
out great necessity, to hazard a general engagement ; and the
duke of Vendome, who commanded the French army, now
embraced this wise policy. He supplied the towns most
exposed, especially Boulogne, Montreuil, Terouenne, Hedin,
with strong garrisons and plenty of provisions : he himself took
post at Abbeville, with some Swiss and French infantry, and a
body of cavalry : the count of Guise encamped under Mon-
treuil with six thousand men. These two bodies were in a
situation to join upon occasion ; to throw supply into any town
that was threatened ; and to harass the English in every
movement. Surrey, who was not provided with magazines,
first divided his troops for the convenience of subsisting them ;
but finding that his quarters were every moment beaten up
by the activity of the French generals, he drew together his
forces, and laid siege to Hedin. But neither did he succeed
in this enterprise. The garrison made vigorous sallies upon
his army : the French forces assaulted him from without :
great rains fell : fatigue and bad weather threw the soldiers
into dysenteries : and Surrey was obliged to raise the siege,
and put his troops into winter quarters about the end of Octo-
ber. His rear guard was attacked at Pas, in Artois, and five
or six hundred men were cut off; nor could all his efforts
make him master of one place within the French frontier.
The allies were more successful in Italy. Lautrec, who
commanded the French, lost a great battle at Bicocca, near
Milan ; and was obliged to retire with the remains of his army.
This misfortune, which proceeded from Francis's negligence
in not supplying Lautrec with money,* was followed by the
loss of Genoa. The castle of Cremona was the sole fortress
in Italy which remained in the hands of the French.
Europe was now in such a situation, and so connected by
different alliances and interests, that it was almost impos-
sible for war to be kindled in one part, and not diffuse itself
throughout the whole ; but of all the leagues among kingdoms,
the closest was that which had so long subsisted between
* G .licciard. lib. xiv.
138 HISTORY OF ENGLANI*. [A. D. 1523
France and Scotland ; and the English, while at war with tha
former nation, could not hope to remain long unmolested on
the northern frontier. No sooner had Albany arrived in Scot-
land, than he took measures for kindling a war with England ;
and he summoned the whole force of the kingdom to meet in
the fields of Rosline.* He thence conducted the army south-
wards into Annandale, and prepared to pass the borders at
Solway Frith. But many of the nobility were disgusted with
the regent's administration ; and observing that his connections
with Scotland were feeble in comparison of those which he
maintained with France, they murmured that for the sake of
foreign interests, their peace should so often be disturbed,
and war, during their king's minority, be wantonly entered
into with a neighboring nation, so much superior in force and
riches. The Gordons, in particular, refused to advance any
farther; and Albany, obseiving a general discontent to prevail,
was obliged to conclude a truce with Lord Dacres, warden of
the English west marches. Soon after he departed for France ;
and lest the opposite faction should gather force in his absence,
he sent thither before him the earl of xlngus, husband to the
queen dowager.
[1523.] Next year, Henry, that he might take advantage
of the regent's absence, marched an army into Scotland under
the command of Surrey, who ravaged the Merse and Teviot-
dale without opposition, and burned the town of Jedburgh.
The Scots had neither king nor regent to conduct them : the
two Humes had been put to death : Angus was in a manner
banished : no nobleman of vigor or authority remained, who
was qualified to assume the government : and the English
monarch, who knew the distressed situation of the country,
determined to push them to extremity, in hopes of engasring
them, by the sense of their present weakness, to make a solemn
renunciation of the French alliance, and to embrace that of
England.! He even gave them hopes of contracting a mar-
riage between the lady Mary, heiress of England, and their
young monarch ; an expedient which would forever unite tha
two kingdoms:! and the queen dowager, with her whole
party, recommended every where the advantages of this alii
auce, and of a confederacy with Henry. They said that the
* Buchanan, lib xiv. Drummond Pitscotti*
t Buchanan, lib. xiv. Herbert.
J Le Gf-and, vo.. iii. p. 39.
A. D. 1523.1 HENRY V11I. W%
interests of Scotland had too long been sacrificed to those
of the French nation, who, whenever they found themselves
reduced to difficulties, called for the assistance of their allies ;
but were ready to abandon them as soon as they found theii
advantage in making peace with England : that where a small
state entered into so close a confederacy with a greater, it
must always expect this treatment, as a consequence of the
unequal alliance ; but there were peculiar circumstances in the
situation of the kingdoms, which, in the present case, rendered
it inevitable : that France was so distant, and so divided from
them by sea, that she scarcely could, by any means, and never
could in time, send succors to the Scots, sufficient to protect
them against ravages from the neighboring kingdom : that
nature had, in a manner, formed an alliance between the two
British nations ; having enclosed them in the same island ;
given them the same manners, language, laws, and form of
government ; and prepared every thing for an intimate union
between them : and that, if national antipathies were abol-
ished, which would soon be the effect of peace, these two king-
doms, secured by the ocean and by their domestic force, could
set at defiance all foreign enemies, and remain forever safe and
unmolested.
The partisans of the French alliance, on the other hand,
said, that the very reasons which were urged in favor of a
league with England, the vicinity of the kingdom and its
superior force, were the real causes why a sincere and durable
confederacy could never be formed with that hostile nation .
that among neighboring states occasions of quarrel were fre-
cjuent, and the more powerful would be sure to seize every
frivolous pretence for oppressing the weaker, and reducing it
to subjection : that as the near neighborhood of France and
England had kindled a war almost perpetual between them, it
was the interest of the Scots, if they wished to maintain their
independence, to preserve their league with the former king-
dom, which balanced the force of the latter : that if they de-
serted that old and salutary alliance on which their importance
in Europe chiefly depended, their ancient enemies, stimulated
both by interest and by passion, would soon invade thein with
guperior force, and bereave them of all their liberties : or if
they delayed the attack, the insidious peace, by making the
Scots forget the use of arms, would only prepare the way lbs
«, slavery more certain and more irretrievable.*
* Buchanan, lib. xiv.
140 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1/523.
The arguments employed by the French party, being sec-
onded by the natural prejudices of the people, seemed most
prevalent : and when the regent himself, who had been long
detained beyond his appointed time by the danger from the
English fleet, at last appeared among them, he was able to
throw the balance entirely on that side. By authority of the
convention of states, he assembled an army, with a view of
avenging the ravages committed by the English in the begin-
ning of the campaign ; and he led them southwards towards
the borders. But when they were passing the Tweed at the
bridge of Melross, the English party raised again such oppo-
sition, that Albany thought proper to make a retreat. He
marched downwards, along the banks of the Tweed, keeping
that river on his right ; and fixed his camp opposite to Werk
castle, which Surrey had lately repaired. He sent over some
troops to besiege this fortress, who made a breach in it, and
stormed some of the outworks : but the regent, hearing of
the approach of an English army, and discouraged by the
advanced season, thought proper to disband his forces and
retire to Edinburgh. Soon after, he went over to France,
and never again returned to Scotland. The Scottish nation,
agitated by their domestic factions, were not, during several
years, in a condition to give any more disturbance to England ,
and Henry had full leisure to prosecute his designs on the
continent.
The reason why the war against France proceeded so slowly
on the part of England, was the want of money. All the
treasures of Henry VII. were long ago dissipated ; the king's
habits of expense still remained ; and his revenues were un-
equal even to the ordinary charge of government, much more
to his military enterprises. He had last year caused a general
survey to be made of the kingdom ; the numbers of men, theii
years, profession, stock, revenue ; * and expressed great satis-
faction on finding the nation so opulent. He then issued privy
seals to the most wealthy, demanding loans of particular sums :
this act of power, though somewhat irregular and tyrannical,
had been formerly practised by kings of England ; and the
people were now familiarized to it. But Henry, this year,
carried his authority much further. He published an edict for
a general tax upon his subjects, which he still called a loan ;
and he levied five shillings in the pound upon the clergy, two
shillings upon the laity. This pretended loan, as being more
* Herbert. Stow©, p. 514.
A.J>. ib2'6.\ henry vin. 141
regular, was really more dangerous to the liberties of the
people, and was a precedent for the king's imposing taxes
without consent of parliament.
Henry soon after summoned a parliament, together with a
convocation ; and found neither of them in a disposition tc
complain of the infringement of their privileges. It was only
doubted how far they would carry their liberality to the king.
Wolsey, who had undertaken the management of the affair,
began with the convocation, in hopes that their example
would influence the parliament to grant a large supply. He
demanded a moiety of the ecclesiastical revenues to be levied
in five years, or two shillings in the pound during that time ;
and though he met with opposition, he reprimanded the refrac-
tory members in such severe terms, that his request was at last
complied with. The cardinal afterwards, attended by several
of the nobility and prelates, came to the house of commons ;
and in a long and elaborate speech laid before them the public
necessities, the danger of an invasion from Scotland, the
affronts received from France, the league in which the king
was engaged with the pope and the emperor ; and he de-
manded a grant of eight hundred thousand pounds, divided into
four yearly payments ; a sum computed, from the late survey
or valuation, to be equal to four shillings in the pound of one
year's revenue, or one shilling in the pound yearly, according
to the division proposed.* So large a grant was unusual from
the commons ; and though the cardinal's demand was seconded
by Sir Thomas More the speaker, and several other members
attached to the court, the house could not be prevailed with to
comply. t They only voted two shillings in the pound on all
who enjoyed twenty pounds a year and upwards ; one shilling
on all who possessed between twenty pounds and forty shil-
lings a year ; and on the other subjects above sixteen years of
age, a groat a head. This last sum was divided into two yearly-
payments ; the former into four, and was not therefore at the
itmost above sixpence in the pound. TJre grant of the com-
mons was but the moiety of the sum demanded ; and the car-
dinal, therefore, much mortified with the disappointment, came
again to the house, and desired to reason with such as refused
to comply with the king's request. He was told that it was a
* This survey or valuation is liable to much suspicion, as fixing
the rents a great deal too high; unless the sum comprehend the rev
enues of all kinds, industry as well as land and money.
t Herbert. Sfowe. p. 518, Pari. HiM. Strype, vol. i. p. 49, 50.
142 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [A. D. 1523
rule of the house never to reason but among themselves ; and
his desire was rejected. The commons, however, enlarged a
little their former grant, and voted an imposition of three shib
lings in the pound on all possessed of fifty pounds a year and
upwards.* The proceedings of this house of commons evi-
dently discover the humor of the times : they were extremely
tenacious of their money, and refused a demand of the crown
which was far from being unreasonable ; but they allowed an
encroachment on national privileges to pass uncensured, though
its direct tendency was to subvert entirely the liberties of the
people. The king was so dissatisfied with this saving disposi-
tion of the commons, that, as he had not called a parliament
during seven years before, he allowed seven more to elapse
before he summoned another. And on pretence of necessity,
he levied in one year, from all who were worth forty pounds,
what the parliament had granted him payable in four years ; f
a new invasion of national privileges. These irregularities
were commonly ascribed to the cardinal's counsels, who,
trusting to the protection afforded him by his ecclesiastical
character, was the less scrupulous in his encroachment on the
civil rights of the nation.
That ambitious prelate received this year a new disappoint-
ment in his aspiring views. The pope, Adrian VI., died ; and
Clement VII., of the family of Medicis, was elected in his
place by the concurrence of the imperial party. Wolsey
could now perceive the insincerity of the emperor, and he
concluded that that prince would never second his pretensions
to the papal chair. As he highly resented this injury, he
began thenceforth to estrange himself from the imperial court,
and to pave the way for a union between his master and the
French king. Meanwhile he concealed his disgust ; and after
congratulating the new pope on his promotion, applied for a
continuation of the legatine powers which the two former
popes had conferred upon him. Clement, knowing the im-
portance of gaining his friendship, granted him a commis-
sion for life ; and, by this unusual concession, he in a
manner transferred to him the whole papal authority in Eng-
land. In some particulars Wolsey made a good use of this
extensive power. He erected two colleges, one at Oxfoid,
mother at Ipswich, the place of his nativity : he sought all
* See note E, at the end of the volume.
t Speed. Hall. Herbert.
A. D, 1523.] henry vm. 143
over Europe for learned men to supply the chairs of these
colleges ; and in order to bestow endowments on them, he
suppressed some smaller monasteries, and distributed the
monks into other convents. The execution of this project
became the less difficult for him, because the Romish church
began to perceive, that she overabounded in monks, and
that she wanted some supply of learning, in order to oppose
the inquisitive, or rather disputative humor of the reformers.
The confederacy against France seemed more formidable
than ever, on the opening of the campaign.* Adrian before
his death had renewed the league with Charles and Henry.
The Venetians had been induced to desert the French alli-
ance, and to form engagements for securing Francis Sforza,
brother to Maximilian, in possession of the Milanese. The
Florentines, the dukes of Ferrara and Mantua, and all the
powers of Italy, combined in the same measure. The em-
peror in person menaced France with a powerful invasion
on the side of Guienne ; the forces of England and the
Netherlands hovered over Picardy : a numerous body of
Germans were preparing to ravage Burgundy : but all these
perils from foreign enemies were less threatening than a
domestic conspiracy, which had been formed, and which was
now come to full maturity, against the French monarch.
Charles, duke of Bourbon, constable of France, was a
prince of the most shining merit ; and, besides distinguishing
himself in many military enterprises, he was adorned with
every accomplishment which became a person of his high
station His virtues, embellished Avith the graces of youth,
had made such impressions on Louise of Savoy, Francis's
mother, that, without regard to the inequality of their years,
she made him proposals of marriage, and meeting with a
repulse, she formed schemes of unrelenting vengeance against
him. She was a woman false, deceitful, vindictive, malicious ;
but, unhappily for France, had, by her capacity, which was
considerable, acquired an absolute ascendant over her son.
By her instigation, Francis put many affronts on the constable,
which it was difficult for a gallant spirit to endure ; and at
last he permitted Louise to prosecute a lawsuit against him,
by which, on the most frivolous pretences, he was deprived
of his ample possessions ; and inevitable ruin was brought
upon him.
* Gaicciard. b'j. xiv.
L44 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1523
Bourbon, provoked at all these indignities, and thinking
*hat, if any injuries could justify a man in rebelling against
nis prince and country, he must stand acquitted, had entered
into a secret correspondence with the emperor and the king
of England.* Francis, pertinacious in his purpose of recov-
ering the Milanese, had intended to lead his army in person
into Italy ; and Bourbon, who feigned sickness in order to
have a pretence for staying behind, purposed, as soon as the
king should have passed the Alps, to raise an insurrection
among his numerous vassals, by whom he was extremely
beloved, and to introduce foreign enemies into the heart of
the kingdom. Francis got intimation of his design ; but as
he was not expeditious enough in securing so dangerous a
foe, the constable made his escape ; f and entering into the
emperor's service, employed all the force of his enterprising
spirit, and his great talents for war, to the prejudice of his
native country.
The king of England, desirous that Francis should under-
take his Italian expedition, did not openly threaten Picardy
this year with an invasion ; and it was late before the duke
of Suffolk, who commanded the English forces, passed over
to Calais. He was attended by the lords Montacute, Herbert,
Ferrars, Morney, Sandys, Berkeley, Powis, and many other
noblemen and gentlemen. $ The English army, reenforced
by some troops drawn from the garrison of Calais, amounted
to about twelve thousand men ; and having joined an equal
number of Flemings under the count de Buren, they pre-
pared for an invasion of France. The siege of Boulogne
was first proposed ; but that enterprise appearing difficult, it
was thought more advisable to leave this town behind them.
The frontier of Picardy was very ill provided with troops ;
and the only defence of that province was the activity of the
French officers, who infested the allied army in their march,
and threw garrisons, with great expedition, into every town
which was threatened by them. After coasting the Somme,
and passing Hedin, Montreuil, Dourlens, the English and
Flemings presented themselves before Bray, a place of small
force, which commanded a bridge over that river. Here they
were resolved to pass, and, if possible, to take up winter
quarters in France ; but Crequi threw himself into the town,
* Memoires du Bellai, liv. ii.
t Belcarius, lij. xvii. t Herbert.
A.D. 1523.] HENRY VI11. 148
and seemed resolute to defend it. The allies attached him
with vigor and success ; and when he retreated over the
bridge, they pursued him so hotly, that they allowed him not
time to hreak it down, but passed it along with him, and
totally routed his army. They next advanced to Montdidier,
which they besieged, and took by capitulation. Meeting with
no opposition, they proceeded to the River Oise, within eleven
leagues of Paris, and threw that city into great consternation ;
till the duke of Vendome hastened with some forces to its
relief. The confederates, afraid of being surrounded, and of
being reduced to extremities during so advanced a season,
thought proper to retreat. Montdidier was abandoned ; and
the English and Flemings, without effecting any thing, retired
into their respective countries.
France defended herself from the other invasions with equal
facility and equal good fortune. Twelve thousand lansque-
nets broke into Burgundy under the command of the count
of Furstenberg. The count of Guise, who defended that
frontier, had nothing to oppose to them but some militia, and
about nine hundred heavy-armed cavalry. He threw the
militia into the garrison towns ; and with his cavalry he kept
the field, and so harassed the Germans, that they were glad
to make their retreat into Lorraine. Guise attacked them as
they passed the Meuse, put them into disorder, and cut ofFthe
greater part of their rear.
The emperor made great preparations on the side of
Navarre ; and though that frontier was well guarded by
nature, it seemed now exposed to danger from the powerful
invasion which threatened it. Charles besieged Fontarabia,
which a few years before had fallen into Francis's hands ;
and when he had drawn thither Lautrec, the French general,
he of a sudden raised the siege, and sat down before Bayonne
Lautrec, aware of that stratagem, made a sudden march, and
threw himself into Bayonne, which he defended with such
vigor and courage, that the Spaniards were constrained to
raise the siege. The emperor would have been totally un-
fortunate on this side, had he not turned back upon Fontara-
bia, and, contrary to the advice of all his generals, sitten
down in the winter season before that city, well fortified and
strongly garrisoned. The cowardice or misconduct of the
governor saved him from the shame of a new disappointment
The place was surrendered in a few days ; and the emperor
vol. m. — G
Lib HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1524,
having finished this enterprise, put his troops into wintei
quarters.
So obstinate was Francis in prosecuting his Italian expedi-
tion, that, notwithstanding these numerous invasions with
which his kingdom was menaced on every side, he had
determined to lead in person a powerful army to the conquest
of Milan. The intelligence of Bourbon's conspiracy and es-
cape stopped him at Lyons ; and fearing some insurrection
in the kingdom from the intrigues of a man so powerful and
bo much beloved, he thought it prudent to remain in France :
and to send forward his army under tho command of Admiral
Bonnivet. The duchy of Milan had been purposely left in
a condition somewhat defenceless, with a view of alluring
Francis to attack it, and thereby facilitating the enterprises of
Bourbon ; and no sooner had Bonnivet passed the Tesin, than
the army of the league, and even Prosper Colonna, who com-
manded it. a prudent general, were in the utmost confusion.
It is agreed, that if Bonnivet had immediately advanced to
Milan, that great city, on which the whole duchy depends,
would have opened its gates without resistance : but as he
wasted his time in frivolous enterprises, Colonna had oppor-
tunity to reenforce the garrison, and to put the place in a
posture of defence. Bonnivet was now obliged to attempt
reducing the city by blockade and famine ; and he took pos-
session of all the posts which commanded the passages to it.
But the army of the league, meanwhile, was not inactive ;
and they so straitened and harassed the quarters of the French,
that it seemed more likely the latter should themselves perish
by famine, than reduce the city to that extremity. [1524.]
Sickness, and fatigue, and want had wasted them to such a
degree, that they were ready to raise the blockade ; and their
only hopes consisted in a great body of Swiss, which was
levied for the service of the French king, and whose arrival
was every day expected. But these mountaineers no sooner
came within sight of the French camp, than they stopped,
from a sudden caprice and resentment ; and instead of joining
Bonnivet, they sent orders to a great body of their country-
men, who then served under him, immediately to begin their
march, and to return home in their company.* After this
desertion of the Swiss, Bonnivet had no other choice but that
of making his retreat as fast as possible into France.
* Guiociard lib. xr. Memoires de Bellai, liv. ii.
A D. i524.j henr\ vm. 14*7
The French being thus expelled Italy, the pope, the Vene*
tians, the Florentines, were satisfied with the advantage ob-
tained over them, and were resolved to prosecute their victory
no further. All these powers, especially Clement, had enter-
tained a violent jealousy of the emperor's ambition ; and their
suspicions were extremely augmented when they saw him
refuse the investiture of Milan, a fief of the empire, to Francis
Slbrza, whose title he had acknowledged, and whose defence
he had embraced.* They all concluded, that he intended to
put himself in possession of that important duchy, and reduce
Italy to subjection : Clement in particular, actuated by this
jealousy, proceeded so far in opposition to the emperor, that he
sent orders to his nuncio at London to mediate a reconciliation
between France and England. But affairs were not yet fully
ripe for this change. Wolsey, disgusted with the emperor, but
still more actuated by vain-glory, was determined that he him-
self should have the renown of bringing about that great altera-
tion ; and he engaged the king to reject the pope's mediation.
A new treaty was even concluded between Henry and Charles
for the invasion of France. Charles stipulated to supply the
duke of Bourbon with a powerful army, in order to conquer
Provence and Dauphiny : Henry agreed to pay him a hundred
thousand crowns ibr the first mouth ; after which he might
either choose to continue the same monthly payments, or in-
vade Picardy with a powerful army. Bourbon was to possess
these provinces with the title of king ; but to hold them in fee
of Henry as king of France. The duchy of Burgundy was
to be given to Charles ; the rest of the kingdom to Henry.
This chimerical partition immediately failed of execution
in the article which was most easily performed : Bourbon re-
fused to acknowledge Henry as king of France. His enter-
prise, however, against Provence still took place. A numerous
army of imperialists invaded that country, under his command
and that of the marquis of Pescara. They laid siege to Mar-
seilles, which, being weakly garrisoned, they expected to re-
duce in a little time ; but the citizens defended themselves
with such valor and obstinacy, that Bourbon and Pescara, who
heard of the French king's approach with a numerous army,
found themselves under a necessity of raising the siege ; anq
they led their forces, weakened, baffled, and disheartened, inte *
Italy.
* Guicciard. lib xv.
148 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1525
Francis might now have enjoyed in safety the glory of
repulsing all his enemies, ;n every attempt which they had
hitherto made for invading his kingdom ; but as he received
intelligence that the king of England, discouraged by his for-
mer fruitless enterprises, and disgusted with the emperor, was
making no preparations for any attempt on Picardy, his ancient
ardor seized him for the conquest of Milan; and notwithstand-
ing the advanced season, he was immediately determined, con-
trary to the advice of his wisest counsellors, to lead his army
into Italy.
He passed the Alps at Mount Cenis, and no sooner ap-
peared in Piedmont than he threw the whole Milanese into
consternation. The forces of the emperor and Sforza retired
to Lodi ; and had Francis been so fortunate as to pursue them,
they had abandoned that place, and had been totally dis-
persed ; * but his ill fate led him to besiege Pavia, a town of
considerable strength, well garrisoned, and defended by Leyva,
one of the bravest officers in the Spanish oervice. Every
attempt which the French king made to gain this important
place proved fruitless. He battered the walls and made
breaches ; but, by the vigilance of Leyva, new retrenchments
were instantly thrown up behind the breaches : he attempted
to divert the course of the Tesin, which ran by one side of the
city and defended it ; but an inundation of the river destroyed
in one night all the mounds which the soldiers during a long
time, and with infinite labor, had been erecting. [1525.] Fa-
*4gue and the bad season (for it was the depth of winter) had
wasted the French army. The imperial generals meanwhile
were not inactive. Pescara, and Lannoy, viceroy of Naples,
assembled forces from all quarters. Bourbon, having pawned
his jewels, went into Germany, and with the money, aided by
Ins personal interest, levied a body of twelve thousand lans-
quenets, with which he joined the imperialists. This whole
urmy advanced to raise the siege of Pavia; and the danger to
the French became every day more imminent.
The state of Europe was such during that age, that, partly
from the want of commerce and industry every where, except
in Italy and the Low Countries, partly from the extensive
privileges still possessed by the people in all the great mon-
archies, and their frugal maxims in granting money, the rev-
enues of the princes were extremely narrow, and even th?
* Guicciurd. lib. xv. Du Bellai, lib. ii.
A D. 1525.J henry vm. 142
small armies which they kept on fc.'jt could not be regularly
paid by them. The imperial forces, commanded by Bourbon,
Pescara, and Lannoy, exceeded not twenty thousand men ;
they were the only body of troops maintained by the emperor,
(for he had not been able to levy any army for the invasion
of France, either on the side of Spain or Flanders.) Yet so
poor was that mighty monarch, that he could transmit no
money for the payment of this army ; and it was chiefly the
hopes of sharing the plunder of the French camp which had
made them advance and kept them to their standards. Had
Francis raised the siege before their approach, and retired to
Milan, they must immediately have disbanded ; and he had
obtained a complete victory without danger or bloodshed. But
it was the character of this monarch to become obstinate in
proportion to the difficulties which he encountered ; and hav-
ing once said, that he w r ould take Pavia or perish before it,
he was resolved rather to endure the utmost extremities than
depart from this resolution.
The imperial generals, after cannonading the French camp
for several days, at last made a general assault, and broke
into the intrenchments. Leyva sallied from the town, and
increased the confusion among the besiegers. The Swiss
infantry, contrary to their usual practice, behaved in a das-
tardly manner, and deserted tl«ir post. Francis's forces were
put to rout ; and he himself, surrounded by his enemies, after
lighting with heroic valor, and killing seven men with his own
hand, was at last obliged to surrender himself prisoner. Al-
most the whole army, full of nobility and brave officers, either
perished by the sword or were drowned in the river. The
lew who escaped with their lives fell into the hands of the
enemy.
The emperor received this news by Penualosa, who passed
through France by means of a safe conduct granted him by
the captive king. The moderation which he displayed on this
occasion, had it been sincere, would have done him honor.
Instead of rejoicing, he expressed sympathy with Francis's ill
fortune, and discovered his sense of those calamities to which
the greatest monarchs are exposed.* He refused the city of
Madrid permission to make any public expressions of triumph ;
and said that he leserved all his exultation till he should be
able to obtain some victory over the infidels. He sent orders
* Vora. His: <lc Cnrl V
150 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. l5Mu
to his frontier garrisons to commit no hostilities upon France
He spoke of concluding immediately a peace on reasonable
terms. But all this seeming moderation was only hypocrisy,
50 much the more dangerous as it was profound. And he was
wholly occupied in forming schemes how, from this great
incident, he might draw the utmost advantage, and gratify
that exorbitant ambition by which, in all his actions, he was
ever governed.
The same Pennalosa, in passing through France, carried
also a letter from Francis to his mother, whom he had left,
regent, and who then resided at Lyons. It contained only
these lew words: "Madam, all is lost, except our honor."
The princess was struck with the greatness of the calamity,
She saw the kingdom without a sovereign, without an army,
without generals, without money ; surrounded on every side
by implacable and victorious enemies ; and her chief resource,
in her present distresses, were the hopes which she entertained
of peace and even of assistance from the king of England.
Had the king entered into the war against France from any
concerted political views, it is evident that the victory of Pavia
and the captivity of Francis were the most fortunate incidents
that could have befallen him, and the only ones that could
render his schemes effectual. While the war was carried on
in the former feeble manner, without any decisive advantage,
he might have been able to possess himself of some frontier
town, or perhaps of a small territory, of which he could not
have kept possession without expending much more than its
value. By some signal calamity alone, which annihilated the
power of France, could he hope to acquire the dominion of
considerable provinces, or dismember that great monarchy, so
affectionate to its own government and its own sovereigns.
But as it is probable that Henry had never before carried his
reflections so far, he was startled at this important event, and
became sensible of his own danger, as well as that of all
Europe, from the loss of a proper counterpoise to the power
of Charles. Instead of taking advantage, therefore, of the
distressed condition of Francis, he was determined to lend
him assistance in his present calamities ; and as the glory of
generosity in raising a fallen enemy concurred with his politi-
cal interests, he hesitated the less in embracing these new
measures.
Some disgusts also had previously taken place between
Chailes and Henry, and still more between Charles and Wo!
A.D. 1525.J henry vin. 151
tey ; and that powerful minister waited only for a favorable
opportunity of revenging- the disappointments which he had
met with. The behavior of Charles, immediately after the
victory of Pavia, gave him occasion to revive the king's jeal-
ousy and suspicions. The emperor so ill supported the ap-
pearance of moderation which he at first assumed, that he had
already changed his usual style to Henry ; and instead of
writing to him with his own hand, and subscribing himself
" Your affectionate son and cousin," he dictated his letters
to a secretary, and simply subscribed himself " Charles." *
Wolsey also perceived a diminution in the caresses and pro-
fessions with which the emperor's letters to him were formerly
loaded ; and this last imprudence, proceeding from the intox-
ication of success, was probably more dangerous to Charles's
interests than the other.
Henry, though immediately determined to embrace new
measures, was careful to save appearances in the change ;
and he caused rejoicings to be every where made on account
of the victory of Pavia and the captivity of Francis. He
publicly dismissed a French envoy, whom he had formerly
allowed, notwithstanding the war, to reside at London ; t but
upon the regent of France's submissive applications to him,
he again opened a correspondence with her ; and besides
assuring her of his friendship and protection, he exacted a
promise that she never would consent to the dismembering of
any province from the monarchy for her son's ransom. With
the emperor, however, he put on the appearance of vigor and
enterprise ; and in order to have a pretence for breaking with
him, he despatched Tonstal, bishop of London, to Madrid,
with proposals for a powerful invasion of France. He required
that Charles should immediately enter Guienne at the head of
a great army, in order to put him iu possession of that prov-
ince ; and he demanded the payment of large sums of money
which that prince had borrowed from him in his last visit at
London. He knew that the emperor was in no condition of
fulfilling either of these demands ; and that he had as little
inclination to make him master of such considerable territories
upon the frontiers of Spain.
Tonstal, likewise, after his arrival at Madrid, informed his
master that Charles, on his part, urged several complaints
* Guicciartl. lib. xvi.
t Du Bellai, liv. iii. Stowe, p. 221. Baker, p 273.
152 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. 1525.
against England ; and in particular was displeased with
Henry, because last year he had neither continued his monthly
payments to Bourbon nor invaded Picavdy, according to hia
stipulations. Tonstal added, that instead of expressing an
intention to espouse Mary when she should be of age, the
emperor had hearkened to proposals for marrying his niece
Isabella, princess of Portugal ; and that he had entered into a
separate treaty with Francis, and seemed determined to reap
alone all the advantages of the success with which fortune
had crowned his arms.
The king, influenced by all these motives, concluded at
Moore his alliance with the regent of France, and engaged to
procure her son his liberty on reasonable conditions : * the
regent also, in another treaty, acknowledged the kingdom
Henry's debtor for one million eight hundred thousand crowns,
to be discharged in half-yearly payments of fifty thousand
crowns ; after which Henry was to receive, during life, a
yearly pension of a hundred thousand. A large present of a
hundred thousand crowns was also made to Wolsey for his
good offices, but covered under the pretence of arrears due on
the pension granted him for relinquishing the administration
of Tournay.
Meanwhile Henry, foreseeing that this treaty with France
might involve him in a war with the emperor, was also deter-
mined to fill his treasury by impositions upon his own subjects ;
and as the parliament had discovered some reluctance in com-
plying with his demands, he followed, as is believed, the coun-
sel of Wolsey, and resolved to make use of his prerogative
alone for that purpose. He issued commissions to all the
counties of England, for levying four shillings in the pound
upon the clergy, three shillings and fourpence upon the laity ;
and so uncontrollable did he deem his authority, that he took
no care to cover, as formerly, this arbitrary exaction, even
under the slender pretence of a loan. But he soon found that
he had presumed too far on the passive submission of his sub-
jects. The people, displeased with an exaction beyond what
was usually levied in those days, and further disgusted with
the illegal method of imposing it, broke out in murmurs, com-
plaints, opposition to the commissioners ; and their refractory
disposition threatened a general insurrection. Henry had th«*
prudence to stop short in that dangerous path into which he
* Du Tillct. Recueil <:es Traites de Leonard, torn. ii. Herbert
A D 1525.] HENRY VIII. 103
nad entered. He sent letters to all the counties, declaring
that he meant no force by this last imposition, and that he
would take nothing from his subjects but by way of " benev-
olence." He flattered himself, that his condescension in em-
ploying that disguise would satisfy the people, and that no one
would dare to render himself obnoxious to royal authority, by
refusing any payment required of him in this manner. Bui
the spirit of opposition, once roused, could not so easily be
quieted at pleasure. A lawyer in the city objecting the stat-
ute of Richard III., by which benevolences were ibrever abol-
ished, it was replied by the court, that Richard being a
usurper, and his parliament a factious assembly, his statute?
could not bind a lawful and absolute monarch, who held his
crown by hereditary right, and needed not to court the favor
of a licentious populace.* The judges even went so far as-
to affirm positively, that the king might exact by commission
any sum he pleased ; and the privy council gave a ready
assent to this decree, which annihilated the most valuable
privilege of the people, and rendered all their other privileges
precarious. Armed with such formidable authority of royal
prerogative and a pretence of law, Wolsey sent for the mayor
of London, and desired to know what he was willing to give
for the supply of his majesty's necessities. The mayor
seemed desirous, before he should declare himself, to consult
the common council ; but the cardinal required that he and
all the aldermen should separately confer with himself about
the benevolence ; and he eluded by that means the danger of
a formed opposition. Matters, however, went not so smoothly
in the country. An insurrection was begun in some places ;
but as the people were not headed by any considerable person,
it was easy for the duke of Suffolk, and the earl of Surrey,
now duke of Norfolk, by employing persuasion and authority,
to induce the ringleaders to lay down their arms and surren-
der themselves prisoners. The king, finding it dangerous to
punish criminals engaged in so popular a cause, was deter
mined, notwithstanding his violent, imperious temper, to grant
them a general pardon ; and he prudently imputed theii
guilt, not to their want of loyalty or affection, but to their
poverty. The offenders were carried before the star cham
ber ; where, after a severe charge brought against them by
the king's council, the cardinal said, "that notwithstanding
* Herbert. Hall.
154 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. 1). 1525
their grievous offence, the king, in consideration of their
necessities, had granted them his gracious pardon, upon con-
dition that they would find sureties for their future good
behavior." But they, replying that they had no sureties,
the cardinal first, and after him the duke of Norfolk, said
that they would be bound for them. Upon which they were
dismissed.*
These arbitrary impositions being imputed, though on what
grounds is unknown, to the counsels of the cardinal, increased
the general odium under which he labored : and the clemency
of the pardon, being ascribed to the kinjr, was considered as
an atonement on his part for the illegality of the measure.
But Wolsey, supported both by royal and papal authority,
proceeded without scruple to violate all ecclesiastical privi-
leges, which, during that age, were much more sacred than
civil ; and having once prevailed in that unusual attempt of
suppressing some monasteries, he kept all the rest in awe, and
exercised over them an arbitrary jurisdiction. By his com-
mission as legate lie was empowered to visit them, and reform
them, and chastise their irregularities ; and he employed his
usual agent, Allen, in the exercise of this authority. Tho
religious houses were obliged to compound ibr their guilt, real
or pretended, by paying large sums to the cardinal or his
deputy ; and this oppression was carried so far, that it reached
at last the king's ears, which were not commonly open to
complaints against his favorite. Wolsey had built a splendid
palace at Hampton Court, which he probably intended, as well
as that of York Place, in Westminster, for his own residence;
but fearing the increase of envy on account of this magnifi-
cence, and desirous to appease the king, he made him a pres-
ent of the building, and told him that, from the first, he had
erected it for his use.
The absolute authority possessed by the king rendered his
domestic government, both over his people and his ministers,
easy and expeditious : the conduct of foreign affairs alone
required effort and application ; and they were now brought
to such a situation, that it was no longer safe for England to
remain entirely neutral. The feigned moderation of the em-
peror was of short duration ; and it was soon obvious to all
iht world, that his great dominions, far from gratifying his
ambition, were only regarded as the means of acquiring an
* Heiheit. Hall Stowe, p. U5. Ho]in<rslied, P- 891.
A D 1526.] HENRY VIII. 16A
empire more extensive. The terms which he demanded of
his prisoner were such as must forever have annihilated
the power of France, and destroyed the balance of Europe.
These terms were proposed to Francis soon after the battle
of Pavia, while he was detained in Pizzichitone ; and as
he had hitherto trusted somewhat to the emperor's gener-
osity, the disappointment excited in his breast the most
lively indignation. He said, that he would rather live and
die a prisoner than agree to dismember his kingdom ; and
that even were he so base as to submit to such conditions,
his subjects would never permit him to carry them into
execution.
Francis was encouraged to persist in demanding more-
moderate terms by the favorable accounts which he heard
of Henry's disposition towards him, and of the alarm which
had seized all the chief powers in Italy upon his defeat and
captivity. He was uneasy, however, to be so far distant from
the emperor, with whom he must treat ; and he expressed his
desire (which was complied with) to be removed to Madrid,
in hopes that a personal interview would operate in his favor,
and that Charles, if not influenced by his ministers, might be
found possessed of the same frankness of disposition by which
he himself was distinguished. He was soon convinced of his
mistake. Partly from want of exercise, partly from reflec-
tions on his present melancholy situation, he fell into a lan-
guishing illness; which begat apprehensions in Charles, lest
the death of his captive should bereave him of all those ad-
vantages which he purposed to extort from him. He then
paid him a visit in the castle of Madrid ; and as he approached
the bed in which Francis lay, the sick monarch called to him,
"You come, sir, to visit your prisoner." "No," replied the
«?mperor, "I come to visit my brother and my friend, who
shall soon obtain his liberty." He soothed his afflictions with
many speeches of a like nature, which had so good an effect,
that the king daily recovered ; * and thenceforth employed
himself in concerting with the ministers of the emperor the
terms of his treaty.
[1526.] At last, the emperor, dreading a general combina-
tion against him, was willing to abate somewhat of his rigor ;
and the treaty of Madrid was signed, by which, it was hopeA,
* Herbert. De Vera. Sandoval.
1&S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. JA.D. 1526
an end would be finally put to the differences between thes«
great monarchs. The principal condition was the restoring
of Francis's liberty, and the delivery of his two eldest sons
as hostages to the emperor for the cession of Burgundy. If
\any difficulty should afterwards occur in the execution of this
last article, from the opposition of the states either of France
or of that province, Francis stipulated, that in six weeks' time,
he should return to his prison, and remain there till the full
performance of the treaty. There were many other articles
in this famous convention, all of thern extremely severe upon
the captive monarch ; and Charles discovered evidently his
intention of reducing Italy, as well as France, to subjection
and dependence.
Many of Charles's ministers foresaw that Francis, how
solemn soever the oaths, promises, and protestations exacted
of him, never would execute a treaty so disadvantageous, or
rather ruinous and destructive, to himself, his posterity, and
his country. By putting Burgundy, they thought, into the
emperor's hands, he gave his powerful enemy an entrance
into the heart of the kingdom : by sacrificing his allies in
Italy, he deprived himself of foreign assistance; and, arming
his oppressor with the whole force and wealth of that opulent
country, rendered him absolutely irresistible. To these great
views of interest were added the motives, no less cogent, of
passion and resentment ; while Francis, a prince who piqued
himself on generosity, reflected, on the rigor with which he
had been treated during his captivity, and the severe terms
which had been exacted of him for the recovery of his liberty.
It was also foreseen, that the emulation and rivalship, which
had so long subsisted between these two monarchs, would
make him feel the strongest reluctance on yielding the superi-
ority to an antagonist who, by the whole tenor of his conduct,
he would be apt to think, had shown himself so little worthy
of that advantage which fortune, and fortune alone, had put
into his hands. His ministers, his friends, his subjects, his
allies, would be sure with one voice to inculcate on him, that
the first object of a prince was the preservation of his people ;
and that the laws of honor, which, with a private mtui, ought
to be absolutely supreme, and superior to all interests, were,
with a sovereign, subordinate to the great duty of insuring the
safety of his country. Nor could it be imagined that Francis
would be so romantic in his principles, as not to hearften to a
casuistry which was so plausible in itself, and which so much
AD. 1526. j henry vm. 15?
flattered all the passions by which, either as a prince or a man
he was strongly actuated.
Francis, on entering his own dominions, delivered his twu
eldest sons as hostages into the hands of the Spaniards. He
mounted a Turkish horse, and immediately putting him to
the gallop, he waved his hand, and cried aloud several times,
" I am yet a king." He soon reached Bayonne, where ha
was joyfully received by the regent and his whole court. He
immediately wrote to Henry ; acknowledging that to his good
offices alone he owed his liberty, and protesting that he should
be entirely governed by his counsels in all transactions with
the emperor. When the Spanish envoy demanded his ratifi-
cation of the treaty of Madrid, now that he had fully recovered
his liberty, he declined the proposal ; under color that it was
previously necessary to assemble the states both of France and
of Burgundy, and to obtain their consent. The states of
Burgundy soon met ; and declaring against the clause which
contained an engagement for alienating their province, they
expressed their resolution of opposing, even by force of arms,
the execution of so ruinous and unjust an article. The
imperial minister then required that Francis, in conformity
to the treaty of Madrid, should now return to his prison ; but
the French monarch, instead of complying, made public the
treaty which a little before he had secretly concluded at Cog-
nac, against the ambitious schemes and usurpations of the em-
peror.*
The pope, the Venetians, and other Italian states, whc
were deeply interested in these events, had been held in the
most anxious suspense with regard to the resolutions which
Francis should take after the recovery of his liberty ; and
Clement, in particular, who suspected that this prince would
never execute a treaty so hurtful to his interests, and even
destructive of his independency, had very frankly offered him
a dispensation from all his oaths and engagements. Francis
remained not in suspense ; but entered immediately into the
confederacy proposed to him. It was stipulated by that king,
the pope, the Venetians, the Swiss, the Florentines, and the
duko of Milan, among other articles, that they would oblige
the emperor to deliver up the two young princes of France
nn receiving a reasonable sum of money ; and to restore
Milan to Sfbrza, without further condition or encumbrance
* Gnicciard. lib. xvii.
158 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1527
The king of England was invited to accede : not only as
a contracting party, but as protector of the " holy league,"
— so it was called ; and if Naples should be conquered
from the emperor, in prosecution of this confederacy, it was
agreed that Henry should enjoy a principality in that king-
dom of the yearly revenue of thirty thousand ducats ; and
that cardinal Wolsey, in consideration of the services which
he had rendered to Christendom, should also, in such an
event, be put in posession of a revenue of ten thousand
ducats.
Francis was desirous that the appearance of this great
confederacy should engage the emperor to relax somewhat in
the extreme rigor of the treaty of Madrid ; and while he en-
tertained these hopes, he was the more remiss in his warlike
preparations ; nor did he send in due time reinforcements to
his allies in Italy. [1527.] The duke of Bourbon had got
possession of the whole Milanese, of which the emperor in-
tended to grant him the investiture ; and having levied a
considerable army in Germany, he became formidable to all
the Italian potentates ; and not the less so because Charles,
destitute, as usual, of money, had not been able to remit any
pay to the forces. The general was extremely beloved by his
troops ; and in order to prevent those mutinies which were
ready to break out every moment, and which their affection
alone for him had hitherto restrained, he led them to Rome,
and promised to enrich them by the plunder of that opulent
city. He was himself killed, as he was planting a scaling
.adder against the walls ; but his soldiers, rather enraged than
discouraged by his death, mounted to the assault with the
utmost valor, and entering the city sword in hand, exercised
all those brutalities which may be expected from ferocity
excited by resistance, and from insolence which takes place
when that resistance is no more. This renowned city, ex-
posed by her renown alone to so many calamities, never en-
dured, in any age, even from the barbarians by whom she
was often subued, such indignities as she was now compelled
to sutler. The unrestrained massacre and pillage, which con-
tinued for several days, were the least ills to which the un-
happy Romans were exposed.* Whatever was respectable in
modesty or sacred in religion, seemed but the more to provoke
the insults of the soldiery. Virgins suffered violation in the
* Ruiociard. lib. xviii. Bellai. Stowe, p. f>2 rj .
A..D 1^27.] henry vm. 155
arms of their parents, and upon those very altars to which
they had fled ibr protection. Aged prelates, after enduring
every indignity, and even every torture, were thrown into
dungeons, and menaced with the most cruel death, in order to
make them reveal their secret treasures, or purchase liberty
by exorbitant ransoms. Clement himself, who had trusted for
protection to the sacredness of his character, and neglected to
make his escape in time, was taken captive ; and found that
his dignity, which procured him no regard from the Spanish
soldiers, did but draw on him the insolent mockery of the
Germau, who, being generally attached to the Lutheran prin-
ciples, were pleased to gratify their animosity by the abasement
of the sovereign pontiff.
When intelligence of this great event was conveyed to the
emperor, that young prince, habituated to hypocrisy, expressed
the most profound sorrow for the success of his arms : he put
himself and all his court in mourning : he stopped the rejoic-
ings for the birth of his son Philip : and knowing that every
artifice, however gross, is able, when seconded by authority,
to impose upon the people, he ordered prayers during several
months to be put up in the churches ibr the pope's liberty ;
which all men knew a letter under his hand could in a moment
have procured.
The concern expressed by Henry and Francis for the
calamity of their ally was more sincere. These two mon-
archs, a few days before the sack of Rome, had concluded a
treaty* at Westminster, in which, besides renewing former
alliances, they agreed to send ambassadors to Charles, requir-
ing him to accept of two millions of crowns as the ransom of
the French princes, and to repay the money borrowed from
Henry ; and in case of refusal, the ambassadors, attended by
heralds, were ordered to denounce war against him. This
war it was agreed to prosecute in the Low Countries, with
an army of thirty thousand infantry and fifteen hundred men
at arms, two thirds to be supplied by Francis, the rest by
Henry. And in order to strengthen the alliance between the
princes, it was stipulated, that either Francis, or his son, the
duke of Orleans, as should afterwards be agreed on, should
espouse the princess Mary, Henry's daughter. No sooner did
the monarchs receive intelligence of Bourbon's enterprise,
thaii they changedj by a new treaty, the scene of the projected
* 30th April.
1GU HISTORY OF ENGLAND. \A. D. 1527
war from the Netherlands to Italy ; and hearing of the pope't.
captivity, they were further stimulated to undertake the wai
with vigor for restoring him to liberty. Wolsey himsell
crossed the sea, in order to have an interview with Francis,
and to concert measures for that purpose ; and he displayed
all that grandeur and magnificence Avith which he was so
much intoxicated. He was attended by a train of a thousand
horse. The cardinal of Lorraine, and the chancellor Alen-
con, met him at Boulogne ; Francis himself, besides granting
to that haughty prelate the power of giving, in every place
where he came, liberty to all prisoners, made a journey as far
as Amiens to meet him, and even advanced some miles from
the town, the more to honor his reception. It was here stipu-
lated, that the duke of Orleans should espouse the princess
Mary ; and as the emperor seemed to be taking some steps to-
wards assembling a general council, the two monarchs agreed
not to acknowledge it, but, during the interval of the pope's
captivity, to govern the churches in their respective dominions
by their own authority. Wolsey made some attempts to get
his legatine power extended over France, and even over Ger-
many ; but finding his efforts fruitless, he was obliged, though
with great reluctance, to desist from these ambitious entei
prises.*
The more to cement the union between these princes, a
new treaty was some time after concluded at London ; in
which Henry agreed finally to renounce all claims to the
crown of France ; claims which might now indeed be deemed
chimerical, but which often served as a pretence for exciting
the unwary English to wage war upon the French nation.
As a return for this concession, Francis bound himself and
his successors to pay forever fifty thousand crowns a year to
Henry and his successors ; and that greater solemnity might
be given to this treaty, it was agreed that the parliaments and
great nobility of both kingdoms should give their assent to it.
The mareschal Montmorency, accompanied by many persons
of distinction, and attended by a pompous equipage, was sent
over to ratify the treaty ; and was received at London with
all the parade which suited the solemnity of the occasion.
The terror of the emperor's greatness had extinguished the
ancient animosity between the nations ; and Spam, duriiiy
* Burnet, book iii. coll. 12, 13.
A.D. 1527.] HENRY VIII. 16
more than a century, became, though a more distant power,
the chief object of jealousy to the English.
This cordial union between France and England, though it
added influence to the joint embassy which they sent to the
emperor, was not able to bend that monarch to submit entirely
to the conditions insisted on by the allies. He departed,
indeed, from his demand of Burgundy as the ransom of the
French princes ; but he required, previously to their liberty,
that Francis should evacuate Genoa, and all the fortresses
held by him in Italy ; and he declared his intention of bring-
ing Sforza to a trial, and confiscating the duchy of Milan, on
account of his pretended treason. The English and French
heralds, therefore, according to agreement, declared war
against him, and set him at defiance. Charles answered the
English herald with moderation ; but to the French he re-
proached his master with breach of faith, reminded him of the
private conversation which had passed between them at Madrid
before their separation, and offered to prove by single combat
that he had acted dishonorably. Francis retaliated this dial
lenge, by giving Charles the lie ; and, after demanding seen
rity of the field, he offered to maintain his causae by single
combat. Many messages passed to and fro between them ;
but though both princes were undoubtedly brave, the intend-
ed duel never took place. The French and Spaniards, during
that age, zealously disputed which of the monarchs iucurred
the blame of this failure ; but all men of moderation every
where lamented the power of fortune, that the prince the more
candid, generous, and sincere, should, by unhappy incidents,
have been reduced to so cruel a situation, that nothing but his
violation of treaty could preserve his people, and that he must
ever after, without being able to make a proper reply, bear to
be reproached with breach of promise, by a rival inferior to
him both in honor and virtue.
But though this famous challenge between Charles and
Francis had no immediate consequence with regard to these
monarchs themselves, it produced a considerable alteration
on the manners of the age. The practice of challenges and
duels which had been part of the ancient barbarous jurispru-
dence, which was still preserved on very solemn occasions,
and which was sometimes countenanced by the civil magis-
trate, began thenceforth to prevail in the most trivial incidents ;
and men, on any affront or injury, thought themselves enti
162 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 162?
titled, or even required in honor, to take revenge on their ene-
mies, by openly vindicating their right in single combat.
These absurd, though generous maxims, shed much of the
best blood in Christendom, during more than two centuries ;
and notwithstanding the severity of law and authority of
reason, such is the prevailing force o ? custom, they are fai
from being as yet entirely exploded.
A. D. 1527.1 henry "an. 163
CHAPTEK XXX.
HENRY VIII.
[1527. J Notwithstanding the submissive deference paid
to papal authority before the reformation, the marriage of
Henry with Catharine of Arragon, his brother's widow, had
not passed without much scruple and difficulty. The preju-
dices of the people were in general bent against a conjugal
union between such near relations ; and the late king, though
he had betrothed his son when that prince was but twelve
years of age, gave evident proofs of his intention to take
afterwards a proper opportunity of annulling the contract.*
He ordered the young prince, as soon as he came of age, tc
enter a protestation against the marriage ; t and on his death-
bed he charged him, as his last injunction, not to finish an
alliance so unusual, and exposed to such insuperable objec-
tions. After the king's accession, some members of the privy
council, particularly Warham, the primate, openly declared
against the resolution of completing the marriage ; and though
Henry's youth and dissipation kept him, during some time,
from entertaining any scruples with regard to the measure
which he had embraced, there happened incidents sufficient to
rouse his attention, and to inform him of the sentiments gen-
erally entertained on that subject. The states of Castile had
opposed the emperor Charles's espousals with Mary, Henry's
daughter ; and among other objections, had insisted on the
illegitimate birth of the young princess. $ And when the
negotiations were afterwards opened with France, and mention
was made of betrothing her to Francis or the duke of Or-
leans, the bishop of Tarbe, the French ambassador, revived
the same objection. $ Bat though these events naturally raised
some doubts in Henry's mind, there concurred other causes,
* Morrison's Apomaxis, p. 13.
t Morrison's Apomaxis, p. 13. Heylin's Queen Mary, p. 2.
J Lord Herbert, Fiddes's Life of Wolsey.
4 Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 109, 9m. Heylin, p. 3.
164 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1527.
which tended much to increase his remoise, and render hia
conscience more scrupulous.
The queen was older than the king by no less than sis
vears ; and the decay of her beauty, together with particular
infirmities and diseases, had contributed, notwithstanding her
blameless character and deportment, to render her person
unacceptable to him. Though she had borne him seveial chil-
dren, they all died in early infancy, except one daughter;
and lie was the more struck with this misfortune, because the
curse of being childless is the very threatening contained in
the JVIosaical law against those who espouse their brother's
widow The succession, too, of the crown was a considera-
tion that occurred to every one, whenever the lawfulness of
Henry's marriage was called in question ; and it was appre-
hended, that if doubts of Mary's legitimacy concurred with
the weakness of her sex, the king of Scots, the next heir,
would advance his pretensions, and might throw the kingdom
into confusion. The evils, as yet recent, of civil wars and
convulsions arising from a disputed title, made great impres-
sion on the minds of men, and rendered the people univer-
sally desirous of any event which might obviate so irreparable
a calamity. And the king was thus impelled, both by his pri-
vate passions and by motives of public interest, to seek the
dissolution of his inauspicious, and, as it was esteemed, unlaw-
ful marriage with Catharine.
Henry afterwards affirmed that his scruples arose entirely
from private reflection ; and that on consulting his confessor,
the bishop of Lincoln, he found the prelate possessed with the
same doubts and difficulties. The king himself, being so great
a casuist and divine, next proceeded to examine the question
more carefully by his own learning and study ; and having
had recourse to Thomas of Aquine, he observed that this cele-
brated doctor, whose authority was great in the church, and
absolute with him, had treated of that very case, and had ex-
pressly declared against the lawfulness of such marriages.*
The prohibitions, said Thomas, contained iri Leviticus, and
among the rest that of marrying a brother's widow, are moral
eternal, and founded on a divine sanction ; and though the
pope may dispense with the rules of the church, the laws of
God cannot be set aside by any authority less than that which
enacted them. The archbishop of Canterbury was then
* Burnet Fiildes.
A. D. 1527.] henry vm. 165
applied to ; and he was required to consult his brethren : ali
the prelates of England, except Fisher, bishop of Rochester,
unanimously declared, under their hand and seal, that they
deemed the king's marriage unlawful.* Wolsey also fortified
the king's scruples ; f partly with a view of promoting a total
breach with the emperor, Catharine's nephew ; partly desiroua
of connecting the king more closely with Francis, by marrying
him to the duchess of Alencon, sister to that monarch ; and
perhaps, too, somewhat disgusted with the queen herself, who
had reproved him for certain freedoms, unbefitting his char-
acter and station, t But Henry was carried forward, though
perhaps not at first excited, by a motive more forcible than
even the suggestions of that powerful favorite.
Anne Boleyn, who lately appeared at court, had been ap
pointed maid of honor to the queen ; and having had frequent
opportunities of being seen by Henry, and of conversing with
him, she had acquired an entire ascendant over his affections.
This young lady, whose grandeur and misfortunes have ren-
dered her so celebrated, was daughter of Sir Thomas Boleyn,
who had been employed by the king in several embassies,
and who was allied to all the principal nobility in the king-
dom. His wife, mother to Anne, was daughter of the duke
of Norfolk ; his own mother was daughter of the earl of Or-
mond ; his grandfather, Sir Geoffrey Boleyn, who had been
mayor of London, had espoused one of the daughters and co-
heirs of Lord Hastings. § Anne herself, though then in very
early youth, had been carried over to Paris by the king's sis-
ter, when the princess espoused Lewis XII. of France ; and
upon the demise of that monarch, and the return of his dow-
ager into England, this damsel, whose accomplishments even
in her tender years were always much admired, was retained
in the service of Claude, queen of France, spouse to Francis ;
and after the death of that princess, she passed into the fam-
ily of the duchess of Alencon, a woman of singular merit.
The exact time when she returned to England is not certainly
known ; but it was after the king had entertained doubts with
regard to the lawfulness of his marriage with Catharine, if
the account is to be credited which he himself afterwards
gave of that transaction. Henry's scruples had made him
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 3S. Stowe, p. 5 IS.
t Le Grand, vol. iii. p. <]G, 1C6, 168. Saunders. Heylin, p. -i.
I Burnet, vol. i. p. 38; Strype, vol. i. p. 88.
$ Camden's Preface tt 'lie Lite of Elizabeth. Burnet, vol. i. p. 44
166 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 15527
break off all conjugal commerce with the queen ; but as he
still supported an intercourse of civility and friendship with
her, he had occasion, in the frequent visits which he paid her,
to observe the beauty, the youth, the charms of Anne Boleyn.
Finding the accomplishments of her mind nowise inferior to
her exterior graces, he even entertained the design of raising
her to the throne ; and was the more confirmed in this resolu-
tion, when he found that her virtue and modesty prevented
all hopes of gratifying his passion in any other manner. As
every motive, therefore, of inclination and policy seemed thus
to concur in making the king desirous of a divorce from Cath-
arine, and as his prospect of success was inviting, he resolved
to make application to Clement ; and he sent Knight, his
secretary, to Rome for that purpose.
That he might not shock the haughty claims of the pontiff,
he resolved not to found the application on any general doubts
concerning the papal power to permit marriage in the nearer
degrees of consanguinity ; but only to insist on particular
grounds of nullity in the bull which Julius had granted for the
marriage of Henry and Catharine. It was a maxim in the
court of Rome, that if tbe pope be surprised into any conces-
sion, or grant any indulgence upon false suggestions, the bull
may afterwards be annulled ; and this pretence had usually
been employed wherever one pope had recalled any deed ex-
ecuted by any of his predecessors. But Julius's bull, when
examined, afibrded abundant matter of this kind ; and any
tribunal favorable to Henry needed not want a specious color
for gratifying him in his applications for a di\ Dree. It was
said in the preamble, that the bull had been granted upon his
solicitation ; though it was known that, at that time, he was
under twelve years of age ; it was also affirmed, as another
motive for the bull, that the marriage was requisite, in order to
preserve peace between the two crowns ; though it is certain
that there was not then any ground or appearance of quarrel
between them. These false premises in Julius's bull seemed
to afford Clement a sufficient reason or pretence for annulling
it, and granting Henry a dispensation for a second marriage.*
But though the pretext for this indulgence had been less
plausible, the pope was in such a situation that he had the
strongest motives to embrace every opportunity of gratifying
the English monarch. He was then a prisorer in the hands
* Collier, Ecoles. Hist. vol. ii. r 25, from the Cott. Lib. Vitel. p. 9.
A. D. 1527.1 HENRY VIII. -5?
of the emperor, and had no hopes of recov3ring his liberty on
any reasonable terms, except by the efforts of the league which
Henry had formed with Francis and the Italian, powers, in
order to oppose the ambition of Charles. When the English
secretary, therefore, solicited him in private, he received a
very favorable answer ; and a dispensation was forthwith
promised to be granted to his master.* Soon after, the march
of a French army into Italy, under the command of Lautrec,
obliged the imperialists to restore Clement to his liberty; and
ha retired to Orvietto, where the secretary, with Sir Gregory
Cassali, the king's resident at Pwome, renewed their applica-
tions to him. They still found him full of high professions of
friendship, gratitude, and attachment to the king ; but not so
prompt in granting his request as they expected. The emperor,
who had got intelligence of Henry's application to R,ome, had
exacted a promise from the pope, to take no steps in the affair
before he communicated them to the imperial ministers ; and
Clement, embarrassed by this promise, and still more overawed
by the emperor's forces in Italy, seemed willing to postpone
those concessions desired of him hy Henry. Importuned, how-
ever, by the English ministers, he at last put into their hand a
commission to Wolsey, as legate, in conjunction with the arch
bishop of Canterbury, or any other English prelate, to examine
the validity of the king's marriage, and of Julius's dispensa-
tion : t he also granted them a provisional dispensation for the
king's marriage with any other person ; and promised to issue
a decretal hull, annulling the marriage with Catharine. But
he represented to them the dangerous consequences which
must ensue to him, if these concessions should come to the
emperor's knowledge; and he conjured them not to publish
those papers, or make any further use of them, till his affairs
were in such a situation as to secure his liberty and independ-
ence. And his secret advice was, whenever they should find
the proper time for opening the scene, that they should prevent
all opposition, by proceeding immediately to a conclusion, hy
declaring the marriage with Catharine invalid, and by Henry's
instantly espousing some other person. Nor would it be so
difficult, he said, for himself to confirm these proceedings, after
they were passed, as previously to render them valid by him
consent and authority. X
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 47. t Rvmer, vol. xiv. p. 237.
t Collier, from Catt Lib. Vital, b. in.
168 KISTORTt OF EIW5LAND. [A.D.I 528
[1528.] When Henry received the commission and dis-
pensation from his ambassadors, and was informed of the pope's
advice, he laid the whole before his ministers, and asked
their opinion in so delicate a situation. The English coun-
sellors considered the danger of proceeding in the mannei
pointed out to them. Should the pope refuse to ratify a deed
which he might justly call precipitate and irregular, and should
he disavow the advice which he gave in so clandestine a man-
ner, the king would find his second marriage totally invali-
dated ; the children which it might bring him declared illegit-
imate ; and his marriage with Catharine more firmly riveted
than ever.* And Henvy's apprehensions of the possibility, or
even probability of such an event, were much confirmed when
lie reflected on the character and situation of the sovereign
pontiff".
Clement was a prince oi excellent judgment, whenever his
timidity, to which he was extremely subject, allowed him to
make full use of those talents and that penetration with which
he was eiv.lowed.f The captivity and other misfortunes which
he had undergone by entering into a league against Charles,
had so afiected his imagination, that he never afterwards ex-
erted himself with vigor in any public measure ; especially if
the interest or inclinations of that potentate stood in opposition
to him. The imperial forces were at that time powerful in
Italy, and might return to the attack of Rome, which was still
defenceless, and exposed to the same calamities with which it
had already beeu overwhelmed. And besides these dangers,
Clement fancied himself exposed to perils which threatened
still more immediately his person and his dignity.
Charles, apprised of the timid disposition of the holy father,
threw out perpetual menaces of summoning a general council ;
which he represented as necessary to reform the church, and
correct those enormous abuses which the ambition and avarice
of the court of Home had introduced into every branch of
ecclesiastical administration. The power of the sovereign
pontiff' himself, he said, required limitation; his conduct called
aloud for amendment ; and even his title to the throne which
he filled might justly be called in question. That pope had
always passed lor the natural son of Julian of Medicis, who
was of the sovereign family of Florence ; and though Leo X.,
his kinsman, had declared him legitimate, upon a pretended
* Burnet, vol i p. 5J f Father Paul, lib. i Guicciaid
\.V. 1528.J HENRY VIII. lt)9
promise of marriage between his father and mother, few bene\ed
that declaration to be founded on any just reason or author-
ity.* The canon law, indeed, had been entirely silent with
regard to the promotion of bastards to the papal throne ; but,
what was still dangerous, the people had entertained a violent
prepossession, that this stain in the birth of any person was
ncompatible with so holy an office. And in another point the
canon law was express and positive, that no man guilty of
imony could attain that dignity. A severe bull of Julius II.
had added new sanctions to this law, by declaring that a simo-
niacal election could not be rendered valid, even by a posterior
consent of the cardinals. But unfortunately Clement had given
to Cardinal Colonna a billet, containing promises of advancing
that cardinal, in case he himself should attain the papal dignity
by his concurrence ; and this billet Colonna, who was in entire
dependence on the emperor, threatened every moment to
expose to public view.i
While Charles terrified the pope with these menaces, he
also allured him by hopes, which were no less prevalent over
his affections. At the time when the emperor's forces sacked
Rome, and reduced Clement to captivity, the Florentines, pas-
sionate for their ancient liberty, had taken advantage of his
distresses, and revolting against the family of Medicis, had
entirely abolished their authority in Florence, and reestab-
lished the democracy. The better to protect themselves in
their freedom, they had entered into the alliance with France,
England, and Venice, against the emperor ; and Clement
found that by this interest, the hands of his confederates were
tied from assisting him in the restoration of his family ; the
event which, of all others, he most passionately desired. The
emperor alone, he knew, was able to effect this purpose ; and
therefore, whatever professions he made of fidelity to his
allies, he was always, on the least glimpse of hope, ready
to embrace every proposal of a cordial reconciliation with
that monarch. J
These views and interests of the pope were well known in
England ; and as the opposition of the emperor to Henry's
divorce was foreseen, both on account of the honor and
interests of Catharine, his aunt, and the obvious motive of dis-
tressing an enemy, it was esteemed dangerous to take any 1 '.
* Father Paul, lib. i. t Father Paul, lib. i
t Father Paul.
vol. m.~H
'"'O HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [AD. 1528
measure of consequence, in expectation of the subsequent
concurrence of a man of Clement's character, whose beha-
vior always contained so much duplicity, and who was at
present so little at his own disposal. The safest measure
seemed to consist in previously engaging him so far, that he
could not afterwards recede, and in making use of his present
ambiguity and uncertainty, to extort the most important con-
cessions from him. For this purpose, Stephen Gardiner, the
cardinal's secretary, and Edward Fox, the king's almoner,
were despatched to Rome, and were ordered to solicit a com-
mission irom the pope, of such a nature as would oblige him
to confirm the sentence of the commissioners, whatever it
should be, and disable him on any account to recall the com-
mission, or evoke the cause to Rome.*
But the same reasons which made the king so desirous oi
obtaining this concession, confirmed the pope in the resolution
of refusing it : he was still determined to keep the door open
for an agreement with the emperor ; and he made no scruple
of sacrificing all other considerations to a point, which he
deemed the most essential and important to his own security,
and to the greatness of his family. He granted, therefore, a
new commission, in which Cardinal Campeggio was joined to
Wolsey, for the trial of the king's mariage ; but ne could not
be prevailed on to insert the clause desired of him. And
though he put into Gardiner's hand a letter, promising not to
recall the present commission, this promise was found, on
examination, to be couched in such ambiguous terms, as
left him still the power, whenever he pleased, of departing
from it.t
Campeggio lay under some obligations to the king ; but his
dependence on the pope was so much greater, that he con-
(brmed himself entirely to the views of the latter ; and though
he received his commission in April, he delayed his departure
under so many pretences, that it was October before he
arrived in England. The first stop which he tock was to
exhort the king to desist from the prosecution of his divorce ;
and finding that this counsel gave ohence, he said, that his
intention was also to exhort the queun io take the vows in a
convent, and that he thought it iiii duty previously to attempt
* Lord Herbert. Burnet, ;o'.. i. p. 29, in the Collect. Le 6 rand
to\. iii. p. 28. Strype, vol. p. 93, with App. No. 23, 24, etc.
t Lord Herbert, p. 291. Eurret. p. 59.
A. 1). 1529.] HENRY Vlil. i^y
an amicable composure of all differences.* The moru ta
paciiy the king, he showed to him, as also to the cardinal, the
decretal bull, annulling the former marriage with Catharine ;
but no entreaties could prevail on him to make any other of
the king's council privy to the secret, t In order to atone in
some degree for this obstinacy, he expressed to the king and
the cardinal the pope's great desire of satisfying them in
every reasonable demand ; and in particular, he showed that
their request for suppressing some more monasteries, and con-
verting them into cathedrals and episcopal sees, had obtained
the consent of his holiness. |
These ambiguous circumstances in the behavior of the pope
and the legate, kept the court of England in suspense, and de-
termined the king to wait with patience the issue of such un-
certain councils. [1529.] Fortune, meanwhile, seemed to
promise him a more sure and expeditious way of extricating
himself from his present difficulties. Clement was seized with
a dangerous illness ; and the intrigues, for electing his sue
cessor, began already to take place among the cardinals.
Wolsey, in particular, supported by the interest of England
and of France, entertained hopes of mounting the throne of
St. Peter ; § and it appears, that if a vacancy had then
happened, there was a probability of his reaching that summit
of his ambition. But the pope rocovered, though after several
relapses ; and he returned to the same train of false and
deceitful politics, by which he had hitherto amused the court
of England. He still flattered Henry with professions of the
most cordial attachment, and promised him a sudden and
favorable issue to his process : he still continued his secret
negotiations with Charles, and persevered in the resolution of
sacrificing all his promises, and all the interests of the
Romish religion, to the elevation of his family. Campegcio,
who was perfectly acquainted with his views and intentions,
protracted the decision by the most artful delays ; and gave
Clement full leisure to adjust all the terms of his treaty with
the emperor.
The emperor, acquainted with the king's extreme earnest-
ness in this affair, was determined that he should obtain
success by no other means than by an application to him, aud
* Herbert, p. 22H. t Burnet, p 5S.
t Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 270. Strype, vol. i. p. 1 10, 111. App.No.28
§ Burnet, vol. i. p. 63.
!7~ HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1529.
by deserting his alliance with Francis, which had hitherto
supported, against the superior force of Spain, the tottering
state of the French monarchy. He willingly hearkened,
therefore, to the applications of Catharine, his aunt ; and
promising her his utmost protection, exhorted her never to
yield to the malice and persecutions of her enemies. The
queen herself was naturally of a firm and resolute temper ;
and was engaged by every motive to persevere in protesting
against the injustice to which she thought herself exposed.
The imputation of incest, which was thrown upon her mar-
riage with Henry, struck her with the highest indignation :
the illegitimacy of her daughter, which seemed a necessary
consequence, gave her the most just concern : the reluctance
of yielding to a rival, who, she believed, had supplanted her
in the king's affections, was a very natural motive. Actuated
by all these considerations, she never ceased soliciting her
nephew's assistance, and earnestly entreating an evocation of
the cause to Rome, where alone, she thought, she could
expect justice. And the emperor, in all his negotiations with
the pope, made the recall of the commission which Campeggio
and Wolsey exercised in England a fundamental article.*
The two legates, meanwhile, opened their court at London,
and cited the king and queen to appear before it. They both
presented themselves ; and the king answered to his name,
when called : but the queen, instead of answoring to hers,
rose from her seat, and throwing herself at the king's feet,
made a very pathetic harangue, which her virtue, her dignity,
and her misfortunes rendered the more affecting. She told
him, that she was a stranger in his dominions, without protec-
tion, without counsel, without assistance ; exposed to all the
injustice which her enemies were pleased to impose upon her:
that she had quitted her native country without other resource
than her connections with him and his family, and had
expected that, instead of suffering thence any violence or
iniquity, she was assured in them of a safeguard against every
misfortune : that she had been his wife during twenty years,
and would here appeal to himself, whether her affectionate
submission to his will hal not merited better treatment, than
to be thus, after so long a time, thrown from him with so much
•indignity : that she was conscious — he himself was assured
—that her virgin honor was yet unstained when he received
* Herbert, p. 225. Burnet, vol. i. p. 69.
A. D. 1529.1 henry vxa. 173
her into his bed, and that her connsci^ns with his brother had
been carried no further than the rerfirorany of marriage : that
their parents, the kings of England and Spain, were esteemed
the wisest princes of their time, and h&d undoubtedly acted
by the best advice, when they formed the agreement for that
marriage, which was now represented as so criminal and
unnatural : and that she acquiesced in their judgment, ani'
would not submit her cause to be tried by a court, whoe
dependence on her enemies was too visible, ever to allow
her any hopes of obtaining from them an equitable or impartial
decision.* Having spoken these words, she rose, and making
the king a low reverence, she departed from the court, and
never would again appear in it.
After her departure, the king did her the justice to acknow 1
edge, that she had ever been a dutiful and affectionate wile
and that the whole tenor of her behavior had been conformable
to the strictest rules of probity and honor. He only insisted
on his own scruples with regard to the lawfulness of their
marriage ; and he explained the origin, the progress, and the
foundation of those doubts, by which he had been so long
and so violently agitated. He acquitted Cardinal Wolsey from
having any hand in encouraging his scruples ; and he craved
a sentence of the court agreeable to the justice of his cause.
The legates, after citing the queen anew, declared her con
tumacious, notwithstanding her appeal to Rome ; and theD
proceeded to the examination of the cause. The first point
which came before them was, the proof of Prince Arthui's
consummation of his marriage with Catharine ; and it must
be confessed, that no stronger arguments could reasonably be
expected of such a fact after so long an interval. The age
of the prince, who had passed his fifteenth year, the good state
of his health, the long time that he had cohabited witn his
consort, many of his expressions ti that very purpose; all
these circumstances form a violent presumption in favor of the
king's assertion. t Henry himself, after his brother's death,
was not allowed for some time to bear the title of prince of
Wales, in expectation of her pregnancy ; the Spanish ambas-
sador, in order the better to insure possession of her joJn**i~%
had sent over to Spain proofs of the consummation «f V»t
marriage :$ Julius's bull itself was founded on the supposi**^
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 73. Hall. Stowe, p. 543.
t Herbert. I Burnet, vol. ii. p 35
J 74 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1 529
that Arthui had perhaps had knowledge of the princess : in
the very treaty, fixing Henry's marriage, the consummation
of the former ra irriage with Prince Arthur : s acknowledged
on hoth sides.* These particulars were all laid before the
court ; accompanied with many reasonings concerning the
extent of the pope's authority, and against his power of grant-
ing a dispensation to marry within the prohibited degrees.
Campeggio heard these doctrines with great impatience ;
and notwithstanding his resolution to protract the cause,
he was often tempted to interrupt and silence the king's
counsel, when they insisted on such disagreeable topics. The
trial was spun out till the twenty-third of July ; and Campeg-
gio chiefly took on him the part of conducting it. Wolsey,
though the elder cardinal, permitted him to act as president of
the court ; because it was thought, that a trial managed by an
Italian cardinal would carry the appearance of greater candor
and impartiality, than if the king's own minister and favorite
had presided in it. The business now seemed to be drawing
near to a period ; and the king was every day in expectation
of a sentence in his favor ; when, to his great surprise, Cam-
peggio, on a sudden, without any warning, and upon very
frivolous pretences.t prorogued the court till the first of Octo-
ber. The evocation, which came a few days after from Rome,
put an end to all the hopes of success which the king had so
long and so anxiously cherished. \
During the time that the trial was carried on before the
legates at London, the emperor had by his ministers earnestly
solicited Clement to evoke the cause ; and had employed every
topic of hope or terror which could operate either on the ambi-
tion or timidity of the pontiff. The English ambassadors, on
the other hand, in conjunction Avith the French, had been no
less earnest in their applications, that the legates should be
allowed to finish the trial ; but though they employed the same
engines of promises and menaces, the motives which they
could set before the pope wi re not so urgent or immediate
as those which were held up to him by the emperor. § The
dread of losing England, and of fortifying the Lutherans by so
considerable an accession, made small impression on Clement's
mind, in comparison of the anxiety for his personal safety,
and the load desire of restoring the Medici to their dominion
in Florence. As soon, therefore, as he had adjusted all terms
* Rymer, vol. xiii. p. SI. t Burnet, vol. i. p. 76, 77.
1 Herbert, p 254. § Burnet, vol. i. p. 75.
A. I). 1529] iienr-v v:a. 175
tvith the emperor, he laid hold of the pretence of justice, which
required him, as he asserted, to pay regard to the queen's
appeal ; and suspending the commission of the legates, ht>
adjourned the cause to his own personal judgment at Rome.
Campeggio had beibrehand received private orders, delivered
by Campana, to burn the decretal bull with which he was in-
trusted.
Wolsey had long foreseen this measure as the sure forerun
ner of his ruin. Though he had at first desired that the king
should rather marry a French princess than Anne Boleyn, he
had employed himself with the utmost assiduity and earnest-
ness to bring the affair to a happy issue : * he was not, therefore,
to be blamed lor the unprosperous event which Clement's
partiality had produced. But he had sufficient experience of
the extreme ardor and impatience of Henry's temper, who
could bear no contradiction, and was wont, without examination
or distinction, to make his ministers answerable for the success
of those transactions with which they were intrusted. Anne
Boleyn also, who was prepossessed against him, had imputed
to him the failure of her hopes ; and as she was newly returned
to court, whence she had been removed, from a regard to
decency, during the trial before the legates, she had naturally
acquired an additional influence on Henry, and she served
much to fortify his prejudices against the cardinal. t Even
the queen and her partisans, judging of Wolsey by the part
which he had openly acted, had expressed great animosity
against him ; and the most opposite factions seemed now to
combine in the ruin of this haughty minister. The high opin-
ion itself, which Henry had entertained of the cardinal's
capacity, tended to hasten his downfall ; while he imputed the
bad success of that minister's undertakings, not to ill fortune
or to mistake, but to the malignity or infidelity of his intentions.
The blow, however, fell not instantly on his head. The king,
who probably could not justify by any good reason his aliena-
tion from his ancient favorite, seems to have remained some
time in suspense ; and he received him, if not with all his
former kindness, at least with the appearance of trust, and
regard.
But constant experience evinces how rarely a high con-
fidence and affection receives the least diminution, without
sinking into absolute indifference, or even running into the
* Collier, vol. ii. p. 45. Burnet, vol. i. p. !>3.
t Cavendish, p. 40-
170 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. J/.D. i529
opposite extreme. The king now determined to bnng on the
ruin of the cardinal with a motion almost as precipitate as he
hud formerly employed in his elevation. The dukes of Ncr
folk and Suffolk were sent to require the great seal from him ,
and on his scrupling to deliver it* without a more express
warrant, Henry wrote him a letter, upon which it was sur-
rendered ; and it was delivered by the king to Sir Thomas
More, a man who, besides the ornaments of an elegant liter-
ature, possessed the highest virtue, integrity, and capacity.
Wolsey was ordered to depart from York Place, a palace
which he had built in London, and which, though it really
belonged to the see of York, was seized by Henry, arid
became afterwards the residence of the kings of England, by
the title of Whitehall. All his furniture and plate were also
seized : their riches and splendor befitted rather a royal than a
private fortune. The walls of his palace were covered with
cloth of gold or cloth of silver : he had a cupboard of plate of
massy gold : there were found a thousand pieces of fine holland
belonging to him. The rest of his riches and furniture was in
proportion ; and his opulence was probably no small induce-
ment to this violent persecution against him.
The cardinal was ordered to retire to Asher, a country sea
which he possessed near Hampton Court. The world, that
had paid him such abject court during his prosperity, now
entirely deserted him on this fatal reverse of all his fortunes
He himself was much dejected with the change ; and from the
same turn of mind which had made him be so vainly elated
with his grandeur, he felt the stroke of adversity with double
rigor. t The smallest appearance of his return to favor threw
him into transports of joy unbecoming a man. The king had
seemed willing, during some time, to intermit the blows which
overwhelmed him. He granted him his protection, and left
him in possession of the sees of York and Winchester. He
even sent him a gracious message, accompanied with a ring,
as a testimony of his affection. Wolsey, who was on horseback
when the messenger met him, immediately alighted ; and.
throwing himself on his knees in the mire, received in that
humble attitude these marks of his majesty's gracious dispos*
tion towards him. t
* Cavendish, p. 41.
t Strype, vol. i. p. 114, 115. App. No. 31 etc.
J Stowe, p. 547.
A. .D. 1529.] hemit vin. W
But his enemies, who dreaded his return u* court, nevej:
ceased plying the king with accounts of his several offences ;
and Anne Boleyn, in particular, contributed her endeavors, in
conjunction with her uncle, the duke of Norfolk, to exclude
him from all hopes of ever being reinstated in his former
authority. He dismissed, therefore, his numerous retinue ;
and as he was a kind and beneficent master, the separation
passted not without a plentiful effusion of tears on both sides.*
The king's heart, notwithstanding some gleams of kindness.,
seemed now totally hardened against his old favorite. He
ordered him to be indicted in the star chamber, where a
sentence was passed against him. And, not content with this
severity, he abandoned him to all the rigor of the parliament,
which now, after a long interval, was again assembled. Tho
house of lords voted a long charge against "Wolsey, consisting
of forty-four articles ; and accompanied it with an applica-
tion to the king for his punishment, and his removal from all
authority. Little opposition was made to this charge in the
upper house : no evidence of any part of it was so much as
called for ; and as it chiefly consists of general accusations, it
was scarcely susceptible of any.t The articles were sent down
to the house of commons ; where Thomas Cromwell, formerly
a servant of the cardinal's, and who had been raised by him
from a A r ery low station, defended his unfortunate patron with
such spirit, generosity, and courage, as acquired him great
honor, and laid the foundation of that favor which he after-
wards enjoyed with the king.
Wolsey's enemies, finding that either his innocence or his
caution prevented them from having any just ground of ac-
cusing him, had recourse to a very extraordinary expedient.
An indictment was laid against him, that, contrary to a
statute of Richard II., commonly called the statute of pro-
visors, he had procured bulls from Rome, particularly ono
investing him with the legatine power, which he had exercised
with very extensive authority. He confessed the indictment,
pleaded ignorance of the statute, and throw himself on the
king's mercy. He was perhaps within reach of the law ;
but besides that this statute had fallen into disuse, nothing
could be more rigorous and severe than to impute to him as a
crime what he had openly, during the course of so many
* Cavendish. Stowe, p. 549.
t See note F. at the end of the volume.
178 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. L>. 1529
years, practised with the consent and approbation of the king
and tne acquiescence of the parliament and kingdom. Not ta
mention what he always asserted,* and what we can scarcely
doubt of, that he had obtained the royal license in the most
formal manner, which, had he not been apprehensive of the
dangers attending any opposition to Henry's lawless will, he
might have pleaded in his own defence before the judges.
Sentence, however, was pronounced against him, " That he
was out of the king s protection ; his lands and goods for-
feited ; and that his person might be committed to custody. 1 '
But this prosecution of Wolsey was carried no further. Henry
;ven granted him a pardon for all offences ; restored him part
of his plate and furniture ; and still continued, from time
to time, to drop expressions of favor and compassion towards
him.
The complaints against the usurpations of the ecclesiastics
had been very ancient in England, as well as in most other
European kingdoms ; and as this topic was now become popu-
lar every where, it had paved the way for the Lutheran tenets,
and reconciled the people, in some measure, to the frightful
idea of heresy and innovation. The commons, finding the
occasion favorable, passed several bills restraining the imposi-
tions of the clergy ; one for the regulating of mortuaries ;
another against the exactions for the probates of wills;! a
third against non-residence and pluralities, and against church-
men's being farmers of land. But what appeared chiefly
dangerous to the ecclesiastical order, were the severe invec-
tives thrown out, almost without opposition, in the house,
against the dissolute lives of the priests, their ambition, their
avarice, and their endless encroachments on the laity. Lord
Herbert % has even preserved the speech of a gentleman of
Gray's Inn, which is of a singular nature, and contains such
topics as we should little expect to meet with during that
period. The member insists upon the vast variety of theo-
logical opinions which prevailed in different nations and
ages ; the endless inextricable controversies maintained by the
several sects ; the impossibility that any man, much less the
* Cavendish, p. 72.
t These exactions were quite arbitrary, and had risen to a grea*
height. A member said «i the house, that a thousand marks hac
been exacted from him o bat acco int. Hall, fob 188. Strype
•yob i. p. 73.
t Page 293.
A.D 15','y.l henry vir 17V
people, could ever know, muck less examine, the tenets and
principles of every sect ; the necessity of ignorance and a j
suspense of judgment with regard to all those objects of dis- I
pute : and, upon the whole, he infers, that the only religion
obligatory on mankind is the belief of one Supreme Being, w
the author of nature ; and the necessity of good morals, in j
order to obtain his favor and protection. Such sentiments I
would be deemed latitudinarian, even in our time ; and would
not be advanced, without some precaution, in a public as-
sembly. But though the first broaching of religious contro
versy might encourage the sceptical turn in a few persons of
a studious disposition, the zeal with which men soon after
attached themselves to their several parties, served effectually
to banish for a long time all such obnoxious liberties.
The bills for regulating the clergy met with some opposition
m the house of lords. Bishop Fisher, in particular, impute
these measures of the commons to their want of faith ; ana
to a formed design, derived from heretical and Lutheran prin-
ciples, of robbing the church of her patrimony, and over-
turning the national religion. The duke of Norfolk reproved
the prelate in severe, and even somewhat indecent terms
He told him, that the greatest clerks were not always the
wisest men. But Fisher replied, that he did not remember
iny fools in his time who had proved great clerks. The
exceptions taken at the bishop of Rochester's speech stopped
aot there. The commons, by the mouth of Sir Thomas
Audley, their speaker, made complaints to the king of the
reflections thrown upon them ; and the bishop was obliged to
put a more favorable construction on his words.*
Henry was not displeased that the court of Rome and the
;lergy should be sensible that they were entirely dependent
on him, and that his parliament, if he were willing to second
iheir inclinations, was sufficiently disposed to reduce the power
and privileges of the ecclesiastics. The commons gratified
the king in another particular of moment : they granted him
a discharge of all those debts which he had contracted since
tne beginning of his reign ; and they grounded this bill, which
occasioned many complaints, on a pretence of the king's great
care of the nation, and of his regularly employing all the
oik'ney which he had borrowed in the public service. Most
*V the king's creditors consisted of friends to the cardinal
* Pari. Hist. vol. iii. p. 59. Burnet, vol. ii. p. S2.
i80 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [ A. D. 1 529
who had been engaged by their patron to contribute to the
supply of Henry's necessities ; and the present courtiers were
well pleased to take the opportunity of mulcting them.*
Several also approved of an expedient which, they hoped,
would ever after discredit a method of supply so irregular and
so unparliamentary.
The domestic transactions of England were at present so
interesting to the kins - , that they chiefly engaged his attention;
and he regarded foreign affairs only in subordination to them.
He had declared war against the emperor ; but the mutual
advantages reaped by the commerce between England and
the Netherlands, had engaged him to stipulate a neutrality
with those provinces ; and, except by money contributed to
the Italian wars, he had in effect exercised no hostilty against
any of the imperial dominions. A general peace was this
summer established in Europe. Margaret of Austria and
Louisa of Savoy met at Cambray, and settled the terms of
pacification between the French king and the emperor.
Charles accepted of two millions of crowns in lieu of Bur-
gundy ; and he delivered up the two princes of France, whom
he had retained as hostages. Henry was, on this occasion, so
generous to his friend and ally Francis, that he sent him an
acquittal of near six hundred thousand crowns, which that
prince owed him. Francis's Italian confederates were not
so well satisfied as the king with the peace of Cambray : they
were almost wholly abandoned to the will of the emperor,
and semed to have no means of security left but his equity
and moderation. Florence, after a brave resistance, was
subdued by the imperial arms, and finally delivered over to
the dominion of the family of Medici. The Venetians were
better treated : they were only obliged to relinquish some
acquisitions which they had made on the coast of Naples
Even Francis Sforza obtained the investiture of Milan, and
was pardoned for all past offences. The emperor in person
pa.ssed into Italy with a magnificent train, and received the
imperial crown from the hands of the pepe at Bologna. He
was but twenty-nine years of age ; and having already, by
his vigor and capacity, succeeded in every enterprise, and
t educed to captivity the two greatest potentates in Europe
the one spiritual, the other temporal, he attracted the eyes of
all men ; and many prognostications were formed of hia
growing empire.
* Burnet, vol ii. n. S3
A. D. 1529. J HENRY VIII. 16i
But though Charles seemed to be prosperous on every side,
and though the conquest of Mexico and Peru now beg nn tc
prevent that scarcity of money under which he had hitherto
labored, he found himself threatened with difficulties in Ger-
many ; and his desire of surmounting them was the chief
cause of his granting such moderate conditions to the Italian
powers. Sultan Solyman, the greatest and most accomplish-
ed prince that ever sat on the Ottoman throne, had almost
entirely subdued Hungary, had besieged Vienna, and, though
repulsed, still menaced the hereditary dominions of the house
of Austria with conquest and subjection. The Lutheran
princes of the empire, finding that liberty of conscience was
denied them, had combined in a league lor their own defence
at Smalcalde ; and because they protested against the votes
passed in the imperial diet, they thenceforth received the ap-
pellation of " Protestants." Charles had undertaken to reduce
them to obedience ; and on pretence of securing the purity of
religion, he had laid a scheme lor aggrandizing his own family,
by extending his dominion over all Germany.
The friendship of Henry was one material circumstance
yet wanting to Charles, in order to insure success in his am
bitious enterprises; and the king was sufficiently apprised that
the concurrence of that prince would at once remove all the
difficulties which lay in the way of his divorce ; that point
which had long been the object of his most earnest wishes.
But besides that the interests of his kingdom seemed to require
an alliance with Prance, his haughty spirit could not submit
to a friendship imposed on him by constraint ; and as he had
ever been accustomed to receive courtship, deference, and
solicitation from the greatest potentates, he could ill brook
that dependence to which this unhappy affair seemed to have
reduced him. Amidst the anxieties with which he was agi-
tated, he was often tempted to break off all connections with
the court of Pwome ; and though he had been educated in a
superstitious leverence to papal authority, it is likely that his
personal experience of the duplicity and selfish politics of
Clement had served much to open his eyes in that particular
He found his prerogative firmly established at home : he ob-
served that his people were in general much disgusted with
clerical usurpations, and disposed to reduce the powers and
privileges of the ecclesiastical order : he knew that they had
cordially taken part with him in his prosecution of the divorce,
and highly resented the unworthy treatment which, after sn
183 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1529
many services and such devoted attachment, he had received
from the court of Rome. Anne Boleyn also coidd not fail to
aee all her efforts, and employ every insinuation, in order It
make him proceed to extremities against the pope ; both as it
was the readiest way to her attaining royal dignity, and as her
education in the court of the duchess of Alencon, a princess
inclined to the reformers, had already disposed her to a belief
of the new doctrines. But notwithstanding these inducements,
Henry had strong motives still to desire a good agreement
with the sovereign pontiff". He apprehended the danger of
such great innovations : he dreaded the reproach of heresy :
he abhorred all connections with the Lutherans, the chief
opponents of the papal power ; and having once exerted him-
self with such applause, as he imagined, in defence of the
Romish communion, he was ashamed to retract his former
opinions, and betray from passion such a palpable inconsisten-
cy. While he was agitated by these contrary motives, an ex-
pedient was proposed, which, as it promised a solution of all
difficulties, was embraced by him with the greatest joy and
satisfaction.
Dr. Thomas Cranmer, fellow of Jesus College in Cam-
bridge, was a man remarkable in that university for his
learning, and still more for the candor and disinterestedness
of his temper. He fell one evening by accident into com-
pany with Gardiner, now secretary of state, and Fox, the
king's almoner ; and as the business of the divorce became
the subject of conversation, he observed that the readiest way
either to quiet Henry's conscience, or extort the pope's con-
sent, would be to consult all the universities of Europe with
regard to this controverted point : if they agreed to approve
of the king's marriage with Catharine, his remorses would
naturally cease ; if they condemned it, the pope would find
it difficult to resist the solicitations of so great a monarch
seconded by the opinion of all the learned men in Christen
dom.*" When the king was informed of the proposal, he
was delighted with it ; and swore, with more alacrity than
^delicacy, that Cranmer had got the right sow by the ear : he
sent for that divine ; entered into conversation with him ;
I conceived a high opinion of his virtue and understanding ;
engaged him to write in defence of the divorce ; and im
* Fox, p. I860, 2d edit. Burnet, \i\. i. p. 79. Speed, p 7G9 Hey
in, p. 5,
A.D. U29.] henry vm. 18iJ
mediately, in prosecution of the scheme proposed, employer]
his agents to collect the judgments of all the universities in
Europe.
Had the question of Henry's marriage with Catharine been
examined by the principles of sound philosophy, exempt frorc
superstition, it seemed not liable to much difficulty. The
natural reason why marriage in certain degrees is prohibited
by the civil laws, and condemned by the moral sentiments of
all nations, is derived from men's care to preserve purity of
manners ; while they reflect, that if a commerce of love were
authorized between near relations, the frequent opportunities
of intimate conversation, especially during early youth, would
introduce a universal dissoluteness and corruption. But as
the customs of countries vary considerably, and open an inter-
course, more or less restrained, between different families, or
between the several members of the same family, we find
that the moral precept, varying with its cause, is susceptible,
without any inconvenience, of very different latitude in the
several ages and nations of the world. The extreme delicacy
of the Greeks permitted no communication between persons
of different sexes, except where they lived under the same roof ;
and even the apartments of a step-mother and the daughters
were almost as much shut up against visits from her husband's
sons, as against those from any stranger or more distant rela-
tion : hence, in that nation, it was lawful for a man to marry
not only his niece, but his half-sister by the father ; a liberty
unknown to the Homans, and other nations, where a more
open intercourse was authorized between the sexes. Reason-
ing from this principle, it would appear, that the ordinary
commerce of life among great, princes is so obstructed by
ceremony and numerous attendants, that no ill consequence
would result among them from marrying a brother's widow ;
especially if the dispensation of the supreme priest be previous-
ly required, in order to justify what may in common cases be
condemned, and to hinder the precedent from becoming too
common and familiar. And as strong motives of public inter-
est and tranquillity may frequently require such alliances be-
tween the foreign families, there is the less reason for extend-
ing towards them the full rigor of the rule which has place
among individuals.*
But in opposition to these reasons, and many more which
* Soc inite G. at the end A the volume.
18-1 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1539
might be, collected, Henry had custom and precedent on his
6ide, the principle by which men are almost wholly governed
in their actions and opinions. The marrying of a brother's
widow was so unusual, that no other instance of it could be
found in any history or record of any Christian nation ; and
though the popes were accustomed to dispense with more
essential precepts of morality, and even permitted marriages
within other prohibited degrees, such as those of uncle and
niece, the imaginations of men were not yet reconciled to this
particular exercise of his authority. [1530.] Several univer-
sities of Europe, therefore, without hesitation, as well as with-
out interest or reward,* gave verdict in the king's favor ;
not only those of France, Paris, Orleans, Bourges, Toulouse,
Angiers, which might be supposed to lie under the influence
of their prince, ally to Henry ; but also those of Italy, Venice,
Ferrara, Padua ; even Bologna itself, though under the imme-
diate jurisdiction of Clement. Oxford alone t and Cambridge:}:
made some difficulty ; because these universities, alarmed at
the progress of Lutheranism, and dreading a defection from
the holy see, scrupled to give their sanction to measures whose
consequences they feared would prove fatal to the ancient
religion. Their opinion, however, conformable to that of the
other universities of Europe, was at last obtained ; and the
king, in order to give more weight to all these authorities,
engaged his nobility to write a letter to the pope, recommend-
ing his cause to the holy father, and threatening him with the
most dangerous consequences in case of a denial of justice. §
The convocations, too, both of Canterbury and York, pro-
nounced the king's marriage invalid, irregular, and contrary
to the law of God, with which no human power had authority
to dispense. || But Clement, lying still under the influence of
the emperor, continued to summon the king to appear, either
by himself or proxy, before his tribunal at Rome ; and the
kin?, who knew that he could expect no fair trial there, refused
to submit to such a condition, and would not even admit of
any citation, which he regarded as a high insult, and a vir»
lation of his royal prerogative. The father of Anne Boleyn
created earl of Wiltshire, carried to the pope the king's rea
* Herbert. Burnet.
f Wood, Hist, and Ant. Ox. lib. i. p. 225.
J. Burnet, vol. i. p. 6.
$ Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 405. Burnet, vcl. i. p. 05.
U Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 454, 472.
A. D. 1530.] henrv vin. i~3
eons for not appearing by proxy ; and, as the first instance
of disrespect from England, refused to kiss his holiness's foot,
which he very graciously held out to him for that purpose *
The extremities to which Henry was pushed, both against
the pope and the ecclesiastical order, were naturaiiy disagree-
able to Cardinal Wolsey ; and as Henry foresaw nis opposition,
it is the most probable reason that can be assigned for his
renewing the prosecution against his ancient favorite. After
Woisey had remained some time at Asher, he was allowed to
remove to Richmond, a palace which he had received as a
present from Henry, in return for Hampton Court ; but the
courtiers, dreading still his vicinity to the king, procured an
order for him to remove to his see of \ork. The cardinal
knew it was in vain to resist ; he took up his residence at
Cawood, in Yorkshire, where he rendered himself extremely
popular in the neighborhood by his affaohity and hospitality ; t
but he was not allowed to remain tang unmolested in this
retreat. The earl of Northumberland received orders, with-
out regard to Wolsey's ecclesiastical character, to arrest him
for high treason, and to conduct him to London, in order to
his trial. The cardinal, partly from the fatigues of his jour-
ney, partly from the agitation of his anxious mind, was seized
with a disorder which turned into a dysentery ; and he was
able, with some difficulty, to reach Leicester Abbey. When
the abbot and the monks advanced to receive him with much
respect and reverence, he told them that he was come to lay
his bones among them ; and he immediately took to his bed,
whence he never rose more. A little before he expired, he
addressed himself in the following words to Sir William King-
ston, constable of the Tower, who had him in custody. " I
pray you have me heartily recommended unto his royal ma-
jesty, and beseech him on my behalf to call to his remem-
brance all matters that have passed between us from the
beginning, especially with regard to his business with the
queen ; and then will he know in his conscience whether I
have offended him.
" He is a prince of a most royal carriage, and hath a
princely heart ; and rather than he will miss or want any part
of his will, he will endanger the one half of his kingdom.
"I do assure you, that I have often kneeled before hinv
•ometimes three hours together, to persuade him from his will
* Burntst, vol. i. p. 94. t Cavendish Stowe, p f>54.
186 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1 S3 1
and appetite ; but could not prevail : had I but served God as
diligently as I have served the king, he would not have given
me over in my gray hairs. But this is the just reward that I
must receive for my indulgent pains and study, not regarding
my service to God, but only to my prince. Therefore, let me
advise you, if you be one of the privy council, as by yor.r
wisdom you are fit, take care what you put into the king's
head ; for you can never put it out again."*
Thus died this famous cardinal, whose character seems to
have contained as singular a variety as the fortune to which
he was exposed. The obstinacy and violence of the king's
temper may alleviate much of the blame which some of hia
favorite's measures have undergone ; and when we consider,
that the subsequent part of Henry's reign was much more
criminal than that which had been directed by Wolsey's coun-
sels, we shall be inclined to suspect those historians of par-
tiality, who have endeavored to load the memory of this min-
ister with such violent reproaches. If, in foreign politics, he
sometimes employed his influence over the king lor his private
purposes, rather than his master's service, which, he boasted,
he had solely at heart, we must remember, that he had in
view the papal throne ; a dignity which, had he attained it,
would have enabled him to make Henry a suitable return for
all his favors. The cardinal of Amboise, whose memory is
respected in France, always made this apology for his own
conduct, which was, in some respect, similar to Wolsey's ;
and we have reason to think, that Henry was well acquainted
with the views by which his minister was influenced, and took
a pride in promoting them. He much regretted his death,
when informed of it, and always spoke favorably of his
memory ; a proof that humor, more than reason, or any dis-
covery of treachery, had occasioned the last persecutions
against him.
[1531.] A new session of parliament was held, together
with a convocation ; and the king here gave strong proofs of
his extensive authority, as well as of his intention to turn it to
the depression of the clergy. As an ancient statute, now
almost obsolete, had been employed to vuin Wolsey, and ren-
der his exercise of the legatine power c.iminal, notwithstand-
ing the king's permission, the same law was now turned
against the ecclesiastics. It was pretended, that every on*
* Cavendish.
A.b 1532.] HENRY VIA. 187
who had submitted to the legatine court, that is, the whole
church, had violated the statute of provisors ; and the attorney-
general accordingly brought an indictment against them.*
The convocation knew, that it would be in vain to oppose
reason or equity to the king's arbitrary will, or plead that their
ruin would have been the certain consequence of not submit-
ting to Wolsey's commission, which was procured by Henry's
consent, and supported by his authority. They chose, there-
fore, to throw themselves on the mercy of their sovereign ;
and they agreed to pay a hundred and eighteen thousand eight
hundred and forty pounds lor a pardon. t A confession was
likewise extorted from them, that the king was the protector
and the supreme head of the church and clergy of England ;
though some of them had the dexterity to get a clause inserted,
which invalidated the whole submission, and which ran in
these terms : " in so far as is permitted by the law of Christ."
The commons, finding that a pardon was granted the clergy,
began to be apprehensive for themselves, lest either they
should afterwards be brought into trouble on account of their
submission to the legatine court, or a supply, in like manner,
be extorted from them, in return for their pardon. They
therefore petitioned the king to grant a remission to his lay
subjects; but they met with a repulse. He told them, that
if he ever chose to forgive their offence, it would be from his
own goodness, not from their application, lest he should seem
to be compelled to it. Some time after, when they despaired
of obtaining this concession, he was pleased to issue a pardon
to the laity ; and the commons expressed great gratitude for
that act of clemency. $
[1532.] By this strict execution of the statute of provisors,
a great part of the profit, and still more of the power of the
court of Rome was cut off; and the connections between the
pope and the English clergy were in some measure dissolved.
The next session found both king and parliament in the same
dispositions. An act was passed against levying the annates
or first-fruits, $ being a year's rent of all the bishoprics that
fell vacant ; a tax which was imposed by the court of Rome
for granting bulls to the new prelates, and which was found
to amount to considerable sums. Since the second of Henry
* Antiq. Brit. Eccles. p. 325. Burnet, vol. i. p. 106.
f Holingshed, p. 923.
t Hall's Chronicle. Holingshed, p. 923. Baker, p. 208.
\ Burnet, vol. i. Collect. No. 41. Strype, vol. i. p. 144.
188 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. l5o2
VII., no less than one hundred and sixty thousand pounds har
been transmitted to Rome on account of this claim ; which
the parliament, therefore, reduced to five per cent, on all thy
episcopal benefices. The better to keep the pope in awe, the
king Avas intrusted with a power of regulating these payment?!
and of confirming or infringing this act at his pleasure ; and
it was voted, that any censures which should be passed by the
court of Rome on account of that law, should be entirely dis-
regarded, and that mass should be said, and the sacraments
administered, as if no such censures had been issued.
This session, the commons preferred to the king a long com-
plaint against the abuses and oppressions of the ecclesiastical
courts ; and they were proceeding to enact laws for remedy-
ing them, when a difference arose, which put an end to the
session before the parliament had finished all their business.
It was become a custom for men to make such settlements, 01
trust deeds, of their lands by will, that they defrauded not
onlv the king, but all other lords, of their wards, mauia<res,
and reliefs ; and by the same artifice the king was deprived
of his premier seizin, and the profits of the livery, which
were no inconsiderable branches of his revenue. Henry
made a bill be drawn to moderate, not remedy altogether, this
abuse ; he was contented, that every man should have the
liberty of disposing in this manner of the half of his land ;
and he told the parliament in plain terms, " if they would not
take a reasonable thing when it was offered, he would search
out the extremity of the law ; and then -would not offer them
so much again." The lords came willingly into his terms;
but the commons rejected the bill ; a singular instance, where
Henry might see that his power and authority, though ex-
tensive, had yet some boundaries. The commons, however,
found reason to repent of their victory. The king made good
his threats : he called together the judges and ablest lawyers,
who argued the question in chancery ; and it was decided,
that a man could not by law bequeath any part of his lands
in prejudice of his heir.*
The parliament being again assembled after a short proro-
gation, the king caused the two oaths to be read to them, that
which the bishops took to the pope, and that to the king, on
their installation ; and as a contradiction might be suspected
between them, while the prelates seemed to swear allegian^
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 116. Hall. Pari. Hist.
A. D. 1532.] henry vin. 18%
to two sovereigns ;* the parliament showed their intention of
abolishing the oath to the pope, when their proceedings were
suddenly stopped by the breaking out of the plague at West-
minster, which occasioned a prorogation. It is i-emarkable,
that one Temse ventured this session to move, that the house
should address the king, to take back the queen, and stop the
prosecution of his divorce. This motion made the king send
for Audley, the speaker, and explain to him the scruples with
which his conscience had long been burdened ; scruples, he
said, which had proceeded from no wanton appetite, which
had arisen after the fervors of youth were past, and which
were confirmed by the concurring sentiments of all the learned
societies in Europe. Except in Spain and Portugal, he added,
it was never heard of, that any man had espoused two sisters ;
but he himself had the misfortune, he believed, to be the first
Christian man that had ever married his brother's widow. t
After the prorogation, Sir Thomas More, the chancellor,
fores aeing that all the measures of the king and parliament
led 1o a breach with the church of Rome, and to an altera-
tion of religion, with which his principles would not permit
him to concur, desired leave to resign the great seal ; and he
descended from his high station with more joy and alacrity
than he had mounted up to it. The austerity of this man's
virtue, and the sanctity of his manners, had nowise encroach-
ed on the gentleness of his temper, or even diminished thai
frolic and gayety to which he was naturally inclined. He.
sported with all the varieties of fortune into which he was
thrown ; and neither the pride naturally attending a high
station, nor the melancholy incident to poverty and retreat,
could ever lay hold of his serene and equal spirit. While his
family discovered symptoms of sorrow on laying down the
grandeur and magnificence to which they had been accustom-
ed, he drew a subject of mirth from their distresses ; and made
them ashamed of losing even a moment's cheerfulness on ac-
count of such trivial misfortunes. The king, who had enter-
tained a high opinion of his virtue, received his resignation
with some difficulty : and he delivered the great seal soon
after to Sir Thomas Audley.
During these transactions in England, and these invasions
of the papal aud ecclesiastical authority, the court of Rome
was not without solicitude ; and she entertained just appre-
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 133. ISt. t Herbert. Hall, fol
190 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [A. D. 1 532.
hensions of losing entirely her authority iu England ; tha
kingdom which, of'all others, had long heen th. most devoted
to the holy see, and which had yielded it the most ample reve-
nue. While the imperial cardinals pushed Clement to proceed
to extremities against the king, his more moderate and impar-
tial counsellors represented to him the indignity of his proceed-
ings ; that a great monarch, who had signalized himself, both
by his pen and his sword, in the cause of the pope, should be
denied a favor which he demanded on such just grounds, and
which had scarcely ever before been refused to any person of
his rank and station. Notwithstanding these remonstrances,
the queen's appeal was received at Rome ; the king was cited
to appear ; and several consistories were held, to examine the
validity of their marriage. Henry was determined not to
send any proxy to plead his cause before this court : he only
despatched Sir Edward Karne and Dr. Bonner, in quality of
excusators, (so they were called,) to carry his apology, for
not paying that deference to the papal authority. The pre-
rogatives of his crown, he said, must be sacrificed, if he
allowed appeals from his own kingdom ; and as the question
regarded conscience, not power or interest, no proxy could
supply his place, or convey that satisfaction which the dictates
of his own mind alone could confer. In order to support him-
self in this measure, and add greater security to his intended
defection from Rome, he procured an interview with Francis
at Boulogne and Calais, where he renewed his personal friend-
ship as well as public alliance with that monarch, and con-
certed all measures for their mutual defence. He even em
ployed arguments, by which he believed he had persuaded
Francis to imitate his example in withdrawing his obedience
from the bishop of Borne, and administering ecclesiastical
affairs without having further recourse to that see. And being
now fully determined in his own mind, as well as resolute to
stand all consequences, he privately celebrated his marriage
with Anne Boleyn, whom he had previously created mar
chioness of Pembroke. Bouland Lee, soon after raised to tli6
bishopric of Coventry, officiated at the marriage. The duke
of Norfolk, uncle to the new queen, her father, mother, and
brother, together with Dr. Cranmer, were present st the cere-
mony.* Anne became pregnant soon after her marriage ; ant*
this event both gave great satisfaction to the king, and WM
* Herbert, p. 340, 341.
A.D. 1533.J henry vin. 19?
regarded by the people as a strong proof of the queen's for-
mer modesty and virtue
[1533.] The parlianjent was again assembled ; and Henry,
in conjunction with the great couucil of the nation, proceeded
still in those gradual and secure steps, by which they loos-
ened their connections with the see of Rome, and repressed
the usurpations of the Roman pontiff. An act was made
against all appeals to Rome in causes of matrimony, divorces,
wills, and other suits cognizable in ecclesiastical courts ; ap-
peals esteemed dishonorable to the kingdom, by subjecting it
to a foreign jurisdiction ; and found to be very vexatious by the
expense and the delay of justice which necessarily attended
them.* The more to show his disregard to the pope, Henry,
finding the new queen's pregnancy to advance, publicly owned
his marriage ; and in order to remove all doubts with regard
to its lawfulness, he prepared measures for declaring, by a
lormal sentence, the invalidity of his marriage with Catharine :
a sentence which ought naturally to have preceded his espous-
ing of Anne.t
The king, even amidst his scruples and remorses on ac-
count of his first marriage, had always treated Catharine with
respect and distinction ; and he endeavored, by every soft and
persuasive art. to engage her to depart from her appeal to
Rome, and her opposition to his divorce. Finding her obsti-
nate in maintaining the justice of her cause, he had totally
lorborne all visits and intercourse with her ; and had desired
her to make choice of any one of his palaces, in which she
should please to reside. She had fixed her abode for some
time at Amphill, near Dunstable ; and it was in this latter town
that Cranmer, now created archbishop of Canterbury, on the
death of Warham ; | was appointed to open his court for exam-
ining the validity of her marriage. The near neighborhood
of the place was chosen, in order to deprive her of all plea
of ignorance ; and as she made no answer to the citation,
either by herself or proxy, she was declar3d "contumacious ;"
and the primate proceeded to the examination of the cause.
The evidences of Arthur's consummation of his marriage
were anew produced ; the opinions of the universities were
read, together with the judgment pronounced two years beforo
* 24 Henry VIII. c. 12.
t Collier, vol. !i. p. 31, and Records, No. 9
t See note II. nt 1 lie end ■■ 1 the volume.
J92 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. 1533
by the convocations both of Canterbury and York ; and after
these preliminary steps, Cranmer proceeded to a sentence,
and annulled the king's marriage with Catharine as unlawful
and invalid. By a subsequent sentence, he ratified the mar-
riage with Anne Boleyn, who soon after was publicly crowned
queen, with all the pomp and dignity suited to that ceremony.*
To complete the king's satisfaction on the conclusion of this
intricate and vexatious afTair, she was safely delivered of a
daughter, who received the name of Elizabeth, and who after-
wards swayed the sceptre with such renown and felicity.
Henry was so much delighted with the birth of this child, that
soon after he conferred on her the title of princess of Wales, f
a step somewhat irregular, as she could only be presumptive,
not apparent heir of the crown. But he had, during his for-
mer marriage, thought proper to honor his daughter Mary
with that title ; and he was determined to bestow on the off-
spring of his present marriage the same mark of distinction,
as well as to exclude the elder princess from all hopes of the
succession. His regard for the new queen seemed rather to
increase than diminish by his marriage; and all men expected
to see the entire ascendant of one who had mounted a throne
from which her birth had set her at so great a distance, and
who, by a proper mixture of severity and indulgence, had
long managed so intractable a spirit as that of Henry. In
order to efface as much as possible all marks of his first mar-
riage, Lord Mountjoy was sent to the unfortunate and divorced
queen, to inform her, that she was thenceforth to be treated
only as princess dowager of Wales ; and all means were em-
ployed to make her acquiesce in that determination. But she
continued obstinate in maintaining the validity of her mar-
riage ; and she would admit no person to her presence who
did not approach her with the accustomed ceremonial. Henry,
forgetting his wonted generosity towards her, employed men-
aces against such of her servants as complied with her com-
mands in this particular ; but was never able to make her
relinquish her title and pretensions. J
When intelligence was conveyed to Rome of these transac-
tions, so injurious to the authority and reputation of the holy
gee, the conclave was in a rage, and all the cardinals of tho
imperial faction urged the pope to proceed to a definitive sen-
* Hcylin, p. 6. t Burnet, vol. i. p. 134.
t Herbert, p. 326. Burnet, vol. i. p. 132.
A.. D. 1533. J henky viii. 193
tenoe, and to dart his spiritual thunders against Henry. But
Clement proceeded no further than to declare the nullity of
Cranmer's sentence, as well as that of Henry's second mar-
riage ; threatening him with excommunication, if before the
first of November ensuing he did not replace every thing in
the condition in which it formerly stood.* An event had
happened from which the pontiff' expected a more amicable
tonclusion of the difference, and which hindered him from
carrying matters to extremity against the king.
The pope had claims upon the duchy of Ferrara for the
iovereignty of Reggio and Modena ; t and having submitted his
pretensions to the arbitration of the emperor, he was surprised
to find a sentence pronounced against him. Enraged at this
disappointment, he hearkened to proposals of amity from
Francis ; and when that monarch made overtures of marry-
ing the duke of Orleans, his second son, to Catharine of Med-
icis, niece of the pope, Clement gladly embraced an alliance
by which his family was so much honored. An interview
was even appointed between the pope and French king at
Marseilles ; and Francis, as a common friend, there employed
his good offices in mediating an accommodation between his
new ally and the king of England.
Had this connection of France with the court of Rome
taken place a few years sooner, there had been little difficulty
in adjusting the quarrel with Henry. The king's request was
an ordinary one ; and the same plenary power of the pope
which had granted a dispensation for his espousing of Catha-
rine, could easily have annulled the marriage. But, in the
progress of the quarrel, the state of afiairs was much changed
oiii both sides. Henry had shaken off much of that reverence
which he had early imbibed for the apostolic see ; and finding
that his subjects of all ranks had taken part with him, and
willingly complied with his measures for breaking off foreign
dependence, he had begun to relish his spiritual authority, and
would scarcely, it was apprehended, be induced to renew his
submissions to the Roman ponti'f. The pope, on the other
hand, now ran a manifest risk of infringing his authority by a
compliance with the king ; and as a sentence of divorce could
no longer be rested on nullities in Julius's bull, but would be
construed as an acknowledgment of papal usurpations, it wan '.
* he Grand, vol. iii. p. 5G6.
t Burnet, vol. ii. p. 1 33. Guicciard-
VOL. III. — I
94 HISTOK.T OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1534
foresail that the Lutherans would thence take occasion oi
triumph, and would persevere more obstinately in their pre->
ent principles. But notwithstanding these obstacles, Fratr^is
did not despair of mediating an agreement He observed that
the king had still some remains of prejudice in favor o. the
Catholic church, and was apprehensive of the consequences
which might ensue from too violent innovations. He saw the
interest that Clement had in preserving the obedience of Eng-
land, which was one of the richest jewels in the papal crown.
And he hoped that these motives on both sides would facilitate
a mutual agreement, and would forward the effects of his good
offices.
[1534.] Francis first prevailed on the pope to promise,
that if the king would send a proxy to Rome, and thereby
submit his cause to the holy see, he should appoint commis-
sioners to meet at Cambray, and form the process ; and he
should immediately afterwards pronounce the sentence of
divorce required of him. Bellay, bishop of Paris, was next
despatched to London, and obtained a promise from the king,
that he would submit his cause to the Roman consistory, pro
vided the cardinals of the imperial faction were excluded from
it. The prelate carried this verbal promise to Rome ; and
the pope agreed that, if the king would sign a written agree-
ment to the same purpose, his demands should be fully com-
plied with. A day was appointed for the return of the mes-
sengers ; and all Europe regarded this affair, which had
threatened a violent rupture between England and the Romish
church, as drawing towards an amicable conclusion.* But
the greatest affairs often depend on the most frivolous incidents.
The courier who carried the king's written promise was de-
tained beyond the day appointed : news was brought to Rome
that a libel had been published in England against the court
oi' Rome, and a farce acted before the king in derision of the
pope and cardinals.! The pope and cardinals entered into
the consistory inflamed with anger ; and by a precipitate sen-
tence the marriage of Henry and Catharine was pronounced
valid, and Henry declared to be excommunicated if he refused
to adhere to it. Two days after, the courier arrived ; and
Clement, who had been hurried from his usual prudence,
lound that though he heartily repented of this hasty measure.
* Father Paul, lib. i. t Father Pan!, 1 h. i
A. D. 1534.] henec vm. 19.'
it would be difficult for him to retract it, or replace affairs op
the same footing" as before.
It is not probable that the pope, had he conducted himseli
with ever so great moderation and temper, could hope, during
the lifetime of Jienry, to have regained much authority or in-
fluence in England. That monarch was of a temper both
impetuous and obstinate ; and having proceeded so far in
throwing off" the papal yoke, he never could again have been
brought tamely to bend his neck to it. Even at the time
when he was negotiating a reconciliation with Rome, he either
entertained so little hopes of success, or was so indifferent
about the event, that he had assembled a parliament, and
continued to enact laws totally destructive of the papal au-
thority. The people had been prepared by degrees for this
great innovation. Each preceding session had retrenched
somewhat from the power and profits of the pontiff. Care
had been taken, during some years, to teach the nation that
a general council Avas much superior to a pope. But now a
bishop preached every Sunday at Paul's Cross, in order to in-
culcate the doctrine that the pope was entitled to no authoi'ity
at all beyond the bounds of his own diocese.* The proceedings
of the parliament showed that they had entirely adopted this
opinion ; and there is reason to believe that the king, after
having procured a favorable sentence from Rome, which would
have removed all doubts with regard to his second marriage
and the succession, might indeed have lived on terms of civility
with the Roman pontiff", but never would have surrendered to
him any considerable share of his assumed prerogative. The
importance of the laws passed this session, even before intelli-
gence arrived of the violent resolutions taken at Rome, is suf-
ficient to justify this opinion.
All payments made to the apostolic chamber, all pro visions,
bulls, dispensations, were abolished : monasteries were subjected
to the visitation and government of the king alone : the law
tor punishing heretics was moderated : the ordinary was pro-
hibited from imprisoning or trying any person upon suspicion
alone, without presentment by two lawful witnesses ; and it
was declared, that to speak against the pope's authority was
no heresy : bishops were to be appointed, by a conge d'elire
fr&m the crown, or, in case of the dean and chapter's refusal,
by letters patent ; and no recourse was to be had to Roma
* Burnet, vrl. i. p. 141.
196 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A D. 1534
for palls., bulls, or provisions ; Campeggio and Ghinucci, two
Italians, were deprived of the bishoprics of Salisbury and
Worcester, which they had hitherto enjoyed : * the law which
had been formerly made against paying annates or first-fruits,
but which had been left in the king's power to suspend or
enforce, was finally established : and a submission which was
exacted two years before from the clergy, and which had been
obtained with great difficulty, received this session the sanction
of parliament. t In this submission, the clergy acknowledged
that convocations ought to be assembled by the king's authority
only ; they promised to enact no new canons without his con-
sent ; and they agree that he should appoint thirty-two com-
missioners, in order to examine the old canons, and abrogate
such as should be found prejudicial to his royal prerogative. J
An appeal was also allowed from the bishop's court to the king
in chancery.
But the most important law passed this session was that
which regulated the succession to the crown : the marriage
of the king with Catharine was declared unlawful, void, and
of no effect : the primate's sentence annulling it was ratified :
and the marriage with Queen Anne was established and con-
firmed. The crown _was appointed to descend to the issue
of this marriage, and failing them, to the king's heirs forever.
An oath likewise was enjoined to be taken in favor of this
order of succession, under the penalty of imprisonment during
the king's pleasure, and forfeiture of goods and chattels. And
all slander against the king, queen, or their issue, was sub-
jected to the penalty of misprision of treason. After these
compliances, the parliament was prorogued ; and those acts,
so contemptuous towards the pope, and so destructive of his
authority, were passed at the very time that Clement pro-
nounced his hasty sentence against the king. Henry's resent-
ment against Queen Catharine, on account of her obstinacy,
was the reason why he excluded her daughter from all hopes
of succeeding to the crown ; contrary to his first intentions,
when he began the process of divorce, and of dispensation for
a second marriage.
The king found his ecclesiastical subjects as compliant as
the laity. The convocation ordered that the act against appeals
to Rome, together with the king's appeal from the pope to a
* he Neve's Fasti Eccles. Angl. t 25 Henry VIII. cap. 19.
t Collier, vol. ii. p. 69, "0-
AD. H34.J henry vm. 197
general council, should be affixed to the doors of all the
churches in the kingdom : and they voted that the bishop oi'
Rome had, by the law of God, no more jurisdiction in England
than any other foreign bishop ; and that the authority which ht-
and his predecessors had there exercised, was only by usurpa
tion, and by the sufferance of English princes. Four persona
alons opposed this vote in the lower house, and one doubted.
It passed unanimously in the upper. The bishops went so fai
in their complaisance, that they took out new commissions
from the crown, in which all their spiritual and episcopal
authority was expressly affirmed to be derived ultimately from
the civil magistrate, and to be entirely dependent on his good
pleasure.*
The oath regarding the succession was generally taken
throughout the kingdom. Fisher, bishop of Rochester, anH
Sir Thomas More, were the only persons of note that entei
tained scruples with regard to its legality. Fisher was obnox
ious on account of some practices into which his credulkj
rather than any bad intentions, seems to have betrayed hirn
But More was the person of greatest reputation in the king
dom for virtue and integrity ; and as it was believed that his
authority would have influence on the sentiments of others ;
great pains were taken to convince him of the lawfulness of
the oath. He declared that he had no scruple with regard to
the succession, and thought that the parliament had full powei
to settle it : he offered to draw an oath himself which would
insure his allegiance to the heir appointed ; but he refused the
oath prescribed by law ; because the preamble of that oath
asserted the legality of the king's marriage with Anne, and
thereby implied that his former marriage with Catharine was
unlawful and invalid. Cranmer, the primate, and Cromwell,
now secretary of state, who highly loved and esteemed More,
entreated him to lay aside his scruples ; and their friendly
importunity seemed to weigh more with him than all the
penalties attending his refusal. t He persisted, however, in a
mild though firm manner, to maintain his resolution ; and the
king, irritated against him as well as Fisher, ordered both to
be indicted upon the statute, and committed prisoners to the
Tower.
The parliament, being again assembled, conferred on the
king the title of the only supreme ' head" on earth of the
* Colliers Eccles. Hist. vol. ii t Burnet, vol. i. p. 156
I $8 HISTORY OF ENGLANI \ A. D. 1534
church of England ; as they had already investea him with all
the real power belonging to it. In this memorable act, tha
parliament granted him power, or rather acknowledged his
inherent power, "to visit, and repress, redress, reform, order,
correct, restrain, or amend all errors, heresies, abuses, offences,
contempts, and enormities, which fell under any spiritual
authority or jurisdiction."* They also declared it treason to
attempt, imagine, or speak evil against the king, queen, or his
heirs ; or to endeavor depriving them of their dignities or titles.
They gave him a right to all the annates and tithes of bene
flees which had formerly been paid to the court of Rome.
They granted him a subsidy and a fifteenth. They attainted
More and Fisher for misprision of treason. And they com-
pleted the union of England and Wales, by giving to that
principality all the benefit of the English laws.
Thus the authority of the popes, like all exorbitant power,
was ruined by the excess of its acquisitions, and by stretching
its pretensions beyond what it was possible for any human
principles or prepossessions to sustain. Indulgences had in
former ages tended extremely to enrich the holy see ; but being
openly abused, they served to excite the first commotions and
opposition in Germany. The prerogative of granting dispen-
sations had also contributed much to attach all the sovereign
princes and great families in Europe to the papal authority ;
but meeting with an unlucky concurrence of circumstances,
was now the cause why England separated herself from the
Romish communion. The acknowledgment of the king's
supremacy introduced there a greater simplicity in the gov-
ernment, by uniting the spiritual with the civil power, and
preventing disputes about limits, which never could be exactly
determined between the contending jurisdictions. A way was
also prepared for checking the exorbitancies of superstition,,
and breaking those shackles by which all human reason, policy,
and industry had so long been encumbered. The prince, it
may be supposed, being head of the religion, as well as of the
temporal jurisdiction of the kingdom, though he might some-
times employ the former as an engine of government, had no
interest, like the Roman pontiff, in nourishing its excessive
growth ; and, except when blinded by his own ignorance or
bigotry, would be sure to retain it within tolerable limits, and
prevent its abuses. And on the whole, there followed from
* 26 Henry VIII. cap. i.
HENRY V11I 1 y&
this revolution many beneficial consequences ; though perhapt
neither foreseen nor intended by the persons who had the
chief hand in conducting it.
While Henry proceeded with so much order and tranquillity
in changing thft national religion, and while his authority
seemed entirely secure in England, he was held in some
inquietude by the state of affairs in Ireland and in Scotland.
The earl of Kildare was deputy of Ireland, under the duka
of Richmond, the king's natural son, who bore the title of
lieutenant ; and as Kildare was accused of some violences
against the family of Ossory, his hereditary enemies, he was
summoned to answer for his conduct. He left his authority in
the hands of his son, who, hearing that his father was thrown
into prison, and was in danger of his life, immediately took up
arms, and joining himself to Oneale, Ocarrol, and other Irish
nobility, committed many ravages, murdered Allen, archbishop
of Dublin, and laid siege to the city. Kildare meanwhile died
in prison ; and his son, persevering in his revolt, made applica-
tions to the emperor, who promised him assistance. The king
was obliged to send over some forces to Ireland, which so
harassed the rebels, that this young nobleman, finding the
emperor backward in fulfilling his promises, was reduced to
the necessity of surrendering himself prisoner to Lord Leonard
Gray, the new deputy, brother to the marquis of Dorset. He
was carried over to England, together with his five uncles ;
and after trial and conviction, they were all brought to public
justice ; though two of the uncles, in order to save the family,
had pretended to join the king's party.
The earl of Angus had acquired the entire ascendant in
Scotland ; and having gotten possession of the king's person,
their in early youth, he was able, by means of that advantage,
and by employing the power of his own family, to retain the
reins of government. The queen dowager, however, his con-
sort, bred him great disturbance. For having separated her-
self from him on account of some jealousies and disgusts, and
having procured a divorce, she had married another man of
quality, of the name of Stuart ; and she joined all the discon-
tented nobiiity who opposed Angus's authority. James him
self was dissatisfied with the slavery to which he was reduced:
and by secret correspondence he incited first Walter Scot, then
the earl of Lenox, to attempt by force of arms the freeing him
from the hands of Angus. Both enterprises failed of success ;
^ut James, impatient of restraint, found means at last 3f escap
£00 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. {A. I) 1 fi.'J i
mg to Stirling, where his mother then resided ; and having
summoned all the nobility to attend him, he overturned the
authority of the Douglases, and obliged Angus and his brother
to fly into England, where they were protected by Henry.
The king of Scotland, being now arrived at years of majority,
took the government into his own hands ; and employed him-
self with great spirit and valor in repressing those feuds, rav-
ages, and disorders, which, though they disturbed the course
of public justice, served to support the martial spirit of the
Scots, and contributed by that means to maintain national
independence. He was desirous of renewing the ancien*
league with the French nation ; but finding Francis in closp
union with England, and on that account somewhat cold iu
hearkening to his proposals, he received the more favorably
the advances of the emperor, who hoped, by means of such
an ally, to breed disturbance to England. He offered the
Scottish king the choice of three princesses, his own neai
relations, and all of the name of Mary ; his sister, the dowager
of Hungary ; his niece, a daughter of Portugal ; or his cousin,
the daughter of Henry, whom he pretended to dispose of un
known to her father. James was more inclined to the lattei
proposal, had it not, upon reflection, been ibund impracticable ;
and his natural propensity to France at last prevailed over all
other considerations. The alliance with Francis necessarily
engaged James to maintain peace with England. But though
invited by his uncle Henry to confer with him at Newcastle,
and concert common measures for repressing the ecclesiastics
in both kingdoms, and shaking off" the yoke of Home, he could
not be prevailed on, by entering England, to put himself in
the king's power. In order to have a pretext for refusing the
conference, he applied to the pope, and obtained a brief, for-
bidding him to engage in any personal negotiations with an
snemy of the holy see. From these measures Henry easily
concluded that he could very little depend on the friendship
of his nephew. But those events took not place till ioras
tima after our present period
A. D. 1534] henry vin. 20 j
CHAPTER XXXI.
, HENRY VIII.
[1534. J The ancient and almost uninterrupted opposition of
interests between the laity and clergy in England, and between
the English clergy and the court of Rome, had sufficiently
prepared the nation for a breach with the sovereign pontiff ;
and men had penetration enough to discover abuses which
were plainly calculated for the temporal advantages of the
hierarchy, and which they found destructive of their own.
These subjects seemed proportioned to human understanding ;
and even the people, who felt the power of interest in their
own breasts, could perceive the purpose of those numerous in-
ventions which the interested spirit of the Roman pontiff had
introduced into religion. But when the reformers proceeded
thence to dispute concerning the nature of the sacraments,
the operations of grace, the terms of acceptance with the
Deity, men were thrown into amazement, and were, during
some time, at a loss how to choose their party. The pro-
found ignorance in which both the clergy and laity formerly
lived, and their freedom from theological altercations, had pro-
duced a sincere but indolent acquiescence in received opinions ;
and the multitude were neither attached to them by topics
of reasoning, nor by those prejudices and antipathies against
opponents, which have ever a more natural and powerful influ-
ence over them. As soon, therefore, as a new opinion was
advanced, supported by such an authority as to call up their
attention, they felt their capacity totally unfitted for such dis-
quisitions ; and they perpetually fluctuated between the con-
tending parties. Hence the quick and violent movements by
which the people were agitated, even in the most opposite
directions : hence their seeming prostitution, in sacrificing tc
present power the most sacred principles : and hence the rapid
progress during some time, and the sudden as well as entire
check soon after, of the new doctrines. When men were once
settled in their particular sects, and had fortified themsel /es in
an habitual detestation of those who were denominate \ hero
j02 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D.I 534
tics, they adhered with more ohstinacy to the piinciples of
their education ; and the limits of the two religions thenceforth
remained fixed and unchangeable.
Nothing more forwarded the first progress of the reformers,
than the offer which they made of submitting all religious doc-
trines to private judgment, and the summons given every one
to examine the principles formerly imposed upon him. Though
the multitude were totally unqualified for this undertaking,
they yet were highly pleased with it. They fancied that thry
were exercising their judgment, while they opposed to the
prejudices of ancient authority more powerful prejudices of
another kind. The novelty itself of the doctrines ; the pleas
ure of an imaginary triumph in dispute ; the fervent zeal of
the reformed preachers ; their patience, and even alacrity, in
suffering persecution, death, and torments ; a disgust at the
restraints of the old religion ; an indignation against the tyran
ny and interested spirit of the ecclesiastics ; these motives were
prevalent with the people, and by such considerations were
men so generally induced, during that age, to throw off the
religion of their ancestors.
But in proportion as the practice of submitting religion to
private judgment was acceptable to the people, it appeared in
some respects dangerous to the righ 's of sovereigns, and seemed
to destroy that implicit obedience on which the authority of the
civil magistrate is chiefly founded. The very precedent of
shaking so ancient and deep-founded an establishment as that
of the Romish hierarchy, might, it was apprehended, prepare
the way for other innovations. The republican spirit which
naturally took place among the reformers, increased this jeal-
ousy. The furious insurrections of the populace, excited by
Muncer and other Anabaptists in Germany,* furnished a new
pretence for decrying the reformation. Nor ought we to con-
clude, because Protestants in our time prove as dutiful sub-
jects as those of any other communion, that therefore such ap-
prehensions were altogether without any shadow of plausibil-
ity. Though the liberty of private judgment be tendered tc
the disciples of the reformation, it is not in reality accepted of;
and men are generally contented to acquiesce implicitly in
those establishments, howe-er new, into which their early ed-
ucation has thrown them.
No prince in Europe was possessed of such absolute
* Sleidan. lib. iv. and v.
ID. 1534. J henry vm. 203
iuthority as Henry, not even the pope himself, in his own
capital, where he united both the civil and ecclesiastical
powers,* and there was small likelihood, that any doctrine
which lay under the imputation of encouraging sedition could
ever pretend to his favor and countenance. But besides thin
political jealousy, there was another reason which inspired
this imperious monarch with an aversion to the reformers.
He had early declared his sentiments against Luther ; and
having entered the lists in those scholastic quarrels, he had
received from his courtiers and theologians infinite applause
for his performance. Elated by this imaginary success, and
blinded by a natural arrogance and obstinacy of temper, ho
had entertained the most lofty opinion of his own erudition ;
and he received with impatience, mixed with contempt, any
contradiction to his sentiments. Luther also had been so
imprudent as to treat in a very indecent manner his royal
antagonist ; and though he afterwards made the most humble
submissions to Henry, and apologized for the vehemence of
his former expressions, he never could efface the hatred
which the king had conceived against him and his doctrines.
The idea of heresy still appeared detestable as well as form-
idable to that prince ; and whilst his resentment against the
see of Rome had corrected one considerable part of his early
prejudices, he had made it a point of honor never to relin-
quish the remainder. Separate as he stood from the Catholic
church, and from the Roman pontiff, the head of it, he still
valued himself on maintaining the Catholic doctrine, find on
guarding, by fire and sword, the imagined purity of his specu-
lative principles.
Henry's ministers and courtiers were of as motley a chat
acter as his conduct; and seemed to waver, during this whole
reign, between the ancient and the new religion. The queen,
engaged by interest as well as inclination, favored the cause
of the reformers : Cromwell, who was created secretary of
state, and who was daily advancing in the king's confidence,
had embraced the same views ; and as he was a man of
prudence and abilities, he was able, very effectually, though
in a covert manner, to promote the late innovations : Crar»
mer, archbishop of Canterbury, had secretly adopted the
Protestant tenets ; and he had gained Henry's friendship by
his candor and sincerity ; virtues which he possessed in as
* Sae note I, at the end of the volume.
SJ04 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D.I 534
eminent a degree as those times, equally distracted with fac-
tion and oppressed by tyranny, could easily permit. On the
other hand, the duke of Norfolk adhered to the ancient faith ,
and by his high rank, as well as by his talents, both for
peace and war, he had great authority in the king's council :
Gardiner, lately created bishop of Winchester, had enlisted
himself in the same party ; and the suppleness of his char
acter, and dexterity of his conduct, had rendered him ex-
tremely useful to it.
All these ministers, while they stood in the most irrecon-
cilable opposition of principles to each other, were obliged to
disguise their particular opinions, and to pretend an entire
agreement with the sentiments of their master. Cromwell
and Cranmer still carried the appearance of a conformity to
the ancient speculative tenets ; but they artfully made use
of Henry's resentment to widen the breach with the see of
Rome. Norfolk and Gardiner feigned an assent to the king's
supremacy, and to his renunciation of the sovereign pontiff;
but they encouraged his passion for the Catholic faith, and
instigated him to punish those daring heretics who had pre-
sumed to reject his theological principles. Both sides hoped,
by their unlimited compliance, to bring him over to their
party : the king, meanwhile, who held the balance between
the factions, was enabled, by the courtship paid him both by
Protestants and Catholics, to assume an unbounded authority :
and though in all his measures he was really driven by his
ungoverned humor, he casually steered a course which led
more certainly to arbitrary power, than any which the most
profound politics could have traced out to him. Artifice,
refinement, and hypocrisy, in his situation, would have put
both parties on their guard against him, and would have
taught them reserve in complying with a monarch whom
they could never hope thoroughly to have gained : but while
the frankness, sincerity, and openness of Henry's tempei
were generally known, as well as the dominion of his furious
passions, each side dreaded to lose him by the smal'est
opposition, and flattered themselves that a blind compliance
with his will would throw him cordially and fully into theii
iaterests
The ambiguity of the king's conduct, though it kept the
courtiers in awe, served, in the main, to encourage the Prot-
estant doctrine among his subjects, and promoted that spirit
of innovation with which the age was generally seized, and
A. D. 1534.1 henry vm. 204
which nothing: but an entire uniformity, as Avell as a ste-idy
severity in the administration, could be able to repress.
There were some Englishmen, Tindal, Joye, Constantine,
and others, who, dreading the exertion of the king's authority,
had fled to Antwerp ; * where the great privileges possessed
by the Low Country provinces served, during some time, to
give them protection. These men employed themselves in
writing English books against the corruptions of the chuicb
of Rome ; against images, relics, pilgrimages ; and they ex-
cited the curiosity of men with regard to that question, tho
most important in theology, the terms of acceptance with tho
Supreme Being. In conformity to the Lutherans and other
Protestants, they asserted, that salvation was obtained by faith
alone ; and that the most infallible road to perdition t was a
reliance on "good works;" by which terms they understood,
as well the moral duties, as the ceremonial and monastic
observances. The defenders of the ancient religion, on the
other hand, maintained the efficacy of good works ; but
though they did not exclude from this appellation the social
virtues, it was still the superstitions gainful to the church
which they chiefly extolled and recommended. The books
composed by these fugitives, having stolen over to England,
began to make converts every where ; but it was a translation
of the Scriptures by Tindal, that was esteemed the most dan-
gerous to the established faith. The first edition of this work,
composed with little accuracy, was found liable to consider-
able objections ; and Tindal, who was poor, and could not
afford to lose a great part of the impression, was longing for
an opportunity of correcting his errors, of which he had been
made sensible. Tonstal, then bishop of London, soon after
of Durham, a man of great moderation, being desirous to
discourage, in the gentlest manner, these innovations, gave
private orders for buying up all the copies that could be found
at Antwerp ; and he burned them publicly in Cheapside. By
this measure he supplied Tindal with money, enabled him tc
print a new and correct edition of his work, and gave great
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 159.
t Sacrilegium est et impietas velle placere Deo per opera et non
per solem tidem. Luther adversus regem. Ita vides quam dives sit
homo Christianus sive baptizatus, qui etiara volens non potest perdere
salutem suani quantiscunque peecatis. Nulla eiiim peccata possunt
eura damnare nisi incredulitas. Id. de Captivitatc Babylon) ci
80b HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1534
scandal to the people, in thus committing to the flames the
word of God.*
The disciples of the reformation met with little severity
during the ministry of Wolsey, who, though himself a clergy
man, bore too small a regard to the ecclesiastical order to
serve as au instrument of their tyranny : it was even an
article of impeachment against him, t that by his connivance
he had encouraged the growth of heresy, and that he had
protected and acquitted some notorious offenders. Sir Thomas
More, who succeeded Wolsey as chancellor, is at once an
object deserving our compassion, and an instance of the usual
progress of men's sentiments during that age. This man,
whose elegant genius and familiar acquaintance with the noble
spirit of antiquity had given him very enlarged sentiments,
and who had in his early years advanced principles which
even at present would be deemed somewhat too free, had, in
the course of events, been so irritated by polemics, and thrown
into such a superstitious attachment to the ancient faith, that
few inquisitors have been guilty of greater violence in their
prosecution of heresy. Though adorned with the gentlest
manners, as well as the purest integrity, he carried to the
utmost height his aversion to heterodoxy ; and James Bain-
ham, in particular, a gentleman of the Temple, experienced
from him the greatest severity. Bainham, accused of favoring
the new opinions, was carried to More's house ; and having
refused to discover his accomplices, the chancellor ordered
him to be whipped in his presence, and afterwards sent hint
to the Tower, where he himself saw him put to the torture.
The unhappy gentleman, overcome by all these severities,
abjured his opinions; but feeling afterwards the deepest com-
punction for his apostasy, he openly returned to his former
tenets, and even courted the crown of martyrdom. He was
condemned as an obstinate and relapsed heretic, and was
burned in Smithfield. $
Many were brought into the bishops' courts for offences
which appear trivial, but which were regarded as symbols of
the party : some for teaching their children the Lord's prayer
in English ; others for reading the New Testament in that
language, or for speaking against pilgrimages. To harbor
* Hall, fol. 186. Fox, vol. i. p. 138. Burnet, vol. i. p 159.
1 Articles of impeachment in Herbert. Burnet.
i Fox. Burnet, vol. i. p. 165.
A. D. 1534.] UENRf vm. 207
the persecuted preachers, to neglect the fasts of the church,
to declaim against the vices of the clergy, were capital of
fences. One Thomas Bilney, a priest, who had embraced the
new doctrine, had been terrified into an abjuration; but was
so haunted by remorse, that his friends dreaded some fatal
effects of his despair. At last, his mind seemed to be more
relieved ; but this appearing calm proceeded only from the
resolution which he had taken of expiating his past offence
by an open confession of the truth, and by dying a martyr to
it. He went through Norfolk, teaching the people to beware
of idolatry, and of trusting for their salvation either to pil-
grimages, or to tiie cowl of St. Francis, to the prayers of
the saints, or to images. He was soon seized, tried in the
bishop's court, and condemned as a relapsed heretic ; and the
writ was sent down to burn him. When brought to the stake,
he discovered such patience, fortitude, and devotion, that the
spectators were much affected with the horrors of his punish-
ment ; and some mendicant friars who were present, fearing
that his martyrdom would be imputed to them, and make them
lose those alms which they received from the charity of the
people, desired him publicly to acquit them* of having any
hand in his death. He willingly complied; and by this meek-
ness gained the more on the sympathy of the people. Another
person, still more heroic, being brought to the stake for de-
nying the real presence, seemed almost in a transport of joy ;
and he tenderly embraced the fagots which were to be the
instruments of his punishment, as the means of procuring
him eternal rest. In short, the tide turning towards the new
doctrine, those severe executions, which, in another disposi-
tion of men's minds, would have sufficed to suppress it, now
served only to diffuse it the more among the people, and to
inspire them with horror against the unrelenting persecutors.
But though Henry neglected not to punish the Protestant
doctrine, which he deemed heresy, his most formidable ene-
mies, he knew, were the zealous adherents to the ancient
religion, chiefly the monks, who, having their immediate de-
pendence on the Roman pontiff, apprehended their own ruin
io be the certain consequence of abolishing his authority in
England. Peyto, a friar, preaching before the king, had the
'assurance to tell him, "that many lying prophets had deceived
him ; but he, as a true Micajah, warned him, that /.he dog*
* Burnet, vol. i. u. 1G4.
206 E&.3TORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1534
would lick his blood, as they had done Ahab's." * The king
took no notice of the insult ; but allowed the preacher to
depart in peace. Next Sunday he employed Dr. Corren to
preach before him ; who justified the king's proceedings, and
gave Peyto the appellations of a rebel, a slanderer, a dog,
and a traitor. Elston, another friar of the same house, inter-
rupted the preacher, and told him that he was one of the
lying prophets, who sought to establish by adultery the suc-
cession of the crown ; but that he himself would justify all
that Peyto had said. Henry silenced the petulant friar ; but
showed no other mark of resentment than ordering Peyto and
him to be summoned before the council, and to be rebuked
tor their offence. t He even here bore patiently some new
instances of their obstinacy and arrogance : when the earl of
Essex, a privy councillor, told them that they deserved for
their offence to be thrown into the Thames, Elston replied,
that the road to heaven lay as near by water as by land, t
But several monks were detected in a conspiracy, which, as
it might have proved more dangerous to the king, was on its
discovery attended with more fatal consequences to themselves.
Elizabeth Barton, of Aldington, in Kent, commonly called
the "holy maid of Kent," had been subject to hysterical fits,
which threw her body into unusual convulsions; and having
produced an equal disorder in her mind, made her utter strange
sayings, which, as she was scarcely conscious of them during
the time, had soon after entirely escaped her memory. The
Billy people in the neighborhood were struck with these
appearances, which they imagined to be supernatural ; and
Richard Masters, vicar of the parish, a designing fellow,
founded on them a project, from which he hoped to acquire
both profit and consideration. He went to Warham, archbishop
of Canterbury, then alive ; and having given him an account
of Elizabeth's revelations, he so far wrought on that prudent
but superstitious prelate, as to receive orders from him to
watch her in her trances, and carefully to note down all her
future sayings. The regard paid her by a person of so high
a rank, soon rendered her still more the object of attention to
the neighborhood ; and it was easy for Masters to persuade
them, as well as the maid herself, that her ravings were inspi
* Strype, vol. i. p. 167.
t Collier, vol. ii. p. 86. Burnet, vol. i. p. 151.
$ Stowe, p. 5C2
A. D. 1534. J henry vm. 20*
rations of the Holy Ghost. Knavery, as is usual, soon after
succeeding to delusion, she learned to counterfeit trances ;
and she then uttered, in an extraordinary tone, such speeches
as were dictated to her by her spiritual director. Masters
associated with him Dr. Booking, a canon of Canterbury ;
and their design was to raise the credit of an image of the
Virgiu which stood in a chapel belonging to Masters, and to
draw to it such pilgrimages as usually frequented the more
famous images and relics. In prosecution of this design,
Elizabeth pretended revelations which directed her to have
recourse to that image for a cure ; and being brought before
it, in the presence of a great multitude, she fell anew into
convulsions ; and after distorting her limbs and countenance
during a competent time, she affected to have obtained a per-
fect recovery by the intercession of the Virgin.* This miracle
was soon bruited abroad ; and the two priests, finding the im-
posture to succeed beyond their own expectations, began to
extend their views, and to lay the foundation of more import
ant enterprises. They taught their penitent to declaim against
the new doctrines, which she denominated heresy ; against in-
novations in ecclesiastical government ; and against the king's
intended divorce from Catharine. She went so far as to as-
sert, that if he prosecuted that design, and married another,
he should not be a king a month longer, and should not an
hour longer enjoy the favor of the Almighty, but should die
the death oi a villain. Many monks throughout England,
either from folly or roguery, or from faction, which is often
a complication of both, entered into the delusion ; and one
Deering, a friar, wrote a book of the revelations and prophe-
cies of Elizabeth.! Miracles were daily added to increase the
wonder ; and the pulpit every where resounded with accounts
of the sanctity and inspirations of the new prophetess Mes-
sages were carried from her to Queen Catharine, b/ which
that princess was exhorted to persist in her opposition to the
divorce ; the pope's ambassadors gave encouragement to the
popular credulity; and even Fisher, bishop of .R&ehvster,
though a man of sense and learning, was carried s.w,ty by
sr. opinion so favorable to the party which he had erased. $
Tne king at last began to think the matter worthy j{ ins at-
tention ; and having ordered Elizabeth and her ac/3<..<nplice*
* Stowe, p. 570. Blanquet's Epitome of Chronicles.
* Strype. vol i.p. 181. t Collier, vol u. p. 8~
410 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. lo35
to hi arrosted, he brought th.3m before the star-chamber
where they freely, without being put to the torture, mada
confession of their guilt. The parliament, in the session held
the beginning of this year, passed an act of attainder against
Eome who were engaged in this treasonable imposture;*
and Elizabeth herself, Masters, Booking, Deering, Rich, Ris-
by, Gold, suffered for their crime. The bishop of Roches-
ter, Abel, Addison, Lawrence, and others were condemned
for misprision of treason ; because they had not discovered
Borne criminal speeches which they heard from Elizabeth;!
and they were thrown into prison. The better to undeceive
the multitude, the forgery of many of th r ; prophetess's mira-
cles was detected ; and even the scandalous prostitution of
her manners was laid open to the public. Those passions
which so naturally insinuate themselves amidst the warm
intimacies maintained by the devotees of different sexes, had
taken place between Elizabeth and her confederates ; and it
was found that a door to her dormitory, which was said to
have been miraculously opened, in order to give her access to
the chapel, for the sake of frequent converse with Heaven,
had been contrived by Booking and Masters for less refined
purposes.
[I60O.] The detection of this imposture, attended with
so many odious circumstances, both hurt the credit of the
ecclesiastics, particularly the monks, and instigated the king
to take vengeance on them. He suppressed three monaste-
ries of the Observantine friars ; and finding that little clamor
was excited by this act of power, he was the more encouraged
to lay his rapacious hands on the remainder. Meanwhile
he exercised punishment on individuals who were obnoxious
to him. The parliament had made it treason to endeavor
depriving the king of his dignity or titles : they had lately
added to his other titles, that of supreme head of the church .
it was inferred, that to deny his supremacy was treason ;
and many priors and ecclesiastics lost their lives for this
new species of guilt. It was certainly a high instance of
tyranny to punish the mere delivery of a political opinion,
especially one that nowise affected the king's temporal right,
as a capital offence, though attended with no overt act : and
the parliament, in passing this law, had overlooker- all the
* 25 Henry VIII. ca;i. 12 Burnet, vol. i. p. 149. Hall fol. 7)Q.
t Godwin's Annals, p. 53
A. P. l/Vd.Y- HENRY vim: 21}
principles by which a civilized, much morb a free people,
should be governed : but the violence of changing so suddenly
the whole system of government, and making it treason to
deny what during many ages it had been heresy to assert,
is au event which may appear somewhat extraordinary.
Even the stern, unrelenting mind of Henry was at first
shocked with these sanguinary measures ; and he went so
far as to change his garb and dress ; pretending sorrow for
the necessity by which he was pushed to such extremities.
Still impelled, however, by his violent temper, and desirous
of striking a terror into the whole nation, he proceeded, by
making examples of Fisher and More, to consummate his
lawless tyranny.
John Fisher, bishop of Rochester, was a prelate emin(*it
for learning and morals, still more than for his ecclesiastical
dignities, and for the high favor which he had long enjoyed
with the king. When he was thrown into prison, on account
of his refusing the oath which regarded the succession, and
his concealment of Elizabeth Barton's treasonable speeches,
he had not only been deprived of all his revenues, but stripped
of his very clothes, and, without consideration of his extreme
age, he was allowed nothing but rags, which scarcely sufficed
to cover his nakedness.* In this condition he lay in prison above
a twelvemonth ; when the pope, willing to recompense th^
sufferings of so faithful an adherent, created him a cardinal ;
though Fisher was so indifferent about that dignity, that, even
if the purple were lying at his feet, he declared that he would
not stoop to take it. This promotion of a man merely for his
opposition to royal authority, roused the indignation of the
king ; and he resolved to make the innocent person feel the
effects of his resentment. Fisher was indicted for denying
the kings supremacy, was tried, condemned, and beheaded.
The execution of this prelate was intended as a warning to
More, whose compliance, on account of his great authority
both abroad and at home, and his high reputation for learning
and virtue, was anxiously desired by the king. That prince
also bore as great personal affection and regard to More, as
his imperious mind, the sport of passions, was susceptible of
towards a man who in any particular opposed his violent
inclinations. But More could never be prevailed on to
acknowledge auy opinion so contrary to his principles as that
* Fuller's Church Hist, book v. p. 203.
2V4 HISTORY JF ENGLAND. [A.D. 153&
of the king's supremacy ; and though Henry exacted th i*
compliance from the whole nation, there was as yet no lav»
obliging any one to take an oath to that purpose. Rich, the
solicitor-general, was sent to confer with More, then a prisonei ,
who kept a cautious silence with regard to the supremacy :
he was only inveigled to say, that any question with regard to
the law which established that prerogative was a two-edge*.'.
Bword ; if a person answer one way, it will confound his soul ,
if another, it will destroy his body. No more was wanted to
found an indictment of high treason against the prisoner. His
silence was called malicious, and made a part of his crime ;
and these words, which had casually dropped from him, were
interpreted as a denial of the supremacy.* Trials were mere
formalities during this reign : the jury gave sentence against
More, who had long expected this fate, and who needed no
preparation to fortify him against the terrors of death. Not
only his constancy, but even his cheerfulness, nay, his usual
facetiousness, never forsook him; and he made a sacrifice of
his life to his integrity, with the same indifference that hj
maintained in any ordinary occurrence. When he was
mounting the scaffold, he said to one, " Friend, help me up ;
and when I come down again, let me shift for myself." The
executioner asking him forgiveness, he granted the request,
but told him, " You will never get credit by beheading me,
uiy neck is so short." Then laying his head on the block, he
bade the executioner stay till he- put aside his beard : " For,"
said he, " it never committed treason." Nothing was want-
ing to the glory of this end, except a better cause, more free
from weakness and superstition. But as the man followed his
principles and sense of duty, however misguided, his constancy
and integrity are not the less objects of our admiration. He
was beheaded in the fifty-third year of his age.
When the execution of Fisher and More was reported at
Rome, especially that of the former, who was invested with the
dignity of cardinal, every one discovered the most violent rage
against the king ; and numerous libels were published by the
wits and orators of Italy, comparing him to Caligula, Nero,
Domitian, and all the most unrelenting tyrants of antiquity.
Clement VII. had died about six months after he pronounced
sentence against the king; and Paul III., of the name of Far-
oese, had succeeded to the papal throne. This pontiff, who.
* More's life of Sir Thomas More. Herbert, p.
A..JD. 1535.] HENRY VIII 212
while cardinal, had always favored Henry's cause, hau hoped
that personal animosities being buried with his predecessor, it
might not be impossible to form an agreement with England :
and the king himself was so desirous of accommodating mat
ters, that in a negotiation which he entered into with Francis
a little before this time, he required that that monarch should
conciliate a friendship between him and the court of Rome.
But Henry was accustomed to prescribe, not to receive terms ;
and even when he was negotiating for peace, his usual violence
often carried him to commit offences which rendered the quar-
rel totally incurable. The execution of Fisher was regarded
by Paul as so capital an injury, that he immediately passed
censures against the king, citing him and all his adherents to
appear in Rome within ninety days, in order to answer for
their crimes : if they failed, he excommunicated them ; deprived
the king of his crown ; laid the kingdom under an interdict ;
declared his issue by Anne Boleyn illegitimate ; dissolved all
leagues wdiich any Catholic princes had made with him ; gave
his kingdom to any invader ; commanded the nobility to take
arms against him ; freed his subjects from all oaths of alle-
giance ; cut off their commerce with foreign states ; and de-
clared it lawful for any one to seize them, to make slaves of
their persons, and to convert their effects to his own use.* But
though these censures were passed, they were not at that time
openly denounced ; the pope delayed the publication till he
should find an agreement with England entirely desperate ;
and till the emperor, who was at that time hard pressed by
the Turks and the Protestant princes in Germany, should be
in a condition to carry the sentence into execution.
The king knew that he might expect any injury which it
should be in Charles's power to inflict ; and he therefore made
it the chief object of his policy to incapacitate that monarch
from wreaking his resentment upon him.t He renewed his
friendship with Francis, and opened negotiations for marrying
his infant daughter, Elizabeth, with the duke of Angouleme,
third son of Francis. These two monarchs also made advances
to the princes of the Protestant league in Germany, ever jeal-
ous of the emperor's ambition ; and Henry, besides remitting
them some money, sent Fox, bishop of Hereford, as Francis
did Bellay, lord of Langley, to treat with them. But during
the first iervors of the reformation, an agreement in theologi-
* Sanders, p, MS t Herbert, p. 350. 351.
214 HISTORS" OF ENGLAND. [AD. 1536
cal tenets was held, as well as a union of interests, to b«
essential to a good correspondence among states ; and though
both Francis and Henry flattered the German princes with
hopes of their embracing the confession of Augsbourg, it waa
looked upon as a bad symptom of their sincerity, that they
exercised such extreme rigor against all preachers of the refor-
mation in their respective dominions.* Henry carried the feint
so far, that, Avhile he thought himself the first theologian in
the world, he yet invited over Melancthon, Bucer, Sturmius,
Draco, and other German divines, that they might confer
with him, and instruct him in the foundation of their tenets.
These theologians were now of gi-eat importance in the world ;
and no poet or philosopher, even in ancient Greece, where
they were treated with most respect, had ever reached equal
applause and admiration with those wretched composers of
metaphysical polemics. The German princes told the king,
that they could not spare their divines ; and as Henry had no
hopes of agreement with such zealous disputants, and knew
that in Germany the followers of Luther would not associate
with the disciples of Zuinglius, because, though they agreed
in every thing else, they differed in some minute particulars
with regard to the eucharist, he was the more indifferent on
account of this refusal. He could also foresee, that Oven while
the league of Smalcalde did not act in concert with him, they
would always be carried by their interests to oppose the em-
peror : and the hatred between Francis and that monarch
was so inveterate, that he deemed himself sure of a sincere
ally in one or other of these potentates.
[1536.] During these negotiations, an incident happened
in England which promised a more amicable conclusion of
those disputes, and seemed even to open the way for a recon-
ciliation between Henry and Charles. Queen Catharine was
seized with a lingering illness, which at last brought her to
her grave ; she died at Kimbolton, in the county of Hunting-
don, in the fiftieth year of her age. A little before she expired,
she wrote a very tender letter to the king, in which she gave
him the appellation of " her most dear lord, king, and hus-
band." She told him that as the hour of her death was now
approaching, she laid hold of this last opportunity to inculcate
on him the importance of his religious duty, and the compara-
tive emptiness of all human grandeur and enjoyment ; that
* Sleidan, lib 10
A.i). 15,"6.j henry vni. 21fi
though his fondness towards these perishable advantages had
thrown her into many calamities, as well as created to himself
much trouble, she yet forgave him all past injuries, and hoped
that his pardon would be ratified in Heaven; and that shu
had no other request to make, than to recommend to him his
daughter, the sole pledge of their loves ; and to crave his pro-
tection for her maids and servants. She concluded with these
words : " I make this vow, that mine eyes desire you above
all things."* The king was touched, even to the shedding
of tears, by this last tender proof of Catharine's affection ; but
Queen Anne is said to have expressed her joy for the death
of a rival beyond what decency or humanity could permit. t
The emperor thought that, as the demise of his aunt had
removed all foundation of personal animosity between him and
Henry, it might not now be impossible to detach him from the
alliance of France, and to renew his own confederacy with
England, from which he had formerly reaped so much advan-
tage. He sent Henry proposals for a return to ancient amity,
upon these conditions : $ that he should be reconciled to the
see of Rome, that he should assist him in his war with the
Turk, and that he should take part with him against Francis,
who now threatened the duchy of Milan. The king replied,
that he was willing to be on good terms with the emperor,
provided that prince would acknowledge that the former breach
of friendship came entirely from himself: as to the conditions
proposed, the proceedings against the bishop of Rome were
so just, and so fully ratified by the parliament of England,
that they could not now be revoked ; when Christian princes
should have settled peace among themselves, he would not fail
to exert that vigor which became him, against the enemies of
the faith ; and after amity with the emperor was once fully
restored, he should then be in a situation, as a common friend
both to him and Francis, either to mediate an agreement be-
tween them, or to assist the injured party.
What rendered Henry more indifferent to the advances made
by the emperor was, both his experience of the usual duplicity
and insincerity of that monarch, and the intelligence which
he received of the present transactions in Europe. Francis
Sforza, duke of Milan, had died without issue ; and the em-
peror maintained that the duchy, being a fief of the empire,
* Herbert, p. 403. t Burnet, vol. i. p. 192.
i Du Bellai, liv. v. Herbert. Burnet, vol. iii. in Coll. No. 50.
216 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1535
was devolved to him, as head of the Germanic hody : not to
give umbrage, however, to the states of Italy, he professed hia
intention of bestowing that principality on some prince who
should be obnoxious to no party, and he even made offer of it
to the duke of Angouleme, third son of Francis. The French
monarch, who pretended that his own right to Milan was now
revived upon Sforza's death, was content to substitute hii
Eecond son, the duke of Orleans, in his place ; and the emperor
pretended to close with his proposal. But his sole intention
in that liberal concession was to gain time, till he should put
himself in a warlike posture, and be able to carry an invasion
into Francis's dominions. The ancient enmity between these
princes broke out anew in bravadoes, and in personal insults
on each other, ill becoming persons of their rank, and still less
suitable to men of such unquestioned bravery. Charles soon
after invaded Provence in person, with an army of fifty thou
sand men ; but met with no success. His army perished with
sickness, fatigue, famine, and other disasters ; and he was
obliged to raise the siege of Marseilles, and retire into Italy
with the broken remains of his forces. An army of imperial-
ists, near thirty thousand strong, which invaded France on the
6ide of the Netherlands, and laid siege to Peronne, made no
greater progress, but retired upon the approach of a French
army. And Henry had thus the satisfaction to find, both that
his ally Francis was likely to support himself without foreign
assistance, and that his own tranquillity was fully insured by
these violent wars and animosities on the continent.
If any inquietude remained with the English court, it waa
solely occasioned by the state of affairs in Scotland. James,
hearing of the dangerous situation of his ally Francis, gener-
ously levied some fox-ces ; and embarking them on board ves-
sels which he had hired for that purpose, landed them safely
in France. He even went over in person ; and making haste
to join the camp of the French king, which then lay in Pro-
vence, and to partake of his danger, he met that prince at
Lyons, who, having repulsed the emperor, was now returning
to his capital. Recommended by so agreeable and seasonable
an instance of friendship, the king of Scots paid his addresses
to Magdalen, daughter of the French monarch ; and this
prince had no other objection to the match than what arose
from the infirm state of his daughter's health, which seemed
to threaten her with an approaching end. But James having
gained the affections of the princess, and obtained her consent.
A. D. 1536.] HENRY VI u. 217
the father would no longer oppose the united desires of Ma
daughter and his friend : they were accordingly married, anu
Boon after set sail for Scotland, where the young queen, as
was foreseen, died in a little time after her arrival. Francis,
however, was afraid lest his ally Henry, whom he likewise
looked on as his friend, and who lived with him on a more
cordial footing than is usual among great princes, should bo
displeased that this close confederacy between France and
Scotland was concluded without his participation. He there-
fore despatched Pommeraye to London, in order to apologize
for this measure ; but Henry, with his usual openness and
freedom, expressed such displeasure, that he refused even to
confer with the ambassador ; and Francis was apprehensive
of a rupture with a prince who regulated his measures more
by humor and passion than by the lules of political prudence.
But the king was so fettered by the opposition in which he was
engaged against the pope and the emperor, that he pursued
no further this disgust against Francis ; and in the end, every
thing remained in tranquillity both on the side of France and
of Scotland.
The domestic peace of England seemed to be exposed to
more hazard by the violent innovations in religion; and it may
be affirmed that, in this dangerous conjuncture, nothing insured
public tranquillity so much as the decisive authority acquired
by the king, and his great ascendant over all his subjects.
Not only the devotion paid to the crown was profound during
that age : the personal respect inspired by Henry was consid-
erable ; and even the terrors with which he overawed every
one, were not attended with any considerable degree of hatred.
His frankness, his sincerity, his magnificence, his generosity,
were virtues which counterbalanced his violence, cruelty, and
impetuosity. And the important rank which his vigor, more
than his address, acquired him in all foreign negotiations,
flattered the vanity of Englishmen, and made them the more
willingly endure those domestic hardships to which they were
exposed. The king, conscious of his advantages, was now
proceeding to the most dangerous exercise of his authority ;
and after paving the way for that measure by several prepar-
atory expedients, he was at last determined to suppress the,
monasteries, and to put himself in possession of their ample';,
revenues.
The great increase of monasteries, if matters be considered
merely in a political light, will appear the radical inconve-
vox. in. — K
218 UISiOr.7 OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1 536
mence of the Catholic religion ; and every other disadvantage
attending that communion seems to have an inseparable con
ncction with these religious institutions. Papal usurpations,
the tyranny of the inquisition, the multiplicity of holidays ;
all these fetters on liberty and industry were ultimately de-
rived from the authority and insinuation of monks, whose
habitations, being established every where, proved so many
seminaries of superstition and of folly. This order of men
was extremely enraged against Henry, and regarded the
abolition of the papal authority in England is the removal
of the sole protection which they enjoyed against the rapacity
of the crown and of the courtiers. They were now subjected
to the king's visitation ; the supposed sacredness of their bulls
from Rome was rejected ; the progress of the reformation
abroad, which had every where been attended with the aboli-
tion of the monastic orders, g^ve them reason to apprehend
like consequences in England ; ?nd though the king still main-
tained the doctrine of purgatovy, to which most of the con-
vents owed their origin and support, it was foreseen, that, in
the progress of the contest, he would every day be led to
depart wider from ancient instita tions, and be drawn nearer
the tenets of the reformers, with whom his political interests
naturally induced him to' unite. Moved by these considera-
tions, the friars employed all thek influence to inflame the
people against the king's government ; and Henry, finding
their safety irreconcilable with his ewn, was determined to
seize the present opportunity, and utterly destroy his declared
enemies.
Cromwell, secretary of state, had been appointed vicar-
general, or vicegerent, a new office, by which the king's
supremacy, or the absolute uncontrollable power assumed
over the church, was delegated to him. He employed Lay-
ton, London, Price, Gage, Petre, Bellasis, and others, as com-
missioners who carried on every where a rigorous inquiry
with regard to the conduct and deportment rt all the friars.
During times of faction, especially of the rebgious kind, no
equity is to be expected from adversaries ; and as it was
known, that the king's intention in this visitation was to find
a pretence for abolishing monasteries, we may naturally con-
clude, that the reports of the commissioners are very little to
be relied on. Friars were encouraged to bring in >u formations
against their brethern : the slightest evidence was crediJqt)
and even the calumnies spread abroad by the friends -at' i'oe
A.D. lo3b.j henri vm. 219
reformation, wore regarded as grounds 0/ proof. Monstrous
disorders are therefore said to have heen found in many of
the religious houses ; whole convents of women abandoned to
lewdness ; signs of abortions procured, of infants murdered,
of unnatural lusts between persons of the same sex. It is
indeed probable, that the blind submission of the people,
during those ages, would render the friars and nuns more
unguarded and more dissolute than they are in any Roman
Catholic country at present ; but still the reproaches, which it
is safest to credit, are such as point at vices naturally con-
nected with the very institution of convents, and with the
monastic life. The cruel and inveterate factions and quarrels,
therefore, which the commissioners mentioned, are very cred-
ible among men, who, being confined together within the same
walls, never can forget their mutual animosities, and who,
being cut oft* from all the most endearing connections of
.nature, are commonly cursed with hearts more selfish, and
■tempers more unrelenting, than fall to the share of other men.
The pious frauds practised to increase the devotion and liber-
ality of the people, may be regarded as certain, in an order
founded on illusions, lies, and superstition. The supine idle-
ness also, and its attendant, profound ignorance, with Avhicl
the convents were reproached, admit of no question ; anu
though monks were the true preservers, as well as inventors,
of the dreaming and captious philosophy of the schools, no.
manly or elegant knowledge could be expected among men,
whose lives, condemned to a tedious uniformity, and deprived
of all emulation, afforded nothing to raise the mind or culti-
vate the genius.
Some few monasteries, terrified with this rigorous inquisi-
tion carried on by Cromwell and his commissioners, surren-
dered their revenues into the king's hands ; and the monka
received small pensions as the reward of their obsequiousness.
Oi'ders were given to dismiss such nuns and friars as were
below four-and-twenty, whose vows were, on that account,
supposed not to be binding. The doors of the convents were
opened, even to such as were above that age ; and every one
recovered his liberty who desired it. But as all these expedi-
ents did not fully answer the king's purpose, he had recourse
to his usual instrument of power, the parliament ; and in order
to prepare men for the innovations projected, the report of the
visitors was published, and a general horror was endeavored
to be excited in the nation against institutions, which, to theii
220 HISTORY CV ENGLAND. [A. D. 1536.
ancestors, had beon the objects of the most profound ven
eration.
The king, though determined utterly to abolish the monastic
order, resolved to proceed gradually in this great work; and
he gave directions to the parliament to go no further, at present,
than to suppress the lesser monasteries, which possessed reve-
nues below two hundred pounds a year.* These were found
to be the most corrupted, as lying less under the restraint of
shame, and being exposed to less scrutiny ; t and it was deemed
safest to begin with them, and thereby prepare the way for the
greater innovations projected. By this act three hundred and
seventy-six monasteries were suppressed, and their revenues,
amounting to thirty-two thousand pounds a year, were granted
to the king ; besides their goods, chattels, and plate, computed at
a hundred thousand pounds more, t It does not appear that any
opposition was made to this important law : so absolute was
Henry's authority ! A court, called the court of augmenta-
tion of the king's revenue, was erected for the management of
these funds. The people naturally concluded from this cir-
cumstance, that Henry intended to proceed in despoiling the
church of her patrimony. §
The act formerly passed, empowering the king to name
thirty-two commissioners for framing a body of canon law, was
renewed ; but the project was never carried into execution.
Henry thought, that the present perplexity of that law increased
his authority, and kept the clergy in still greater dependence.
Further progress was made in completing the union of Wales
with England : the separate jurisdictions of several great lords,
or marchers, as they were called, which obstructed the course
of justice in Wales, and encouraged robbery and pillaging,
were abolished ; and the authority of the king's courts was
extended every where. Some jurisdictions of a like nature in
England were also abolished this session. I!
The commons, sensible that they had gained nothing by
opposing the king's will when he formerly endeavored to secure
the profits of wardships and liveries, were now contented to
* 27 Henry VIII. c. 28. t Burnet, vol. i. p. 193.
t It is pretended, (see Holingshed, p. 939,) that ten thousand monks
were turned out on the dissolution of the lesser monasteries. If so,
most of them must have been mendicants ; for the revenue could not
have supported near that number. The mendicants, no doubt, still
continued their former profession.
* 27 Henry VJII. c. ?- || 11 Henry VIII. c. 4
A D. 1536.] henry vra. <&\
frame a law,* such as he dictated to them. It was enacted,
that the possession of land shall be adjudged to be in those whc
have the use of it, not in those to whom it is transferred in
trust.
After all these laws were passed, the king dissolved the pai
liament ; a parliament memorable, not only for the great and
important innovations which it introduced, but also for the long
time it had sitten, and the frequent prorogations which it had
undergone, flenry had found it so obsequious to his will, that
he did not choose, during those religious ferments, to hazard a
new election ; and he continued the same parliament above
six years : a practice at that time unusual in England.
The convocation which sat during this session was engaged
in a very important work, the deliberating on the new trans-
lation which was projected of the Scriptures. The translation
given by Tindal, though corrected by himself in a new edition,
was still complained of by the clergy as inaccurate and un-
faithful ; and it was now proposed to them, that they should
themselves publish a translation which would not be liable to
those objections.
The friends of the reformation asserted, that nothing could |
be more absurd than to conceal, in an unknown tongue, the
word of God itself, and thus to counteract the will of Heaven,
which, for the purpose of universal salvation, had published
that salutary doctrine to all nations : that if this practice were
not very absurd, the artifice at least was very gross, and proved
a consciousness, that the glof-ses and traditions of the clergy
stood in direct opposition to the original text, dictated by su-
preme intelligence : that it was now necessary for the people,
bo long abused by interested pretensions, to see with their own
eyes, and to examine whether the claims of the ecclesiastics
were founded on that charter which was on all hands acknowl-
edged to be derived from Heaven : and that, as a spirit of re-
search and curiosity was happily revived, and men were now
obliged to make a choice among the contending doctrines of
different sects, the proper materials for decision, and above all,
the Holy Scriptures, should be set before them ; and the re-
vealed will of God, which the change of language had some
what obscured, be again, by their means, revealed to mankind.
The favorers of the ancient religion maintained, on the othei
hand, that the pretence of making the people see with theii owe
# 27 Henry VIII. e. 10.
S22 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1536.
eyes was a mere cheat, and was itself a very gross artifice, by
which the new preachers hoped to obtain the guidance of them,
and tc seduce them from those pastors whom the laws, whom
ancient establishments, whom Heaven itself, had appointed
for their spiritual direction : that the people were by their
ignorance, their stupidity, their necessary avocations, totally
unqualified to choose their own principles : and it was a mock-
ery to set materials before them, of which they could not pos-
sibly make any proper use : that even in the affairs of com-
mon life, and in their temporal concerns, which lay more within
the compass of human reason, the laws had in a great measure
deprived them of the right of private judgment, and had, hap-
pily for their own and the public interest, regulated their con-
duct and behavior : that theological questions were placed far
beyond the sphere of vulgar comprehension ; and ecclesiastics
themselves, though assisted by all the advantages of education,
erudition, and an assiduous study of the science, could not be
fully assured of a just decision, except by the promise made
them in Scripture, that God would be ever present with his
church, and that the gates of hell should not prevail against
her : that the gross errors adopted by the wisest heathens,
proved how unfit men were to grope their own way through
this profound darkness ; nor would the Scriptures, if trusted
to every man's judgment, be able to remedy ; on the contrary,
they would much augment, those fatal illusions : that sacred
writ itself was involved in so much obscurity, gave rise to so
many difficulties, contained so many appearing contradictions,
that it was the most dangerous weapon that could be intrusted
into the hands of the ignorant and giddy multitude : that the
poetical style in which a great part of it was composed, at the
same time that it occasioned uncertainty in the sense, by its
multiplied tropes and figures, was sufficient to kindle the zeal
of fanaticism, and thereby throw civil society into the most
furious combustion : that a thousand sects must arise, which
would pretend, each of them, to derive its tenets from the
Scripture ; and would be able, by specious arguments, or even
without specious arguments, to seduce silly woraea and igno-
rant mechanics into a belief of the most monstrous principles :
and that if ever this disorder, dangerous to the magistrate him-
self, received a remedy, it must be from the tacit acquiescence
of the people in some new authority ; and it was evidently
better, without further contest or inquiry, to adhere peaceably
*o ancient, and theiefore the more secure establishments.
A. D 1536.] henry via. : 23
These latter arguments, being more agreeable to ecclesias-
tical governments, would probably have prevailed in the
convocation, had it not been for the authority of Cranmer,
Latimer, and some other bishops, who were supposed to speak
the king's sense of the matter. A vote was passed for publish-
ing a new translation of the Scriptures ; and in three years'
time the work was finished, and printed at Paris. This was
dpemcd a great point gained by the reformers, and a consider-
able advancement of their cause. Further progress was soon
expected, after such important successes.
But while the retainers to the new religion were exulting in
their prosperity, they met with a mortification which seemed to
blast all their hopes : their patroness, Anne Boleyn, possessed
no longer the king's favor ; and soon after lost her life by the
rage of that furious monarch. Henry had persevered in his
love to this lady during six years that his prosecution of the
divorce lasted ; and the more obstacles he met with to the
gratification of his passion, the more determined zeal did he
exert in pursuing his purpose. But the affection which had
subsisted, and still increased under difficulties, had not long
attained secure possession of its object, when it languished from
satiety; and the king's heart was apparently estranged from
his consort. Anne's enemies soon perceived the fatal change ;
and they were forward to widen the breach, when they found
that they incurred no danger by interposing in those delicate
concerns. She had been delivered of a dead son ; and Henry's
extreme fondness for male issue being thus for the present dis
appointed, his temper, equally violent and superstitious, was?
disposed to make the innocent mother answerable for the mis-
fortune.* But the chief means which Anne's enemies employed
to inflame the king against her, was his jealousy.
Anne, though she appears to have been entirely innocent,
and even virtuous m her conduct, had a certain gayety, if not
levity of character which threw her off* her guard, and made
her less circumspect than her situation required. Hei educa-
tion in France rendered her the more prone to those freedoms ■
and it was with difficulty she conformed herself to that strict
ceremonial practised in the court of England. More vain
than haughty, she was pleased to see the influence of hoi
beauty on all around her ; and she indulged herself in an easy
familian*y with persons who were formerly her equals, and
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 19G.
22A HISTORY OF EN3LAND. [A. D. 15ot
who might then have pretended to her friendship and goo£
graces. Henry's dignity was offended Avith these popular
manners ; and though the lover had been entirely blind, the
husband possessed but too quick discernment and penetration.
Ill instruments interposed, and put a malignant interpretation
on the harmless liberties of the queen : the viscountess of
Rocheford, in particular, who was married to the queen'?
brother, but who lived on bad terms with her sister-in-law,
insinuated the most cruel suspicions into the king's mind ;
and as she was a woman of a profligate character, she paid
no regard either to truth or humanity in those calumnies
which she suggested. She pretended that her own husband
was engaged in a criminal correspondence with his sister ,
and not content with this imputation, she poisoned every action
of the queen's, and represented each instance of favor, which she
conferred on any one, as a token of affection. Henry Norris,
groom of the stole, Weston and Brereton, gentlemen of the
king's chamber, together with Murk Smeton, groom of the
chamber, were observed to possess much of the queen's friend-
ship ; and they served her with a zeal and attachment, which,
though chiefly derived from gratitude, might not improbably
be seasoned with some mixture of tenderness for so amiable a
princess. The king's jealousy laid hold of the slightest cir-
cumstance ; and finding no particular object on which it could
fasten, it vented itself equally on every one that came within
the verge of its fury.
Had Henry's jealousy been derived from love, though it
might on a sudden have proceeded to the most violent ex-
tremities, it would have been subject to many remorses and
contrarieties ; and might at last have served only to augment
that affection on which it was founded. But it was a mora
stern jealousy, fostered entirely by pride: his love was trans-
ferred to another object. Jane, daughter of Sir John Seymour,
and maid of honor to the queen, a young lady of singidar beauty
and merit, had obtained an entire ascendant over him ; and
ne was determined to sacrifice every thing to the gratification
of this new appetite. Unlike to most monarchs, who judge
lightly of the crime of gallantry, and who deem the young
damsels of their court rather honored than disgraced by their
passion, he seldom thought of any other attachment than that
of marriage ; and hi order to attain this end, he underwent
more difficulties, and committed greater crimes, than those
which he sought to avoid by forming that legal connection
A. D. 1536.] hemiy vm. 223
And having thus entertained the design of raising his new mis-
tress to his bed and throne, he more willingly hearkened to
every suggestion which threw any imputation of guilt on the
unfortunate Anne Boleyn.
The king's jealousy first appeared openly in a tilting at
Greenwich, where the queen happened to drop her handker-
chief, an incident probably casual, but interpreted by him as
an instance of gallantry to some of her paramours.* He
immediately retired from the place; sent orders to confine
her to her chamber; arrested Norris, Brereton, Weston, and
Smeton, together with her brother Rocheford ; and threw
them into prison. The queen, astonished at these instances
of his fury, thought that he meant only to try her ; but finding
him in earnest, she reflected on his obstinate, unrelenting spirit,
and she prepared herself for that melancholy doom which was
awaiting her. Next day, she was sent to the Tower ; and on
her way thither, she was informed of her supposed offences, of
which she had hitherto been ignorant : she made earnest prot-
estations of her innocence; and when she entered the prison,
she fell on her knees, and prayed God so to help her, as she
was not guilty of the crime imputed to her. Her surprise and
confusion threw her into hysterical disorders ; and in that situ-
ation she thought that the best proof of her innocence was to
make an entire confession ; and she revealed some indiscretions
and levities, which her simplicity had equally betrayed her to
commit and to avow. She owned that she had once rallied
Norris on his delaying his marriage, and had told him that he
probably expected her when she should be a widow : she had
reproved Weston, she said, for his affection to a kinswoman of
hers, and his indifference towards his wife ; but he told her that
she had mistaken the object of his affection, for it was herself;
upon which she defied him.t She affirmed that Smeton hud
never been in her chamber but twice, when he played on t.^ie
harpsichord; but she acknowledged that he had once had the
boldness to tell her that a look sufficed him. The king, instead
of being satisfied with the candor and sincerity of her confes-
sion, regarded these indiscretions only as preludes to greatei
and more criminal intimacies
Of all those multitudes whom the beneficence of the queen's
temper had obliged during her prosperous fortune, no one
durst interpose between her and the king's fury; and the
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 198. 1 Strype, vol. i. p. 281.
226 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1536
person whose advancement every breath had favored, and
every countenance had smiled upon, was now left neglected
and abandoned. Even her uncle, the duke of Norfolk, pre-
ferring the connections of party to the ties of blood, was
become her most dangerous enemy; and all the retainers
to the Catholic religion hoped that her death would terminate
the king's quarrel with Rome, and leave him again to his nat-
ural and early bent, which had inclined him to maintain the
most intimate union with the apostolic see. Cranmer alone,
of all the queen's adherents, still retained his friendship for
her ; and, as far as the king's impetuosity permitted him,
he endeavored to moderate the violent prejudices entertained
against her.
The queen herself wrote Henry a letter from the Tower,
full of the most tender expostulations and of the warmest prot-
estations of innocence.* This letter had no influence on the
unrelenting mind of Henry, who was determined to pave the
way for his new marriage by the death of Anne Boleyn.
Norris, Weston, Brereton, and Smeton, were tried ; but no
legal evidence was produced against them. The chief proof
of their guilt consisted in a hearsay from one Lady Wingheld,
who was dead. Smeton was prevailed on, by the vain hopes
of life, to confess a criminal correspondence with the queen ;t
but even her enemies expected little advantage from this con-
fession; for they never dared to confront him with her; and
he was immediately executed; as were also Brereton and
Weston. Norris had been much in the king's favor, and an
offer of life was made him, if he would confess his crime and
accuse the queen ; but he generously rejected the proposal,
and said that in his conscience he believed her entirely guilt-
less : but for his part, he could accuse her of nothing, and he
would rather die a thousand deaths than calumniate an inno-
cent person.
The queen and her brother were tried by a jury of peers,
consisting of the duke of Suffolk, the marquis of Exeter, the
earl of Arundel, and twenty-three more : their uncle, the
duke of Norfolk, presided as high steward. Upon what
proof or pretence the crime of incest was imputed to them, is
unknown : the chief evidence, it is said, amounted to no more
than that R,ocheford had been seen to lean on her bed
before some company. Part of the charge against her was.
* See note K, at the enc 1 of the volume,
t Burnet, vol. i. p. 202.
\. D. 153G.J henry vni. 227
that she had affirmed to her minionf that the king never had
her heart ; and had said to each of tnem apart, that she loved
him better than any person whatsoever ; " which was to the
slander of the issue begotten between the king and her." By
this strained interpretation, her guilt was brought under the
statute of the twenty-fifth of this reign ; in which it was
declared criminal to throw any slander upon the king, queen,
or their issue. Such palpable absurdities were at that tune
admitted ; and they were regarded by the peers of England
as a sufficient reason for sacrificing an innocent queen to the
cruelty of their tyrant. Though unassisted by counsel, she
lefended herself with presence of mind ; and the spectators
could not forbear pronouncing her entirely innocent. Judg-
ment, however, was given by the court, both against the
queen and Lord Hocheford ; and her verdict contained, that
she should be burned or beheaded at the king's pleasure.
When this dreadful sentence was pronounced, she was not
terrified, but lifting up her hands to heaven, said, "O Father!
O Creator ! thou who art the way. the truth, and the life, thou
knowest that I have not deserved this fate ;" and then turn-
ing to the judges, made the most pathetic declarations of her
innocence.
Henry, not satisfied with this cruel vengeance, was resolved
entirely to anmd his marriage with Anne Boleyn, and to
declare her issue illegitimate : he recalled to his memory,
that a little after her appearance in the English court, some
attachment had been acknowledged between her and the earl
of Northumberland, then Lord Piercy ; and he now questioned
that nobleman with regard to these engagements. Northum-
berland took an oath before the two archbishops, that no
contract or promise of marriage had ever passed between
them : he received the sacrament upon it, before the duke
of Norfolk and others of the privy council ; and this solemn
act he accompanied with the most solemn protestations of
veracity.* The queen, however, was shaken by menaces of
executing the sentence against her in its greatest rigor, and
was prevailed on to confess in court some lawful impediment
to her marriage with the king.t The afflicted primate, who
sat as judge, thought himself obliged by this confession to
pronounce the marriage null and invalid. Henry, in th*
transports of his fury, did not perceive that his proceedings
* Herbert, p. 384. t Heylin, p. 94.
228 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1536
were totally inconsistent, and that if her marriage were from
the beginning invalid, she could not possibly be guilty of
adultery.
Th<> queen now prepared for suffering the death to which
she was sentenced. She sent her last message to the king,
and acknowledged the obligations which she owed him, in
thus uniformly continuing his endeavors for her advancement ;
from a private gentlewoman, she said, he had first made her
a marchioness, then a queen, and now, since he could raise
her no higher in this world, he was sending her to be a saint
in heaven. She then renewed the protestations of her inno-
cence, and recommended her daughter to his care. Before
the lieutenant of the Tower, and all who approached her, she
made the like declarations ; and continued to behave herself
with her usual serenity, and even with cheerfulness. " The
executioner," she said to the lieutenant, " is, I hear, very
expert ; and my neck is very slender :" upon which she
grasped it in her hand, and smiled. When brought, however,
to the scaffold, she softened her tone a little with regard to
her protestations of innocence. She probably reflected, that
the obstinacy of Queen Catharine, and her opposition to the
king's will, had much alienated him from the lady Mary :
her own maternal concern, therefore, for Elizabeth prevailed
in these last moments over that indignation which the unjust
sentence by which she suffered naturally excited in her. She
said that she was come to die, as she was sentenced, by the
law : she would accuse none, nor say any thing of the ground
upon which she was judged. She prayed heartily lor the
king ; called him a most merciful and gentle prince ; and
acknowledged that he had always been to her a good and
gracious sovereign ; and if any one should think proper to
canvass her cause, she desired him to judge the best She
was beheaded by the executioner of Calais, who was sont for
as more expert than any in England. Her body was negli-
gently thrown into a common chest of elm-tree, made to hold
arrows, and was buried in the Tower.
The innocence of this unfortunate queen cannot reasonably
b& called in question. Henry himself, in the violence of his
rage, knew not whom to accuse as her lover ; and though
[hi imputed guilt to her brother, and four persons more, he
was able to bring proof against none of them. The whole
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 20-:,.
A. D. 1536] HENRY VIII. 22*
tenor of her conduct forbids us to ascribe to her an abandoned
character, such as is implied in the king's accusation : had
she been so lost to all prudence and sense of sharne, she must
have exposed herself to detection, and afforded her enemies
some evidence against her. But the king made the most
effectual apology for her, by marrying .1 ane Seymour the very
day after her execution.* His impatience to gratify this new
passion caused him to forget all regard to decency ; and his
cruel heart was not softened a moment by the bloody catas-
trophe of a person who had so long been the object of his most
tender affections.
The lady Mary thought the death of her step-mother a
proper opportunity for reconciling herself to the king, who,
besides other causes of disgust, had been offended with her
on account of the part which she had taken in her mother's
quarrel. Her advances were not at first received ; and Henry
exacted from her some further proofs of submission and obe-
dience : he required this young princess, then about twenty
years of age, to adopt his theological tenets ; to acknowledge
his supremacy ; to renounce the pope ; and to own her
mother's marriage to be unlawful and incestuous. These
points were of hard digestion with the princess ; but after
some delays, and even refusals, she was at last prevailed on
to write a letter to her father.t containing her assent to the
articles required of her ; upon which she was received i. to
favor. But notwithstanding the return of the king's affection
to the issue of his first marriage, he divested not himself of
kindness towards the lady Elizabeth ; and the new queen,
who was blessed with a singular sweetness of disposition, dis-
covered strong proofs of attachment towards her.
The trial and conviction of Queen Anne, and the subsequent
events, made it necessary for the king to summon a new
parliament ; and he here, in his speech, made a merit to his
people, that, notwithstanding the misfortunes attending his
two former marriages, he had been induced for their good to
venture on a third. The speaker received this profession with
6uitable gratitude ; and he took thence occasion to praise the
king for his wonderful gifts of grace and nature : he com-
pared him, for justice and prudence, to Solomon ; for strength
and fortitude, to Samson ; and for beauty and comeliness, to
* Burnet, vol. i. p 297.
t Burnet, vol. i. p. 207. Strype, vo p. 285.
230 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1536
Absalom. The king very humbly replied, by the mouth ol
the chancellor, that he disavowed these praises ; since, if he
were ideally possessed of such endowments, they were the
gifls of Almighty God only. Henry found that the parliament
was no less submissive in deeds than complaisant in their
expressions, and that they would go the same lengths as the
former in gratifying even his most lawless passions. His
divorce from Anne Boleyn was ratified ; * that queen and all
her accomplices were attainted ; the issue of both his former
marriages were declared illegitimate, and it was even made
treason to assert the legitimacy of either of ihem; to throw
any slander upon the present king, queen, or their issue, was
subjected to the same penalty ; the crown was settled on the
king's issue by Jane Seymour, or any subsequent wife ; and
in case he should die without children, he was empowered, by
his will or letters patent, to dispose of the crown ; an enor-
mous authority, especially when intrusted to a prince so vio-
lent and capricious in his humor. Whoever, being required,
refused to answer upon oath to any article of this act of set-
tlement, was declared to be guilty of treason ; and by this
clause a species of political inquisition was established in the
kingdom, as well as the accusations of treason multiplied to
an unreasonable degree. The king was also empowered tc
confer on any one, by his will or letters patent, any castles,
honors, liberties, or franchises ; words which might have
been extended to the dismembering of the kingdom, by the
erection of principalities and independent jurisdictions. It
was also, by another act, made treason to marry, without the
king's consent, any princess related in the first degree to the
crown. This act was occasioned by the discovery of a design
formed by Thomas Howard, brother of the duke of Norfolk
to espouse the lady Margaret Douglas, niece to the king, by
his sister the queen of Scots and the earl of Angus. Howard
as well as the young lady, was committed to the Tower
She recovered her liberty soon after ; but he died in confine
ment. An act of attainder passed against him this session of
parliament.
* The pailiament, in ann illing the king's marriage with Anne Boleyn,
gives this as a reason, "Fcr that his highness had chosen to wife the
excellent and virtuous Lady Jane, who. for h f >r convenient years, excel-
lent beauty, and pureness of flesh and blood, would he apt, God will'uq
to e uiceive issue by his liighnes?.' -
A.D. 1536 J henry vm. 2'6\
Another accession was likewise gained to the authority of
the crown ; the king or any of his successors was empowered
to repeal or annul, by letters patent, whatever act of parlia-
ment had been passed before he was four-and-twenty years
of age. Whoever maintained the authority of the bishop
of Rome by word or writ, or endeavored in any manner to
restore it in England, was subjected to the penalty of a pre-
munire ; that is, his goods were forfeited, and he was put out
of the protection of law. And any person who possessed
any office, ecclesiastical or civil, or received any grant or
charter from the crown, and yet refused to renounce the pope
by oath, was declared to be guilty of treason. The renuncia-
tion prescribed runs in the style of, " So help me God, all
saints, and the holy evangelists." * The pope, hearing of Anne
Boleyn's disgrace and death, had hoped that the door was
opened to a reconciliation, and had been making some advances
to Henry : but this was the reception he met with. Henry
was now become indifferent with regard to papal censures ;
and finding a great increase of authority, as well as of revenue,
to accrue from his quarrel with Rome, he was determined to
persevere in his present measures. This parliament also,
even more than any foregoing, convinced him how much he
commanded the respect of his subjects, and what confidence
he might repose in them. Though the elections had been
made on a sudden, without any preparation or intrigue, the
members discovered an unlimited attachment to his person
and government. t
The extreme complaisance of the convocation, which sat
at the same time with the parliament, encouraged him in his
resolution of breaking entirely with the court of Rome.
There was secretly a great division of sentiments in the minds
of this assembly ; and as the zeal of the reformers had been
augmented by some late successes, the resentment of the
Catholics was no less excited by their fears and losses : but
the authority of the king kept every one submissive and silent;
and the new assumed prerogative, the supremacy, with whose
limits no one was fully acquainted, restrained even the most
furious movements of theological rancor. Cromwell presided
as vicar-general ; and though the Catholic party expected,
that on the fall of Queen Anne, his authority would receive a
great shock, they were surpriser' to find him still maintain the
* 28 Henry VIII. c. If) t Burnet, vol. i. p. 21i
Vi'H^ HISTORY OF ENGLANfi [A.D. l53G
same credit as before. With the vicar-general concurred
Cranmer the primate, Latimer, bishop of Worcester, ShaxtoA
of Salisbury, Hilsey of Rochester, Fox of Hereford, Barlow
of St. David's. The opposite faction was headed by Lee,
archbishop of York, Stokesley, bishop of London, Tonstal of
Durham Gardner of Winchester, Longland of Lincoln, Sher
borne of Chichester, Nix of Norwich, and Kite of Carlisle.
The former party, by their opposition to the pope, seconded
the king's ambition and love of power : the latter party, by
maintaining the ancient theological tenets, were more con-
tbrmable to his speculative principles : and both of them had
alternately the advantage of gaining on his humor, by which
he was more governed than by either of these motives.
The church in general was averse to the reformation ; and
the lower house of convocation framed a list of opinions, in
the whole sixty-seven, which they pronounced erroneous, and
which was a collection of principles, some held by the ancient
Lollards, others by the modern Protestants, or Gospellers, as
they were sometimes called. These opinions they sent to th«
upper house to be censured ; but in the preamble of theil
representation, they discovered the servile spirit by which they
were governed. They said, " that they intended not to do or
speak any thing which might be unpleasant to the king, whom
they acknowledged their supreme head, and whose commands
they were resolved to obey ; renouncing the pope's usurped
authority, with all his laws and inventions, now extinguished
and abolished ; and addicting themselves to Almighty God
and his laws, and unto the king and the laws made within this
kingdom." *
The convocation came at last, after some debate, to decide
articles of faith ; and their tenets were of as motley a kind as
the assembly itself, or rather as the king's system of theology,
by which they were resolved entirely to square their principles
They determined the standard of faith to consist in the
Scriptures and the three creeds, the Apostolic, Nicene, and
Athanasian ; and this article was a signal victory to the
reformers : auricular confession and penance were admitted,
a doctrine agreeable to the Catholics : no mention was made
of marriage, extreme unction, confirmation, or holy orders,
as sacraments; and in this omission the influence of tha
Protestants appeared : the real presence was asserted cctt
* Collier, vol. ii. p. 119.
A. D. 1536.] henry vni. 23*
lormably to the ancient doctrine : the terms of acceptance
were established to be the merits of Christ, and the merc^
and good pleasure of God, suitably to the new principles.
So far the two sects seem to have made a fair partition
by alternately sharing the several clauses. In framing the
subsequent articles, each of them seems to have thrown in
its ingredient. The Catholics prevailed in asserting, that the
use of images was warranted by Scripture ; the Protestants,
in warning the people against idolatry, and the abuse of these
sensible representations. The ancient faith was adopted in
maintaining the expedience of praying to saints ; the late
innovations in rejecting the peculiar patronage of saints to
any trade, profession, or course of action. The former rites
of worship, the use of holy water, and the ceremonies prac
tised on Ash Wednesday, Palm Sunday, Good Friday, and
other festivals, were still maintained ; but the new refine
ments, which made light of these institutions, were also adopt
ed, by the convocation's denying that they had any immediate
power of remitting sin, and by its asserting that their sole
merit consisted in promoting pious and devout dispositions in
the mind.
But the article with regard to purgatory contains the most
curious jargon, ambiguity, and hesitation, arising from th^
mixture of opposite tenets. It was to this purpose : " Since,
according to due order of charity, and the book of Maccabees,
and divers ancient authors, it is a very good and charitable
deed to pray for souls departed, and since such a practice has
been maintained in the church from the beginning, all bishops
and teachers should instruct the people not to be grieved for
the continuance of the same. But since the place where de-
parted souls are retained before they reach paradise, as well
as the nature of their pains, is left uncertain by Scripture, all
such questions are to be submitted to God, to whose mercy it
is meet and convenient to commend the deceased, trusting that
he accepteth our prayers for them."*
These articles, when framed by the convocation, and cor-
rected by the king, were subscribed by every member of that
assembly ; while, perhaps, neither there nor throughout the
whole kingdom, could one man be found, except Henry him-
self, who had adopted precisely these very doctrines and opin-
ions. For though there be not any contradiction in the teneti
* Collier, vol. ii. p. 122 nt seq. Fuller. Burnet, vol. 1. p. 21S.
J!34 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [A. D. 1036.
abovo men tioned, it had happened in England, as in all coun-
tries where factious divisions have place ; a certain creed was
embraced by each party ; few neuters were to be found ; and
these consisted only of speculative or whimsical people, of
whom two persons could scarcely be brought to an agreement
in the same dogmas. The Protestants, all of them, carried
their opposition to R,ome further than those articles : none of
the Catholics went so far : and the king, by being able to
retain the nation in such a delicate medium, displayed the
utmost power of an imperious despotism of which any history
furnishes an example. To change the religion of a country,
even when seconded by a party, is one of the most perilous
enterprises which any sovereign can attempt, and often proves
the most destructive to royal authority. But Henry was able
to set the political machine in that furious movement, and yet
regulate and even stop its career : he could say to it, Thus far
shalt thou go, and no farther : and he made every vote of his
parliament and convocation subservient, not only to his inter-
ests and passions, but even to his greatest caprices ; nay, to
his most refined and most scholastic subtilties.
The concurrence of these two national assemblies served,
no doubt, to increase the king's power over the people, and
raised him to an authority more absolute than any prince in
a simple monarchy, even by means of military force, is ever
able to attain. But there are certain bounds, beyond which
the most slavish submission cannot be extended. All the
late innovations, particularly the dissolution of the smallei
monasteries, and the imminent danger to which all the rest
were exposed,* had bred discontent among the people, an J
had disposed them to revolt. The expelled monks, wandering
about the country, excited both the piety and compassion of
men ; and as the ancient religion took hold of the populace
by powerful motives, suited to vulgar capacity, it was able,
now that it was brought into apparent hazard, to raise the
strongest zeal in its favor.t Discontents had even reached
some of the nobility and gentry, whose ancestors had founded
the monasteries, and who placed a vanity in those institutions,
as well as reaped some benefit from them, by the provisions
which they afforded them for their younger children. The
more superstitious were interested for the souls of their fore-
* See note L, at the end of the volume,
t Strype, vol. i. p. 249.
A.D \b'Sb.\ henr^ vui. 233
fathers, which, they believed, must now lie during many ages
in the torments oi" purgatory, for want of masses to relieve
them. It seemed unjust to abolish pious institutions for the
faults, real or pretended, of individuals. Even the most mod-
erate and reasonable deemed it somewhat iniquitous, that men
who had been invited into a course of life by all the laws,
human and divine, which prevailed in their country, should
be turned out of their possessions, and so little care be taken of
their future subsistence. And when it was observed, that the
rapacity and bribery of the commissioners and others, employed
in visiting the monasteries, intercepted much of the profits re-
sulting from these confiscations, it tended much to increase
the general discontent.*
But the people did not break into open sedition till the
complaints of the secular clergy concurred with those of the
regular. As Cromwell's person was little acceptable to the
ecclesiastics, the authority which he exercised, being so new,
so absolute, so unlimited, inspired them with disgust and terror.
He published, in the king's name, without the consent either
of parliament or convocation, an ordinance by which he re-
trenched many of the ancient holy days ; prohibited several
superstitions gainful to the clergy, such as pilgrimages, images,
relics ; and even ordered the incumbents in the parishes to set
apart a considerable portion of their revenue for repairs, and
for the support of exhibitioners and the poor of their parish.
The secular priests, finding themselves thus reduced to a
grievous servitude, instilled into the people those discontents
which they had long harbored in their own bosoms.
The first rising was in Lincolnshire. It was headed by
Dr. Mackrel, prior of Barlings, who was disguised like a mean
mechanic, and who bore the name of Captain Cooler. This tu-
multuary army amounted to above twenty thousand men ; t but
notwithstanding their number, they showed little disposition
of proceeding to extremities against the king, and seemed still
overawed by his authority. They acknowledged him to be
supreme head of the church in England ; but they complained
of suppressing the monasteries, of evil counsellors, of persons
meanly born raised to dignity, of the danger to which the jew-
els and plate of their parochial churches were exposed ; and
they prayed the king to consult the nobility of the realm con-
* Burnet, vol i. p. 223.
t Burnet, vol i. p. 227 Herbert.
236 HISTORY OP ENGLAND, [A. D. 153^
cerning the redress of these grievances.* Henry was little
disposed to entertain apprehensions of danger, especially fvon;
a low multitude whom he despised. He sent forces against
the rebels, under the command of the duke of Suffolk ; and he
returned them a very sharp answer to their petition. There
were some gentry whom the populace had constrained to take
part with them, and who kept a secret correspondence with
Suffolk. They informed him, that resentment against the
king's reply was the chief cause which retained the malecon-
tents in arms, and that a nnlder answer would probably sup-
press the rebellion. Henry had levied a great force at London,
with which he was preparing to march against the rebels ;
and being so well supported by power, he thought that, with-
out losing his dignity, he might now show them some greater
condescension. He sent a new proclamation, requiring them
to return to their obedience, with secret assurances of pardon.
This expedient had its effect : the populace was dispersed .
Mackrel and some of their leaders fell into the king's hands,
and were executed : the greater part of the multitude retired
peaceably to their usual occupations : a few of the more ob-
stinate fled to the north, where they joined the insurrection
that was raised in those parts.
The northern rebels, as they were more numerous, were
also on other accounts more formidable than those of Lincoln-
shire ; because the people were there more accustomed to arms,
and because of their vicinity to the Scots, who might make
advantage of these disorders. One Aske, a gentleman, had
taken the command of them, and he possessed the art of
governing the populace. The enterprise they called the " pil
grimage of grace :" some priests marched before in the habits
of their order, carrying crosses in their hands : in their ban
ners was woven a crucifix, with the representation of a chalice,
and of the five wounds of Christ : t they wore on their sleeve
an emblem of the five wounds, with the name of Jesus wrought
in the middle : they all took an oath, that they had entered
into the pilgrimage of grace with no other motive than their
love to God, their care of the king's person and issue, their
desire of purifying the nobility, of driving base-born persons
from about the king, of restoring the church, and of suppress-
ing heresy. Allured by these fair pretences, about forty thou-
sand men from the counties of York, Durham, Lancaster, and
* Herbert, p. 410 t Fox, vol. ii. p. 992.
A JD. l5ob.} henry vin. 23T
those northern provinces, flocked to their standard ; and theii
zeal, no less than their numbers, inspired the court with ap-
prehensions.
The earl of Shrewsbury, moved by his regard for the king's
service, raised forces, though at first without any commis-
sion, in order to oppose the rebels The earl of Cumberland
repulsed them from his castle of Skipton : Sir Ralph Evers
defended Scarborough Castle against them : * Courtney, mar-
quis of Exeter, the king's cousin-german, obeyed orders from
court, and levied troops. The earls of Huntingdon, Derby,
and Rutland imitated his example. The rebels, however, pre-
vailed in taking both Hull and York : they had laid siege to
Pomfret Castle, into which the archbishop of York and Lord
Darcy had thrown themselves. It was soon surrendered to
them ; and the prelate and nobleman, who secretly wished
success to the insurrection, seemed to yield to the force imposed
on them, and joined the rebels.
The duke of Norfolk was appointed general of the king's
forces against the northern rebels ; and as he headed the
party at court which supported the ancient religion, he was
also suspected of bearing some favor to the cause which
he was sent to oppose. His prudent conduct, however, seems
to acquit him of this imputation. He encamped near Don-
caster, together with the earl of Shrewsbury ; and as his army
was small, scarcely exceeding five thousand men, he made
choice of a post where he had a river in front, the ford of which
he purposed to defend against the rebels. They had intended
to attack him in the morning ; but during the night there fell
such violent rains as rendered the river utterly impassable ;
and Norfolk wisely laid hold of the opportunity to enter into
treaty with them. In order to open the door for negotiation,
he sent them a herald ; whom Aske, their leader, received with
great ceremony ; he himself sitting in a chair of state, with
the archbishop of York on one hand, and Lord Darcy on the
other. It was agreed that two gentlemen should be despatched
to the king with proposals from the rebels ; and Henry pur-
posely delayed giving an answer, and allured them with hopes
of entire satisfaction, in expectation that necessity would soon
oblige them to disperse themselves. Being informed that his
artifice had in a great measure succeeded, he required them
instantly to lay down their arms, and submit to mercy ; prom-
ising a pardon to all, except six whom he named, and fou*
* Sto\vt'. pi r ~: ! ftakei'j p '
238 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1 63?
whom lie reserved to himself the power of naming. Bu*
though the greater part of the rebels had gone home for wanl
of subsistence, they had entered into the most solemn engage
ments to return to their standards in case the king's answej
should not prove satisfactory. Norfolk, therefore, soon found
himself in the same difficulty as before ; and he opened again
a negotiation with the leaders of the multitude. He engaged
them to send three hundred persons to Doncaster with propo-
sals for an accommodation ; and he hoped, by intrigue and
separate interests, to throw dissension among so great a num-
ber. Aske himself had intended to be one of the deputies, and
he required a hostage for his security : but the king, when con-
sulted, replied, that he knew no gentleman, or other, whom he
esteemed so little as to put him in pledge for such a villain.
The demands of the rebels were so exorbitant, that Norfolk
rejected them ; and they prepared again to decide the contest
by arms. They were as formidable as ever, both by their
numbers and spirit ; and notwithstanding the small river which
lay between them and the royal army, Norfolk had great rea-
son to dread the effects of their fury. But while they were
preparing to pass the ford, rain fell a second time in such
abundance, as made it impracticable for them to execute their
design ; and the populace, partly reduced to necessity by want
of provisions, partly struck with superstition at being thus
again disappointed by the same accident, suddenly dispersed
themselves. The duke of Norfolk, who had received powers
for that end, forwarded the dispersion by the promise of a gen-
eral amnesty ; and the king ratified this act of clemency. He
published, however, a manifesto against the rebels, and an
answer to their complaints ; in which he employed a very lofty
style, suited to so haughty a monarch. He told them, that
they ought no more to pretend giving a judgment with regard
to government, than a blind man with regard to colors. " Anc
we," he adaed, " with our whole council, think it right strange
that ye, who be but brutes and inexpert folk, do take upon you
to appoint us who be meet or not for our council."
[1537.] As this pacification was not likely to be of lonj;
continuance, Norfolk was ordered to keep his army together,
and to march into the northern parts, in ordei to exact a gen-
eral submission. Lord Darcy, as well as Aske, was sent for
to court ; and the former, upon his refusal or delay to appear,
was thrown into prison. Every place was full of jealousy and
complaints A new insurrection broke out, headed by Mu?
\ D. lOo/.] HENRY VL3 259
giave and Tilby ; and the rebels besieged Carlisle with eight
thousand men. Being repulsed by that city, they were encoun-
tered in their retreat by Norfolk, who put them to flight : and
having made prisoners of all their officers, except Musgrave,
who escaped, he instantly put them to death by martial law,
to the number of seventy persons. An attempt made by Sir
Francis Bigot and Halam to surprise Hull, met with no better
success ; and several other risings were suppressed by the
vigilance of Norfolk. The king, enraged by these multiplied
revolts, was determined not to adhere to the general pardon
which he had granted ; and from a movement of his usual
violence he made the innocent suffer for the guilty. Norfolk,
by command from his master, spread the royal banner, and,
wherever he thought proper, executed martial law in the
punishment of offenders. Besides Aske, leader of the first in-
surrection, Sir Robert Constable, Sir John Bulmer, Sir Thomas
Piercy, Sir Stephen Hamilton, Nicholas Tempest, William
Lumley, and many others, were thrown into prison ; and most
of them were condemned and executed. Lord Hussey was
(bund guilty, as an accomplice in the insurrection of Lincoln-
shire, and was executed at Lincoln. Lord Darcy, though he
pleaded compulsion, and appealed for his justification to a long
life spent in the service of the crown, was beheaded on Tower
Hill. Before his execution, he accused Norfolk of having
secretly encouraged the rebels ; but Henry, either sensible of
that nobleman's services, and convinced of his fidelity, or afraid
to offend one of such extensive power and great capacity, re
jected the information. Being now satiated with punishing
the rebels, he published anew a general pardon, to which he
faithfully adhered ; * and he erected, by patent, a court of
justice at York, for deciding lawsuits in the northern counties ,
a demand which had been made by the rebels.
Soon after this prosperous success, an event happened which
crowned Henry's joy — the birth of a son, who was baptized by
the name of Edward. Yet was not his happiness without
alloy : the queen died two days after. t But a son had so long
been ardently wished for by Henry, and was now become so
necessary, in order to prevent disputes with regard to the suc-
cession, after the acts declaring the two princesses illegitimate,
that the king's arlliction was drowned in his joy, and he ex-
pressed great satisfaction on the occasion. The prince, not nix
* Herbert, p. 4JS + Strype, vol. ii. p. G.
240 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [.&.D. 1539
days' old, was created prince of Wales, duke of Cornwall, and
earl of Chester. Sir Edward Seymour, the queen's brother,
formerly made Lord Beauchamp, was raised to the dignity of
earl of Hertford. Sir William Fitz- Williams, high admiral,
was created earl of Southampton ; Sir William Paulet, Lord
St. John ; Sir John Russel, Lord Russel.
[1538.] The suppression of the rebellion and the birth of a
son, as they confirmed Henry's authority at home, increased
his consideration among foreign princes, and made his alliance
be courted by all parties. He maintained, however, a neu-
trality in the wars which were carried on with various success,
and without any decisive event, between Charles and Francis ;
and though inclined more to favor the latter, he determined not
to incur, without necessity, either hazard or expense on his
account. A truce concluded about this time between these
potentates, and afterwards prolonged for ten years, freed him
from all anxiety on account of his ally, and reestablished the
tranquillity of Europe.
Henry continued desirous of cementing a union with the
German Protestants ; and for that purpose he sent Christopher
Mount to a congress which they held at Brunswick ; but that
minister made no great progress in his negotiation. The
princes wished to know what were the articles in their con-
fession which Henry disliked ; and they sent new ambassadors
to him, who had orders both to negotiate and to dispute.
They endeavored to convince the king, that he was guilty
of a mistake in administering the eucharist in one kind only,
in allowing private masses, and in requiring the celibacy of
the clergy.* Henry would by no means acknowledge any
error in these particulars ; and was displeased that they should
pretend to prescribe rules to so great a monarch and theologian.
He found arguments and syllogisms enough to defend his
cause ; and he dismissed the ambassadors without coming to
any conclusion. Jealous, also, lest his own subjects should
become such theologians as to question his tenets, he used
great precaution in publishing that translation of the Scripture
which was finished this year. He would only allow a copy
of it to be deposited in some parish churches, where it was
fixed by a chain : and he took care to inform the people by
proclamation, " that this indulgence was not the effect of his
duty, but of his goodness and his liberality to them ; who
* Collier vol. ii. p. 145, from the Cott. Lib. Cleopatra, E. -5, fol 173.
\. D. d38.j henry vru. 241
therefore should use it moderately, for the increase of virtue,
not of strife : and he ordered that no man should read the
Bible aloud, so as to disturb the priest while he sang mass, nor
presume to expound doubtful places without advice from the
Learned." In this measure, as in the rest, he still halted half
way between the Catholics and the Protestants.
There was only one particular in which Henry was quite
decisive ; because he was there impelled by his avarice, or,
more properly speaking, his rapacity, the consequence of his
profusion : this measure was, the entire destruction of the
monasteries. The present opportunity seemed favorable for
that great enterprise, while the suppression of the late rebel-
lion fortified and increased the royal authority ; and as some
of the abbots were suspected of having encouraged the insur-
rection, and of corresponding with the rebels, the king's
resentment was further incited by that motive. A new vis'ta-
tion was appointed of all the monasteries in England ; and
a pretence only being wanted for their suppression, it was
easy for a prince, possessed of such unlimited power, and
seconding the present humor of a great part of the nation, to
find or feign one. The abbots and monks knew the danger
to which they were exposed ; and having learned by the
example of the lesser monasteries that nothing could with-
stand the king's will, they w r ere most of them induced, in
expectation of better treatment, to make a voluntary resigna-
tion of their houses. Where promises failed of effect, men-
aces and even extreme violence were employed : and as sev-
eral of the abbots, since the breach with Rome, had been
named by the court with a view to this event, the king's in-
tentions were the more easily effected. Some, also, having
secretly embraced the doctrine of the reformation, were glad to
be freed from their vows ; and on the whole, the design was
conducted with such success, that in less than two years the.
king had got possession of all the monastic revenues.
In several places, particularly the county of Oxford, great
interest was made to preserve some convents of women, who,
as they lived in the most irreproachable manner, justly mer-
ited, it was thought, that their houses should be saved from the
general destruction.* There appeared, also, great difference
between the case of nuns and that of friars ; and the one insti-
tution n:ight be laudable, while the other was exposed to mucl
* Burr.et. vol. i. p. 32S.
vo-L Hi. — L
242 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1538
blame. The males of all ranks, if endowed with industry,
might be of service to the public ; and none of them could
want employment suited to his station and capacity. But a
woman of family who failed of a settlement in the married
state, — an accident to which such persons were more liable
than women of lower station, — had really no rank which she
properly filled ; and a convent was a retreat both honorable
and agreeable, from the inutility, and often want, which attend-
ed her situation. But the king was determined to abolish
monasteries of every denomination ; and probably thought
that these ancient establishments would be the sooner for-
gotten, if no remains of them of any kind were allowed to
subsist in the kingdom.
The better to reconcile the people to this great innovation,
stories were propagated of the detestable lives of the friars in
many of the convents ; and great care was taken to defame
those whom the court had determined to ruin. The relics
also and other superstitions, which had so long been the object
of the people's veneration, were exposed to their ridicule ;
and the religious spirit, now less bent on exterior observances
and sensible objects, was encouraged in this new direction.
It is needless to he prolix in an enumeration of particulars :
Protestant historians mention on this occasion, with great
triumph, the sacred repositories of convents ; the parings of
St. Edmond's toes ; some of the coals that roasted St. Lau
rence ; the girdle of the Virgin shown in eleven several
places ; two or three heads of St. Ursula ; the felt of St.
Thomas of Lancaster, an infallible cure for the headache ;
part of St. Thomas of Canterbury's shirt, much reverenced
by big-bellied women ; some relics, an excellent preventive
against rain ; others, a remedy to weeds in corn. But such
fooleries, as they are to be found in all ages and nations,
and even took place during the most refined periods of an-
tiquity, form no particular or violent reproach to the Catholi;
religion.
There were also discovered, or said to he discovered, in the
monasteries some impostures of a more artificial nature. At
Hales, in the county of Glocester, there had heen shown,
during several ages, the blood of Christ, brought from Jerusa-
lem ; and it is easy to imagine the veneration with which such
a relic was regarded. A miraculous circumstance also attend-
ed this miraculous relic ; the sacred blood was not visible to
any one in mortal sin, even when set before him ; and till h>
A D. 1538.] henry viii 24S
had performed good works sufficient for his absolution, i1
would not deign to discover itself to him. At the dissolution
of the monastery, the whole contrivance was detected. Two
of the monks, who were let into the secret, had taken the
blood of a duck, which they renewed every week : they put it
in a phial, one side of which consisted of thin and transparent
crystal, the other of thick and opaque. When any rich
pilgrim arrived, they were sure to show him the dark side
of the phial, till masses and offerings had expiated his
offences ; and then, finding his money, or patience, or faith,
nearly exhausted, they made him happy by turning the phial.*
A miraculous crucifix had been kept at Boxley, in Kent, and
bore the appellation of the "rood of grace." The lips, and
eyes, and head of the image moved on the approach of its
votaries. Hilsey, bishop of Rochester, broke the crucifix at
St. Paul's Cross, and showed to the whole people the springs
and wheels by which it had been secretly moved. A great
wooden idol, revered in Wales, called Darvel Gatherin, was
also brought to London, and cut in pieces ; and by a cruel re-
finement in vengeance, it was employed as fuel to burn friar
Forest,t who was punished for denying the supremacy, and
for some pretended heresies. A finger of St. Andrew,
covered with a thin plate of silver, had been pawned by a
convent for a debt of forty pounds ; but as the king's com-
missioners refused to pay the debt, people made themselves
merry with the poor creditor on account of his pledge.
But of all the instruments of ancient superstition, no one
was so zealously destroyed as the shrine of Thomas a
Becket, commonly called St. Thomas of Canterbury. This
6aint owed his canonization to the zealous defence which he
had made for clerical privileges ; and on that account also
the monks had extremely encouraged the devotion of pilgrim-
ages towards his tomb, and numberless were the miracles
which they pretended his relics wrought in favor of his devout
votaries. They raised his body once a year ; and the day
on which this ceremony was performed, which was called the
day of his translation, was a general holiday : every fiftieth
year there was celebrated a jubilee to his honor, which lasted
fifteen days : plenary indulgences were then granted to all
that visited his tomb ; and a hundred thousand pilgrims hav* '
* Herbert,, p. 431, 432. Stowe p. 575.
t Goodwin's Annals. Stowe, p. 515. Herbart. Baker, p. 286.
241 HISTORY 01 ENGLAND. [A. D. 1538.
been registered at a time in Canterbury The devotion
towards him had quite effaced in that place the adoration of
the Deity ; nay, even that of the Virgin. At God's altar,
for instance, there were offered in one year three pounds two
shillings and sixpence ; at the Virgin's sixty-three pounds
five shillings and sixpence ; at St. Thomas's, eight hundred
and thirty-two pounds twelve shillings and threepence. But
next year the disproportion was still greater ; there was not a
penny offered at God's altar ; the Virgin's gained only four
pounds one shilling and eightpence ; but St. Thomas had got
ibr his share nine hundred and fifty-four pounds six shillings
and threepence.* Lewis VII. of France had made a pilgrimage
to this miraculous tomb, and had bestowed on the shrine a
jewel, esteemed the richest in Christendom. It is evident how
obnoxious to Henry a saint of this character must appear, and
how contrary to all his projects for degrading the authority
of the court of Rome. He not only pillaged the rich shrine
dedicated to St. Thomas ; he made the saint himself be cited
to appear in court, and be tried and condemned as a traitor :
he ordered his name to be struck out of the calendar ; the
office for his festival to be expunged from all breviaries ; his
bones to be burned, and the ashes to be thrown in the air.
On the whole, the king at different times suppressed six
hundred and forty-five monasteries ; of which twenty-eight
had abbots that enjoyed a seat in parliament. Ninety colleges
were demolished in several counties ; two thousand three
hundred and seventy-four chantries and free chapels ; a
hundred and ten hospitals. The whole revenue of these
establishments amounted to one hundred and sixty-one thou-
sand one hundred pounds. t It is worthy of observation, that
all the lands and possessions and revenue of England had, a
little before this period, been rated at four millions a year ; so
Lhat the revenues of the monks, even comprehending the
lesser monasteries, did not exceed the twentieth part of the
national income ; a sum vastly inferior to what is commonly
apprehended. The lands belonging to the convents were
usually let at a very low rent; and the farmers, who regarded
themselves as a species of proprietors, took always care to
renew their leases before they expired. \
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 214.
t Lord Herbert. Camden. Speed.
I See note M, at the end of the volume
AD. 1538] henry vm. %&
Great murmurs were every where excited on account of
these violences ; and men much questioned whether priors
and monks, who were only trustees or tenants for life, could,
by any deed, however voluntary, transfer to the king the entire
property of their estates. In order to reconcile the people
to such mighty innovations, they were told that the king would
never thenceforth have occasion to levy taxes, but would bo
able, from the abbey lands alone, to bear, during war as well
as peace, the whole charges of government.* While such
topics were employed to appease the populace, Henry took
an effectual method of interesting the nobility and gentry in
the success of his measures:! he either made a gift of the
revenues of convents to his favorites and courtiers, or sold
them at low prices, or exchanged them for other lands on
very disadvantageous terms. He was so profuse in these
liberalities, that he is said to have given a woman the whole
revenue of a convent, as a reward for making a pudding
which happened to gratify his palate, f He also settled pen-
sions on the abbots and priors, proportioned to their former
revenues or to their merits ; and gave each monk a yearly
pension of eight marks : he erected six new bishoprics, West
minster, Oxford, Peterborough, Bristol, Chester, and Gloces-
ter ; of which five subsist at this day : and by all these means
of expense and dissipation, the profit which the king reaped
by the seizure of church lands fell much short of vulgar
opinion. As the ruin of convents had been foreseen some
years before it happened, the monks had taken care to secrete
most of their stock, furniture, and plate ; so that the spoils of
the great monasteries bore not, in these resnects, any propor-
tion to those of the lesser.
Besides the lands possessed by the monasteries, the regular
clergy enjoyed a considerable part of the benefices of Eng-
land, and of the tithes annexed to them ; and these were also
at this time transferred to the crown, and by that means
passed into the hands of laymen ; an abuse which many
zealous churchmen regai'ded as the most criminal sacrilege
The monks were formerly much at their ease in England,
and enjoyed revenues which exceeded the regular and stated
expense of the house. We read of the abbey of Chertsey, iu
Surrey, which possessed seven hundred and forty-four pounds
• Coke's 4th Inst. fol. 4 1.
t Dugdale's Warwickshire, r> 800. j KhIIm
24G history of enuland. [A.D 153$
a year, though it contained only fourteen monks : that of
Furnese, in the county of Lincoln, was valued at nine hundred
and sixty pounds a year, and contained but thirty.* In order
to dissipate their revenues, and support popularity, the monks
lived in a hospitable manner; and besides the poor maintained
from their offals, there were many decayed gentlemen who
passed their lives in travelling from convent to convent, and
were entirely subsisted at the tables of the friars. By this
hospitality, as much as by their own inactivity, did the con-
vents prove nurseries of idleness; but the king, not to give
offence by too sudden an innovation, bound the new pro-
prietors of abbey lands to support the ancient hospitality. But
this engagement was fulfilled in very few places, and for a
very short time.
It is easy to imagine the indignation with which the intelli
gence of all these acts of violence was received at Rome ;
and how much the ecclesiastics of that court, who had so
long kept the world in subjection by high-sounding epithets
and by holy execrations, would now vent their rhetoric against
the character and conduct of Henry. The pope was at last
incited to publish the bull which had been passed against that
monarch ; and in a public manner he delivered over his soul
to the devil, and his dominions to the first invader. Libels
were dispersed, in which he was anew compared to the most
furious persecutors in antiquity ; and the preference was now
given to their side : he had declared war with the dead, whom
the pagans themselves respected ; was at open hostility with
Heaven ; and had engaged in professed enmity with the whole
host of saints and angels. Above all, he was often reproached
with his resemblance to the emperor Julian, whom, it was
said, he imitated in his apostasy and learning, though he fell
short of him in morals. Henry could distinguish in some of
these libels the style and animosity of his kinsman Pole ; and
he w r as thence incited to vent his rage, by every possible
expedient, on that famous cardinal.
Reginald de la Pole, or Reginald Pole, was descended from
the royal family, being fourth son of the countess of Salisbury,
daughter of the duke of Clarence. He gave in early youth
indications of that fine genius and generous disposition by
which, during his whole life, he was so much distinguished ;
and Henry, having conceived great friendship for him, intend-
* BurniH, vol. i. p. 237.
A.D. 1638] henry vm. 247
ed to raise him to the highest ecclesiastical dignities ; and, as
a pledge of future favors, he conferred on him the deanery
»f Exeter,* the better to support him in his education. Pole
was carrying on his studies in the university of Paris at the
time when the king solicited the suffrages of that learned body
in favor of his divorce ; but though applied to by the English
agent, he declined taking any part in the affair. Henry bore
this neglect with more temper than was natural to him ; and
he appeared unwilling, on that account, to renounce all friend-
ohip with a person whose virtues and talents, he hoped, would
prove useful as well as ornamental to his court and kingdom.
He allowed him still to possess his deanery, and gave him
permission to finish his studies at Padua : he even paid him
some court, in order to bring him into his measures ; and
wrote to him, while in that university, desiring him to give
his opinion freely with regard to the late measures taken in
England for abolishing the papal authority. Pole had now
contracted an intimate friendship with all persons eminent for
dignity or merit in Italy — Sadolet, Bembo, and other revivers
of true taste and learning ; and he was moved by these
connections, as well as by religious zeal, to forget, in some
respect, the duty which he owed to Henry, his benefactor and
his sovereign. He replied by writing a treatise of the Unity
of the Church, in which he inveighed against the king's
supremacy, his divorce, his second marriage ; and he even
exhorted the emperor to revenge on him the injury done to
the imperial family and to the Catholic cause. Henry, though
provoked beyond measure at this outrage, dissembled his
resentment ; and he sent a message to Pole, desiring him to
return to England, in order to explain certain passages in his
book which he found somewhat obscure and difficult. Pole wa8
on his guard against this insidious invitation ; and was deter-
mined to remain in Italy, where he was universally beloved.
The pope and emperor thought themselves obliged to
provide for a man of Pole's eminence and dignity, who, in
support of their cause, had sacrificed all his pretensions to
fortune in his own country. He was created a cardinal ; and
though he took not higher orders than those of a deacon, he
was sent legate into Flanders about the year 1536. t Henry
was sensible that Pole's chief intention in choosing that
gmployment, was to foment the mutinous disposition of the
* joodwin's Annals. t Herbert-
248 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A..D. 1538
English Catholics ; and he therefore remonstrated in so vigoi •
ous a manner with the queen of Hungary, regent of the Low
Countries, that she dismissed the legate, without allowing him
to exercise his functions. The enmity which he hore to Pole
was now as open as it was violent ; and the cardinal, on his
part, kept no further measures in his intrigues against Henry.
He is even suspected of having aspired to the crown, by
means of a marriage with the lady Mary ; and the king was
every day more alarmed by informations which he received
of the correspondence maintained in England by that fugitive.
Courtney, marquis of Exeter, had entered into a conspiracy
with him ; Sir Edward Nevil, brother to the lord Abergaven-
ny ; Sir Nicholas Carew, master of horse, and knight of the
garter ; Henry de la Pole, Lord Montacute, and Sir Geoffrey
de la Pole, brothers to the cardinal. These persons were
indicted, and tried, and convicted, before Lord Audley, who
presided in the trial as high steward ; they were all executed,
except Sir Geoffrey de la Pole, who was pardoned ; and he
owed this grace to his having first carried to the king secret
intelligence of the conspiracy. We know little concerning
the justice or iniquity of the sentence pronounced against
these men : we only know, that the condemnation of a man
who was at that time prosecuted by the court, forms no
presumption of his guilt ; though, as no historian of credit
mentions in the present case any complaint occasioned by
these trials, we may presume that sufficient evidence was
produced against the marquis of Exeter and hia associates.*
* Herbe -t in Kennel, p. 216.
A. D. 1538.1 henry vin. 24°
CHAPTER XXXII.
HENRY VIII.
[1538.] The rough hand of Henry seemed well a dap tea
for rending asunder those bands by which the ancient super-
stition had fastened itself on the kingdom ; and though, after
renouncing the pope's supremacy and suppressing monasteries,
most of the political ends of reformation were already attained,
lew people expected that he would stop at those innovations.
The spirit of opposition, it was thought, would carry him to
the utmost extremities against the church of Rome ; and lead
him to declare war against the whole doctrine and worship, as
well as discipline, of that mighty hierarchy. He had for-
merly appealed from the pope to a general council ; but now,
when a general council was summoned to meet at Mantua,
he previously renounced all submission to it, as summoned by
the pope, and lying entirely under subjection to that spiritual
usurper. He engaged his clergy to make a declaration to the
like purpose ; and he had prescribed to them many other
deviations from ancient tenets and practices. Cranmer took
advantage of every opportunity to carry him on in this course ;
and while Queen Jane lived, who favored the reformers, he
had, by means of her insinuation and address, been successful
in his endeavors. After her death, Gardiner, who was re-
turned from his embassy to France, kept the king more in
suspense ; and by feigning an unlimited submission to hi& will,
was frequently able to guide him to his own purposes. Fox,
bishop of Hereford, had supported Cranmer in his schemes
for a more thorough reformation ; but his death had made
way for the promotion of Bonner, who, though he had hitherto
seemed a furious enemy to the court of Rome, was deter-
mined to sacrifice every thing to present interest, and had
joined the confederacy of Gardiner and the partisans of the
old religion. Gardiner himself, it was believed, had secretly
entered into measures with the pope, and even with the
emperor ; and in concert with these powers, he endeavored
2bO HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A D 1538
to preserve, as much as possible, the ancient faith and wor
ship.
Henry was so much governed by passion, that nothing
could have retarded his animosity and opposition against Rome,
but some other passion, which stopped his career, and raised
him new objects of animosity. Though he had gradually,
since the commencement of his scruples with regard to his
first marriage, been changing the tenets of that theological
system in which he had been educated, he was no less positive
and dogmatical in the few articles which remained to him,
than if the whole fabric had continued entire and unshaken.
And though he stood alone in his opinion, the flattery of cour-
tiers had so inflamed his tyrannical arrogance, that he thought
himself entitled to regulate, by his own particular standard,
the religious faith of the whole nation. The point on which
he chiefly rested his orthodoxy happened to be the real pres-
ence ; that very doctrine, in which, among the numberless
victories of superstition over common sense, her triumph is
the most signal and egregious. All departure from this prin-
ciple he held to be heretical and detestable ; and nothing, he
thought, would be more honorable for him, than, while he
broke off all connections with the Roman pontiff", to maintain
in this essential article, the purity of the Catholic faith.
There was one Lambert,* a schoolmaster in London, who
had been questioned and confined for unsound opinions by
Archbishop Warham ; but upon the death of that prelate, and
the change of counsels at court, he had been released. Not
terrified with the danger which he had incurred, he still con-
tinued to promulgate his tenets ; and having heard Dr. Taylor,
afterwards bishop of Lincoln, defend in a sermon the corporal
presence, be could not forbear expressing to Taylor his dis-
sent from that doctrine ; and he drew up his objections under
ten several heads. Taylor communicated the paper to Dr.
Barnes, who happened to be a Lutheran, and who maintained
that though the substance of bread and wine remained, in the
sacrament, yet the real body and blood of Christ were there
also, and were, in a certain mysterious manner, incorporated
with the material elements. By the present laws and practice
Barnes was no less exposed to the stake than Lambert ; yet
such was the persecuting rage which prevailed, that he deter-
mined to bring this man to condign punishment ; because, in
* Fox. vol. ii. p. §96.
A. D. 1538.] henry viii 251
their common departure from the ancient faith, he had dared
to go one step farther than himself. He engaged ^aylor to
accuse Lambert before Cranmer and Latimer, who, whatever
their private opinion might be on these points, were obliged
to conlbrm themselves to the standard of orthodoxy established
by Henry. When Lambert was cited before these prelates,
they endeavored to bend him to a recantation ; and they were
surprised when, instead of complying, he ventured to appeal
to the king.
The king, not displeased with an opportunity where be
could at once exert his supremacy and display his learning,
accepted the appeal ; and resolved to mix, in a very unfair
manner, the magistrate with the disputant. Public notice was
given that he intended to enter the lists with the schoolmaster :
scaffolds were erected in Westminster Hall, for the accom-
modation of the audience : Henry appeared on his throne,
accompanied with all the ensigns of majesty : the prelates
were placed on his right hand ; the temporal peers on his left.
The judges and most eminent lawyers had a place assigned
them behind the bishops ; the courtiers of greatest distinction
behind the peers ; and in the midst of this splendid assembly
was produced the unhappy Lambert, who was required to
defend his opinions against his royal antagonist.*
The bishop of Chichester opened the conference, by saying,
that Lambert, being charged with heretical pravity, had ap-
pealed from his bishop to the king ; as if he expected more
favor from this application, and as if the king could ever be
induced to protect a heretic : that though his majesty had
thrown off the usurpations of the see of Home ; had disincor-
porated some idle monks, who lived like drones in a beehive ;
had abolished the idolatrous worship of images ; had published
the Bible in English, for the instruction of all his subjects ;
and had made some lesser alterations, which every one must
approve of; yet was he determined to maintain the purity of
the Catholic faith, and to punish with the utmost severity all
departure from it ; and that he had taken the present oppor-
tunity, before so learned and grave an audience, of convincing
Lambert of his errors ; but if he still continued obstinate in
them, he must expect the most condign punishment.!
After this preamble, which was not very encouraging, the
king asked Lambert, with a stern countenance, what his opinion
* Fox, voi. ii. p. 420 t Goodwin's Anna's
ii52 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1538
was of Christ's corporal presence in the sacrament of the
altar ; and when Lambert began his reply with seme compli-
ment to his majesty, he rejected the praise with disdain and
indignation. He afterwards pressed Lambert with arguments
drawn from Scripture and the schoolmen : the audience ap-
plauded the force of his reasoning, and the extent of his eru-
dition : Cranmer seconded his proofs by some new topics I
Gardiner entered the lists as a support to Cranmer : Tonsta]
took up the argument after Gardiner : Stokesley brought fresh
aid to Tonstal ; six bishops more appeared successively in the
field after Stokesley. And the disputation, if it deserve the
name, was prolonged for five hours ; till Lambert, fatigued,
confounded, browbeaten, and abashed, was at last reduced to
silence. The king, then returning to the charge, asked him
whether he were convinced ; and he proposed, as a concluding
argument, this interesting question : Whether he were re-
solved to live or to die ? Lambert, who possessed that cour-
age which consists in obstinacy, replied, that he cast himself
wholly on his majesty's clemency : the king told him that he
would be no protector of heretics ; and, therefore, if that were
his final answer, he must expect to be committed to the flames.
Cromwell, as vicegerent, pronounced the sentence against him.*
Lambert, whose vanity had probably incited him the more
to persevere on account of the greatness of this public appear-
ance, was not daunted by the terrors of the punishment to
which he was condemned. His executioners took care tc
make the sufferings of a man who had personally opposed
the king as cruel as possible : he was burned at a slow fire ;
his legs and thighs were consumed to the stumps ; and when
there appeared no end to his torments, some of the guards,
more merciful than the rest, lifted him on their halberts and
threw him into the flames, where he was consumed. While
they were employed in this friendly office, he cried aloud
several times. " None but Christ, none but Christ ;" and these
words were in his mouth when he expired.f
Some few days before this execution, four Dutch Anabap-
tists, three men and a woman, had fagots tied to their backs
at Paul's Cross, and were burned in that manner. And a man
and a woman of the same sect and country were burned in
Sraithfield. t
* See note N. at the end of the volume.
t Fox's Acts and Monuments, p. 427. Burnet.
I Stowe, p. - r i- r iQ.
A. D. 1539] henry vin. 2&i
[1539.] It was the unhappy fate of the English, vluring
this age, that, when they labored under any grievance, they
had not the satisfaction of expecting redress from parliament :
on the contrary, they had reason to dread each meeting of
that assembly, and were then sure of having tyranny con-
verted into law, and aggravated, perhaps, with some circum-
stance which the arbitrary prince and his ministers had not
hitherto devised, or did not think proper of themselves to
carry into execution. This abject servility never appeared
more conspicuously than in a new parliament which the king
now assembled, and which, if he had been so pleased, might
have been the last that ever sat in England. But he found
them too useful instruments of dominion ever to entertain
thoughts of giving them a total exclusion.
The chancellor opened the parliament by informing the
house of lords, that it was his majesty's earnest desire to
extirpate from his kingdom all diversity of opinion in matters
of religion ; and as this undertaking was, he owned, import-
ant and arduous, he desired them to choose a committee from
among themselves, who might draw up certain articles of
faith, and communicate them afterwards to the parliament.
The lords named the vicar-general. Cromwell, now created a
peer, the archbishops of Canterbury and York, the bishops of
Durham, Carlisle, Worcester, Bath and Wells, Bangor, and
Ely. The house might have seen what a hopeful task they
had undertaken : this small committee itself was agitated
with such diversity of opinion, that it could come to no con-
tusion. The duke of Norfolk them moved in the house,
that, since there were no hopes of having a report from the
committee, the articles of faith intended to be established
should be reduced to six ; and a new committee be appointed
to draw an act with regard to them. As this peer was un
derstood to speak the sense of the king, his motion was imme-
diately complied with ; and, after a short prorogation, the bill
of the "six articles," or the bloody bill, as the Protestants justly
teamed it, was introduced, and having passed the two houses,
received the royal assent.
In this law the doctrine of the real presence was establish
ed, the communion in one kind, the perpetual obligation of
vows of chastity, the utility of private masses, the celibacy of
the clergy, and the necessity of auricular confession. The
denial of the first article, with regard to the real presence,
► •.injected the person to death by c .re, and to the same forfeiture
254 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. 1). lt>39
as in cases of treason ; and admitted not the privilege of ab-
juring : an unheard-of severity, and unknown to the inquisi-
tion itself. The denial of any of the other five articles, even
though recanted, was punishable by the forfeitureof goods and
chattels, and imprisonment during the king's pleasure : an ob-
stinate adherence to error, or a relapse, was adjudged to be
felony, and punishable with death. The marriage of priests
was subjected t: the same punishment. Their commerce with
women was, on the first offence, forfeiture and imprisonment ;
on the second, death. The abstaining from confession, and
from receiving the eucharist at the accustomed times, subject
ed the person to fine, and to imprisonment during the king's
pleasure ; and if the criminal persevered after conviction, he
was punishable by death and forfeiture, as in cases of felony.*
Commissioners were to be appointed by the king for inquiring
into these heresies and irregular practices ; and the criminals
were to be tried by a jury.
The king in framing this law laid his oppressive hand on
both parties ; and even the Catholics had reason to complain,
that the friars and nuns, though dismissed their convent, should
be capriciously restrained to the practice of celibacy :t but as
the Protestants were chiefly exposed to the severity of the stat-
ute, the misery of adversaries, according to the usual maxims
of party, was regarded by the adherents to the ancient religion
as their own prosperity and triumph. Cranmer had the cour-
age to oppose this bill in the house ; and though the king de-
sired him to absent himself, he could not be prevailed on to give
this proof of compliance. $ Henry was accustomed to Cran-
mer's freedom and sincerity ; and being convinced of the gen-
eral rectitude of his intentions, gave him an unusual indulgence
in this particular, and never allowed even a whisper against
him. That prelate, however, was now obliged, in obedience
to the statute, to dismiss his wife, the niece of Osiander, a
famous divine of Nuremburg ; $ and Henry, satisfied with this
proof of submission, showed him his former countenance and
favor. Latimer and Shaxton threw up their bishoprics on
account of the law, and were committed to prison.
The parliament, having thus resigned all their religious
liberties, proceeded to an entire surrender of their civil ; and
* 31 Henry VIII. c. 14. Herbert in Kennet, p. 219.
t See note 0, at the end of the volume.
t Burnet, vol. i. p. 249, 270. Fox ¥af. ii. p. 1037.
4 Herbert in Kennet, p. 219.
A. D. 1539.] henry vin. 25*
without scruple or deliberation they mado, by one act, a total
subversion of the English constitution. They gave to the
king's proclamation the same force as to a statute enacted by
parliament ; and to render the matter worse, if possible, they
Framed this law, as if it were only declaratory, and were in-
tended to explain the natural extent of royal authority. The
preamble contains, that the king had formerly set forth severa
proclamations which froward persons had wilfully contemned,
not considering what a king, by his royal power, may do ; that
this license might encourage offenders not only to disobey the
laws of Almighty God, but also to dishonor the king's most
royal majesty, " who may full ill bear it ;" that sudden emer-
gencies often occur, which require speedy remedies, and cannot
await the slow assembling and deliberations of parliament ;
and that, though the king was empowered by his authority,
derived from God, to consult the public good on these occasions,
yet the opposition of refractory subjects might push him to
extremity and violence : for these reasons the parliament, that
they might remove all occasion of doubt, ascertained by a
statute this prerogative of the crown, and enabled his majesty,
with the advice of his council, to set forth proclamations en-
joining obedience under whatever pains and penalties he should
think proper ; and these proclamations were to have ^he force
of perpetual laws.*
"What proves either a stupid or a wilful blindness in the
parliament, is, that they pretended, even after this statute, to
maintain some limitations in the government ; and they en-
acted, that no proclamation should deprive any person of his
lawful possessions, liberties, inheritances, privileges, franchises ;
nor yet infringe any common law or laudable custom of the
realm. They did not consider, that no penalty could be in-
flicted on the disobeying of proclamations, without invading
some liberty or property of the subject ; and that the powei
of enacting new laws, joined to the dispensing power then ex-
ercised by the crown, amounted to a full legislative authority.
It is true, the kings of England had always been accustomed
from their own authority to issue proclamations, and to exact
obedience to them ; and this prerogative was, no doubt, a
strong symptom of absolute government : but still there waa
a dilierence between a power which was exercised on a par-
ticular emergence, and which must be justified by the present
* 31 Henry VIF. c. 8.
256 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1539
expedience or necessity, and an authority inferred by a
positive statute, which could no longer aar~ic of control 01
limitation.
Could any act be more opposite to the spirit of liberty than
this laAV, it would have been another of the same parliament.
They passed an act of attainder, not only against the marquis
of Exeter, the lords Montacute, Darcy, Hussey, and others,
who had been legally tried and condemned, but also against
some persons of the highest quality, who had never been
accused, or examined, or convicted. The violent hatred
which Henry bore to Cardinal Pole had extended itself to all
his friends and relations ; and his mother in particular, the
countess of Salisbury, had on that account become extremely
obnoxious to him. She was also accused of having employed
her authority with her tenants, to hinder them from reading
the new translation of the Bible ; of having procured bulls
from Rome, which, it is said, had been seen at Coudray, her
countiy seat ; and of having kept a correspondence with hei
son, the cardinal ; but Henry found, either that these offences
could not be proved, or that they would not by law be sub-
jected to such severe punishments as he desired to inflict upon
her. He resolved, therefore, to proceed in a more summary
and more tyrannical manner ; and for that purpose he seni.
Cromwell, who was but too obsequious to his will, to ask thu
judges, whether the parliament could attaint a person who
was forthcoming, without giving him any trial, or citing him
to appear before them?* The judges replied, that it was a
dangerous question ; and that the high court of parliament
ought to give the example to inferior courts, of proceeding
according to justice ; no inferior court could act in that ar-
bitrary manner, and they thought that the parliament never
would. Being pressed to give a more explicit answer, they
replied, that if a person were attainted in that manner, tha
attainder could never afterwards be brought in question, but
must remain good in law. Henry learned by this decision,
that such a method of proceeding, though directly contrary to
all the principles of equity, was yet practicable; and this being
all he was anxious to know, he resolved to employ it against
the countess of Salisbury. Cromwell showed to the house of
peers a banner, on which were embroidered the five wounds
of Christ, the symbol chosen by the northern rebels ; and this
* Coke's -!lli fust. p. 37, CS.
A. -J). 1539] henry vm. 257
banner,. he affirmed, was found in the countess's hous*.* No
other proof seems to have been produced in order to ascer-
tain her guilt : the parliament, without further inquiry, passed
a bill of attainder against her ; and they involved in the same
bill, without any better proof, as far as appears, Gertrude,
marchioness of Exeter, Sir Adrian Fortescue, and Sir Thomas
Dingley. These two gentlemen were executed ; the mar
ehioness was pardoned and survived the king ; the countess
received a reprieve.
The only beneficial act passed this session, was that by
which the parliament confirmed the surrender of the monas-
teries ; yet even this act contains much falsehood, much
tyranny, and, were it not that all private rights must submit to
public interest, much injustice and iniquity. The scheme of
engaging the abbots to surrender their monasteries had been
conducted, as may easily be imagined, with many invidious
circumstances : arts of all kinds had been employed ; every
motive that could work on the frailty of human nature had
been set before them ; and it was with great difficulty that
these dignified conventuals were brought to make a conces
sion, which most of them regarded as destructive of theii
interests, as well as sacrilegious and criminal in itself.t Three
ibbots had shown more constancy than the rest, the abbots
of Colchester, Reading, and Glastenbury ; and in order to
punish them for their opposition, and make them an example
to others, means had been found to convict them of treason ;
they had perished by the hands of the executioner, and the
revenue of the convents had been forfeited. $ Besides, though
none of these violences had taken place, the king knew that a
surrender made by men who were only tenants for life, would
not bear examination ; and he was therefore resolved to make
ill sure by his usual expedient, an act of parliament. In the
preamble to this act, the parliament asserts, that all the sur-
renders made by the abbots had been " without constraint, of
their own accord, and according to due course of common
law." And in consequence, the two houses confirm the sur-
renders, and secure the property of the abbey lands to the
king and his successors forever. $ It is remarkable, that all
the mitred abbots still sat in the house of peers, and that none
»f them made any protests against this injurious statute.
* Ryiuer, rol. xiv. p. C52 t Collier, vol. ii. p. l.'SS e* seq.
t 31 Henry VIII. c. 10. I 31 P.er.ry VIII. c 13
258 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1539
In this session, the rank of all the great officers of state was
fixed : Cromwell, as vicegerent had the presidency assigned
him above all of them. It was thought singular, that a black
smith's son, for he was no other, should have place next the
royal family ; and that a man possessed of no manner of liter-
ature should be set at the head of the church.
As soon as the act of the six articles had passed, the Catho-
lics were extremely vigilant in informing against offenders ;
and no less than five hundred persons were in a little time
thrown into prison. But Cromwell, who had not had interest
enough to prevent that act, was able for the present to elude
its execution. Seconded by the duke of Suffolk and Chancel-
lor Audley, as well as by Cranmcr, he remonstrated against
the cruelty of punishing so many delinquents ; and he obtained
permission to set them at liberty. The uncertainty of the
king's humor gave each party an opportunity of triumphing
in its turn. No sooner had Henry passed this law, which
seemed to inflict so deep a wound on the reformers, than he
granted a general permission for every one to have the new
translation of the Bible in his family ; a concession regarded
by that party as an important victory.
But as Henry was observed to be much governed by his
wives while he retained his fondness for them, the final prev-
alence of either party seemed much to depend on the choice
of the future queen. Immediately after the death of Jane
Seymour, the most beloved of all his wives, he began to think
of a new marriage. He first cast his eye towards the duchess
dowager of Milan, niece to the emperor ; and he made pro-
posals for that alliance. But meeting with difficulties, he was
carried by his friendship for Francis rather to think of a
French princess. He demanded the duchess dowager of
Longueville, daughter of the duke of Guise, a prince of the
house of Lorraine ; but 'Francis told him, that the lady was
already betrothed to the king ot Scotland. The king, how-
ever, would not take a refusal : he had set his heart extremely
on the match : the information which he had received of the
duchess's accomplishments and beauty, had prepossessed him
in her favor ; and having privately sent over Meautys to exam-
ine her person, and get certain intelligence of her conduct,
the accounts which that agent brought him served further to
inflame his desires. He learned that she was big made ; and
he thought her en that account the more proper match foi
him, who was now become somewhat corpulent, The pleas-
A D. 1539. J HENF.Y VIET. 25$
Oft' too, of mortifying his nephew, whom he did not love, was
a further incitement to his prosecution of this match ; and he
insisted that Francis should give him the preference to the
king of Scots. But Francis, though sensible that the alliance
of England was of much greater importance to his interests,
would not affront his friend and ally ; and to prevent further
solicitation, he immediately sent the princess to Scotland.
Not to shock, however, Henry's humor, Francis made him
an offer of Mary of Bourbon, daughter of the duke of Ven-
dome ; but as the king was informed that James had formerly
rejected this princess he would not hear any further of such a
proposal. The French monarch then offered him the choice
of the two younger sisters of the queen of Scots ; and he
assured him, that they were nowise inferior either in merit or
size to their elder sister, and that one of them was even supe-
rior m beauty. The king was as scrupulous with regard to
the person of his wives, as if his heart had been really sus-
ceptible of a delicate passion ; and he was unwilling to trust
any relations, or even pictures, with regard to this important
particular. He proposed to Francis, that they should have
a conference at Calais on pretence of business ; and that this
monarch should bring along with him the two princesses of
Guise, together with the finest ladies of quality in France, that
he might make a choice among them. But the gallant spirit
of Francis was shocked with the proposal : he was impressed
with too much regard, he said, for the fair sex, to carry ladies
of the first quality like geldings to a market, there to be chosen
or rejected by the humor of the purchaser.* Henry would
hearken to none of these niceties, but still insisted on his
proposal ; which, however, notwithstanding Francis's earnest
desire of obliging him, was finally rejected.
The king then began to turn his thoughts towards a Ger-
man alliance ; and as the princes of the Smalcaldic league
were extremely disgusted with the emperor on account of his
persecuting their religion, he hoped, by matching himself into
one of their families, to renew a connection which he regarded
as so advantageous to him. Cromwell joyfully seconded this
intention ; and proposed to him Anne of Cleves, whose father,
the duke of that name, had great interest among the Lutheran
princes, and whose sister, Sibylla, was married to the elector
of Saxony, the head of the Protestant league. A flattering
* Le Grand, vcl. iii. p. C3S
260 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. |A. D. 1539
pietv.re of the princess, by Hans Holben, determined Henry to
apply to her father ; and after some negotiation, the marriage,
notwithstanding the opposition of the elector of Saxony, was
at last concluded ; and Anne was sent over to England. The
king, impatient to be satisfied with regard to the person of his
bride, came privately to Rochester and got a sight of her. He
bund her big, indeed, and tall as he could wish ; but utterly
destitute both of beauty and grace ; very unlike the pictures
and representations which he had received : he swore she was
j, great Flanders mare; and declared that he never could pos
sibly bear her any affection. The matter was worse when he
found that she could speak no language but Dutch, of which
he was entirely ignorant ; and that the charms of her con-
versation w r ei-e not likely to compensate for the homeliness of
her person. He returned to Greenwich very melancholy; and
he much lamented his hard fate to Cromwell, as well as to
Lord Russel, Sir Anthony Brown, and Sir Anthony Denny
This last gentleman, in order to give him comfort, told him,
that his misfortune was common to him with all kings, who
could not, like private persons, choose for themselves, but
must receive their wives from the judgment and fancy of
others.
It was the subject of debate among the king's counsellor,
whether the marriage could not yet be dissolved, and the
princess be sent back to her own country. Henry's situation
seemed at that time very critical. After the ten years' truce
concluded between the emperor and the king of France, a
good understanding was thought to have taken place between
these rival monarchs ; and such marks of union appeared, as
gave great jealousy to the court of England. The emperor,
who knew the generous nature of Francis, even put a confi-
dence in him which is rare to that degree among great princes.
An insurrection had been raised in the Low Countries by the
inhabitants of Ghent, and seemed to threaten the most dan-
gerous consequences. Charles, who resided at that time in
Spain, resolved to go in person to Flanders, in order to appease
those disorders; but he found great difficulties in choosing the
manner of his passing thither. The road by Italy and Ger-
many was tedious : the voyage through the channel dangerous,
by reason of the English naval power : he asked Francis's
permission to pass through his dominions ; and he entrusted
himself into the hands of a rival, whom he had so mortally
offended. The French monarch received him at Paris with
A. D. J540.[ henry vm. 261
great magnificence and courtesy ; and though prompted both
by revenge and interest, as well as by the advice of his mis-
tress and favorites, to make advantage of the present oppor-
tunity, he conducted the emperor safely out of his dominions ;
and would not so much as speak to him of business during his
abode in France, lest his demands should bear the air of vio-
lence upon his royal guest.
Henry, who was informed of all these particulars, believed
that an entire and cordial union had taken place between
these princes ; and that their religious zeal might prompt them
to fall with combined arms upon England.* An alliance with
the German princes seemed now more than ever requisite for
his interest and safety ; and he knew that if he sent back the
princess of Cleves, such an affront would be highly resented
by her friends and family. [1540.] He was therefore re-
solved, notwithstanding his aversion to her, to complete the
marriage ; and he told Cromwell, that, since matters had gone
so far he must put his neck into the yoke. Cromwell, who
knew how much his own interests were concerned in this affair,
was very anxious to learn from the king, next morning after the
marriage, whether he now liked his spouse any better. The
king told him, that he hated her worse than ever ; and that
her person was more disgusting on a near approach ; he was
resolved never to meddle with her : and even suspected her
not to be a true maid : a point about which he entertained an
extreme delicacy. He continued, however, to be civil to
Anne ; he even seemed to repose his usual confidence in
Cromwell ; but though he exerted this command over himself,
a discontent lay lurking in his breast, and was ready to burst
out on the first opportunity.
A session of parliament was held ; and none of the abbots
were now allowed a place in the house of peers. The king,
by the mouth of the chancellor, complained to the parliament
of the great diversity of religions which still prevailed among
his subjects; a grievance, he affirmed, which ought the less
to be endured, because the Scriptures were now published in
English, and ought universally to be the standard of belief to
all mankind. But he had appoir ted, he said, some bishops
and divines to draw up a list of tenets to which his people
were to assent ; and he was determined, that Christ, the doc-
trine of Christ, and the truth, should have the victory. Tho
* Stowe, p. f>79.
262 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [A. D. 1540
kinsr seems to have expected more effect in ascertaining truth,
from this new book of his doctors, than had ensued from the
publication of tne Scriptures. Cromwell, as vicar-general,
made also in the king's name a speech to the upper house ;
and the peers, in return, bestowed great flattery on him, and
in particular said, that he was worthy, by his desert, to be
vicar-general of the universe. That minister seemed to be nc
less in his master's good graces : he received, soon after the
sitting of the parliament, the title of earl of Essex, and was
installed knight of the garter.
There remained only one religious order in England ; the
knights of St. John of Jerusalem, or the knights of Malta, as
they are commonly called. This order, partly ecclesiastica]
partly military, had by their valor done great service to Christen-
dom ; and had very much retarded, at Jerusalem, Rhodes,
and Malta, the rapid progress of the barbarians. During the
general surrender of the religious houses in England, they
had exerted their spirit, and had obstinately refused to yield
up their revenues to the king ; and Henry, who would endure
no society that professed obedience to the pope, Avas obliged
to have recourse to parliament for the dissolution of this order.
Their revenues were large ; and formed an addition nowise
contemptible to the many acquisitions which the king had
already made. But he had very ill husbanded the great
revenue acquired by the plunder of the church : his profuse
generosity dissipated faster than his rapacity could supply;
and the parliament was surprised this session to find a demand
made upon them of four tenths, and a subsidy of one shilling
in the pound during two years : so ill were the public expec-
tations answered, that the crown was never more to require
any supply from the people. The commons, though lavish
of their liberty, and of the blood of their fellow-subjects, were
extremely frugal of their money ; and it was not without diffi-
culty so small a grant could be obtained by this absolute and
dreaded monarch. The convocation gave the king four shil-
lings in the pound to be levied in two years. The pretext foe
these grants was, the great expense which Henry had under-
gone for the defence of the realm, in building forts along the
seacoast, and in equipping a navy. As he had at present no
ally on the continent in whom he reposed much confidence.
he relied only on his domestic strength, and was on that
account obliged to be more expensive in bin preparation*
against the danger of an invasion.
A.D. 104U.J henry vm. 263
The king's favor to Cromwell, and his acquiescence in the
marriage with Anne of Cleves, were both of them deceitful
appearances : his aversion to the queen secretly increased
every day ; and having at last broken all restraint, it prompted
him at once to seek the dissolution of a marriage so odious to
him, and to involve his minister in ruin, who had been the
innocent author of it. The fall of Cromwell was hastened by
other causes. All the nobility hated a man who, being of
such low extraction, had not only mounted above them by hi«
station of vicar-general, but had engrossed many of the other
considerable offices of the crown : besides enjoying that com
mission, which gave him a high and almost absolute authority
over the clergy, and even over the laity, he was privy seal,
chamberlain, and master of the wards : he had also obtained
the order of the garter, a dignity which had ever been conferred
only on men of illustrious families, and which seemed to bo
profaned by its being communicated to so mean a person
The people were averse to him, as the supposed author of the
violence on the monasteries ; establishments which were still
revered and beloved by the commonalty. The Catholics
regarded him as the concealed enemy of their religion : the
Protestants, observing his exterior concurrence with all the
persecutions exercised against them, were inclined to bear him
as little favor ; and reproached him with the timidity, if not
treachery, of his conduct. And the king, who found that grea.
clamors had on all hands arisen against the administration, wai
not displeased to throw on Cromwell the load of public hatred ;
and he hoped, by making so easy a sacrifice, to regain the
iffections of his subjects.
But there was another cause which suddenly set all these
motives in action, and brought about an unexpected revolution
in the ministry. The king had fixed his affection on Catha-
rine Howard, niece to the duke of Norfolk ; and being deter-
mined to gratify this new passion, he could find no expedient,
but by procuring a divorce from his present consort, to raise
Catharine to his bed and throne. The duke, who had long
been engaged in enmity with Cromwell, made the same use
of her insinuations to ruin this minister, that he had formerly
done of Anne Boleyn's against Wolsey ; and when all engines
were prepared, he obtained a commission from the king to
arrest Cromwell at the council table, on an accusation of high
treason, and to commit him to the Tower. Immediately after,
a bill of attainder was framed against him : and (h^ house oi
264 nisTORY of England. [A. D 1540.
peers thought proper, without trial, examination, or evidence,
to condemn to death a man, whom a few days hefore they had
declared worthy to be vicar-general of the universe. The
house of commons passed the bill, though not without some
opposition. Cromwell was accused of heresy and treason ;
but the proofs of his treasonable practices are utterly improba-
ble, and even absolutely ridiculous.* The only circumstance
qf his conduct by which he seems to have merited this fate,
was his being the instrument of the king's tyranny in conduct-
ing like iniquitous bills, in the preceding session, against the
countess of Salisbury and others.
Cromwell endeavored to soften the king by the most humble
supplications ; but all to no purpose : it was not the practice
of that prince to ruin his ministers and favorites by halves ;
and though the unhappy prisoner once wrote to him in so
moving a strain as even to draw tears from his eyes, he
hardened himself against all movements of pity, and refused
his pardon. The conclusion of Cromwell's letter ran in these
words : " T, a most woful prisoner, am ready to submit to
death when it shall please God and your majesty ; and yet tho
frail flesh incites me to call to yeur grace for mercy and par-
don of mine offences. Written at the Tower, with the heavy
heart and trembling hand of your highness's most miserable
prisoner and poor slave, Thomas Cromwell." And a little
below, " Most gracious prince, I cry for mercy, mercy, mer-
cy."! When brought to the place of execution, he avoided
all earnest protestations of his innocence, and all complaints
against the sentence pronounced upon him. He knew that
Henry would resent on his son those symptoms of opposition
to his will, and that his death alone would not terminate that
monarch's vengeance. He was a man of prudence, industry,
and abilities ; worthy of a better master and of a better fate.
Though raised to the summit of power from a low origin, he
betrayed no insolence or contempt towards his inferiors ; and
was careful to remember all the obligations which, during
his more humble fortune, he had owed to any one. He had
served as a private sentinel in the Italian wars ; when he
received some good offices from a Lucquese merchant, who
had entirely forgotten his person, as well as the service which
he had rendered him. Cromwell, in his grandeur, happened
at London to cast his eye on his benefactor, now reduced
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 27S. 1 Burnet, vol. i. p. 281, 282.
A. D. 1O40.J henkv vm 2Go
to poverty by misfortunes. He immediately sent f< r him,
reminded him of their ancient friendship, and by his grateful
assistance reinstated him in his former prosperity and opu-
lence.*
The measures for divorcing Henry from Anne of Clevea
were carried on at the same time with the bill of attainder
against Cromwell. The house of peers, in conjunction with
the commons, applied to the king by petition, desiring that he
would allow his marriage to be examined; and orders were
immediately given to lay the matter before the convocation.
A.nne had formerly been contracted by her father to the duke
of Lorraine; but she, as well as the duke, were at that time
ander age, and the contract had been afterwards annulled by
consent of both parties.
The king, however, pleaded this precontract as a ground of
divorce ; and he added two reasons more, which may seem a
little extraordinary ; that, when he espoused Anne he had not
inwardly given his consent, and that he had not thought
proper to consummate the marriage. The convocation was
satisfied with these reasons, and solemnly annulled the mar-
riage between the king and queen : the parliament ratified the
decision of the clergy ; t and the sentence was soon after
notified to the princess.
Anne was blest with a happy insensibility of temper, even
in the points which the most nearly affect her sex ; and the
king's aversion towards her, as well as his prosecution of the
divorce, had never given her the least uneasiness. She wil-
lingly hearkened to terms of accommodation with him ; and
when he offered to adopt her as his sister, to give her place
next the queen and his own daughter, and to make a settle-
ment of three thousand pounds a year upon her ; she accepted
of the conditions, and gave her consent to the divoroe. $ She
even wrote to her brother, (for her father was now dead,) that
she had been very well used in England, and desired him to
live on good terms with the king. The only instance of pride
which she betrayed was, that she refused to return to her own
country after the affront which she had received ; and she
lived and died in England.
Notwithstanding Anne's moderation, this incident produced
% great coldness between the king and the German pilncer ;
* Burnet, vol. i. p, 172.
t See note P, at the end of the volume
J Herbert, p 4-">S. 45Q
v v in.— M
26b HISTORTf OF ETSGLAND. {A. D. 154U
but as the situation of Europe was now much altered, Henrv
was the more indifferent about their resentment. The closa
intimacy which had taken place between Francis and Charles
had subsisted during a very short time : the dissimilarity of
their characters soon renewed, with greater violence than ever,
their former jealousy and hatred. While Charles remained at
Paris, Francis had been imprudently engaged, by his open
temper, and by that satisfaction which a noble mind naturally
feels in performing generous actions, to make in confidence
some dangerous discoveries to that interested monarch ; and
having now lost all suspicion of his rival, he hoped that the
emperor and he, supporting each other, might neglect every
other alliance. He not only communicated to his guest the
state of his negotiations with Sultan Solyman and the Vene-
tians ; he also laid open the solicitations which he had received
from the court of England to enter into a confederacy against
him.* Charles had no sooner reached his own dominions,
than he showed himself unworthy of the friendly reception
which he had met with. He absolutely refused to fulfil his
promise, and put the duke of Orleans in possession of the
Milanese ; he informed Solyman and the senate of Venice of
the treatment which they had received from their ally ; and
he took care that Henry should not be ignorant how readily
Francis had abandoned his ancient friend, to whom he owed
such important obligations, and had sacrificed him to a new
confederate : he even poisoned and misrepresented many things
which the unsuspecting heart of the French monarch had
disclosed to him. Had Henry possessed true judgment and
generosity, this incident alone had been sufficient to guide him
in the choice of his ally. But his domineering pride carried
him immediately to renounce the friendship of Francis, who
had so unexpectedly given the preference to the emperor ; and
as Charles invited him to a renewal of ancient amity, he
willingly accepted of the offer; and thinking himself secure in
this alliance, he neglected the friendship both of France and
of the German princes.
The new turn which Henry had taken with regard to foreign
affairs was extremely agreeable to his Catholic subjects ; and
a& it had perhaps contributed, among other reasons, to the ruin
of Cromwell, it made them entertain hopes of a final preva-
lence over their antagonists. The marriage of the king with
* Pere Daniel. Du Tiilet.
A D. 15-10.] henry vin. 267
Catharine Howard, which followed soon after his divorce from
Anne of Cleves, was also regarded as a favorable incident to
their party ; and the subsequent events corresponded to theii
expectations. The king's councils being now directed by
Norfolk and Gardiner, a furious persecution commenced
against the Protestants ; and the law of the six articles was
executed with rigor. Dr. Barnes, who had been the cause of '
Lambert's execution, felt, in his turn, the severity of the per-
secuting spirit ; and, by a bill which passed in parliament, he
was, without trial, condemned to the flames, together with
Jerome and Gerrard. He discussed theological questions even
at the stake ; and as the dispute between him and the sheriff
turned upon the invocation of saints, he said, that he doubted
whether the saints could pray for us ; but if they could, he
hoped in half an hour to be praying for the sheriff and all the
spectators. He next entreated the sheriff to carry to the king
his dying request, which he fondly imagined would have author-
ity with that monarch who had sent him to the stake. The
purport of his request was, that Henry, besides repressing su-
perstitious ceremonies, should be extremly vigilant in prevent-
ing fornication and common swearing.*
While Henry was exerting this violence against the Protest-
ants, he spared not the Catholics who denied his supremacy ;
and a foreigner, at that time in England, had reason to say,
that those who were against the pope were burned, and those
who were for him were hanged. t The king even displayed in
an ostentatious manner this tyrannical impartiality, which re-
duced both parties to subjection, and infused terror into every
breast. Barnes, Gerrard, and Jerome had been carried to the
place of execution on three hurdles ; and along with them
there was placed on each hurdle a Catholic, who was also
executed for his religion. These Catholics were Abel, Fether-
stone, and Powel, who declared, that the most grievous part
of their punishment was the being coupled to such heretical
miscreants as suffered with them, t
Though the spirit of the English seemed to be totally sunk
under the despotic power of Henry, there appeared some
symptoms of discontent. An inconsiderable rebellion broke
out in Yorkshire, headed by Sir John Nevil ; but it was soon
suppressed, and Nevil, with other ringleaders, was executed '.
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 298. Fox. t Fox, vol. ii. p. 529
i Saunders, de Schism. Angl-
26tf HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1541
The rebels were supposed to have been instigated by the
intrigues of Cardinal Pole ; and the king was instantly deter-
mined to make the countess of Salisbury, who already lay
under sentence of death, suffer for her son's offences. He
ordered her to be carried to execution ; and this venerable
matron maintained still, in these distressful circumstances, the
spirit of that long race of rnonarchs from whom she was
descended.* She refused to lay her head on the block, or
submit to a sentence where she had received no trial. She
told the executioner, that if he would have her head, he must
win it the best way he could: and thus, shaking her venerable
gray locks, she ran about the scaffold ; and the executioner
followed with his axe, aiming many fruitless blows at her
neck, before he was able to give the fatal stroke. Thus
perished the last of the line of Plantagenet, which, with great
glory, but still greater crimes and misfortunes, had governed
England for the space of three hundred years. Lord Leonard
Grey, a man who had formerly rendered service to the crown,
was also beheaded for treason, soon after the countess of
Salisbury. We know little concerning the grounds of hi?,
prosecution.
[1511.] The insurrection in the north engaged Henry to
make a progress thither, in order to quiet the minds of his
people, to reconcile them to his government, and to abolish
the ancient superstitions, to which those parts were much
addicted. He had also another motive for this journey : he
purposed to have a conference at York with his nephew the
king of Scotland, and, if possible, to cement a close and in-
dissoluble union with that kingdom.
The same spirit of religious innovation which had seized
other parts of Europe had made its way into Scotland, and
had begun, before this period, to excite the same jealousies,
fears, and persecutions. About the year 1527, Patrick Ham
llton, a young man of a noble family, having been created
abbot of Feme, was sent abroad for his education, but had
fallen into company with some reformers ; and he returned
into his own country very ill disposed towards that church,
of which his birth and his merit entitled him to attain the
highest dignities. The fervor of youth and his zeal for nov-
el tj" made it impossible for him to conceal his sentiments ;
and Campbell, prior of the Dominicans, who, under color of
* Herbert p. -16S.
A. D. 1541] henry vm. 2by
friendship, and a sympathy in opinion, had insinuated nirn
self into his confidence, accused him before Beaton, arch
bishop of St. Andrews. Hamilton was invited to St. Andrews,
in order to maintain with some of the clergy a dispute con-
cerning the controverted points ; and after much reasoning
with regard to justification, free will, original sin, and other
topics of that nature, the conference ended with their con
demning Hamilton to be burned for his errors. The young
man, who had been deaf to the insinuations of ambition, was
less likely to be shaken with the fears of death ; while he
proposed to himself, both the glory of bearing testimony to
the truth, and the immediate reward attending his martyrdom.
The people, who compassionated his youth, his virtue, and
his noble birth, were much moved at the constancy of hi?
end ; and an incident which soon followed still more con-
firmed them in their favorable sentiments towards him. He
had cited Campbell, who still insulted him at the stake, to
answer before the judgment seat of Christ ; and as that per-
secutor, either astonished with these events, or overcome
with remorse, or perhaps seized casually with a distemper,
soon after lost his senses, and fell into a fever, of which he
died ; the people regarded Hamilton as a prophet as well as
a martyr.*
Among the disciples converted by Hamilton, was one friar
Forrest, who became a zealous preacher ; and who, though
he did not openly discover his sentiments, was suspected to
lean towards the new opinions. His diocesan, the bishop of
Dunkel, enjoined him, when he met with a good epistle or
good gospel, which favored the liberties of holy church, to
preach on it, and let the rest alone. Forrest replied, that he
had read both Old and New Testament, and had not found
an ill epistle or ill gospel in any part of them. The extreme
attachment to the Scriptures was regarded, in those days, as
a sure characteristic of heresy ; and Forrest was soon after
brought to trial, and condemned to the flames. While the
priests were deliberating on the place of his execution, a
bystander advised them to burn him in a cellar ; for that the
smoke of Mr. Patrick Hamilton had infected all those on
whom it blew.
The clergy were at that time reduced to great difficulties
* Spbtswootfs Hist, of the Church of Scotland, p. 02.
+ Spotswood' ; fipfst. of the Chlirch of Scotland. }) 65.
270 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. ; A.L>. 1041
not only in Scotland, but all over Europe. As the reformers
aimed at a total subversion of ancient establishments, which
they represented as idolatrous, impious, detestable ; the priests,
who found both their honors and properties at stake, thought
that they had a right to resist, by every expedient, these danger-
ous invaders, and that the same simple principles of equity
which justified a man in killing a pirate or a robber, would
acquit them for the execution of such heretics. A toleration ;
though it is never acceptable to ecclesiastics, might, they said,
be admitted in other cases ; but seemed an absurdity Avhere
fundamentals were shaken, and where the possessions and
even the existence of the established clergy were brought in
danger. But though the church was thus carried by policy,
as well as inclination, to kindle the fires of persecution, they
found the success of this remedy very precarious ; and
observed, that the enthusiastic zeal of the reformers, inflamed
by punishment, was apt to prove contagious on the compas
sionate minds of the spectators. The new doctrine, amidst
all the dangers to which it was exposed, secretly spread itself
every where ; and the minds of men were gradually disposed
to a revolution in religion.
But the most dangerous symptom for the clergy in Scot
land was, that the nobility, from the example of England,
had cast a wishful eye on the church revenues, and hoped, if
a reformation took place, to enrich themselves by the plundei
of the ecclesiastics. James himself, who was very poor, and
was somewhat inclined to magnificence, particularly in build-
ing, had been swayed by like motives ; and began to threaten
the clergy with the same fate that had attended them in
the neighboring country. Henry also never ceased exhorting
his nephew to imitate his example ; and being moved, both
by the pride of making proselytes, and the prospect of security,
should Scotland embrace i close union with him, he solicited
the king of Scots to meet him at York ; and he obtained a
promise to that purpose.
The ecclesiastics were alarmed at this resolution of James,
and they employed every expedient in order to pi-event the
execution of it. They represented the danger of innovation ;
the pernicious consequences of aggrandizing the nobility,
already too powerful ; the hazard of putting himself into the
hands of the English, his hereditary enemies ; the depend-
ence on them which must ensue upon his losing the friend-
ship of France, and of all foreign powers. To these cm*-
A D. ,541.] henry vm. 27 i
siaerations they added the prospect of immediate interest, by
which they found the king to be much governed : they offer-
ed him a present gratuity of fifty thousand pounds : they
promised him that the church should always be ready to
contribute to his supply : and they pointed out to him the
confiscation of heretics, as the means of filling his exchequer,
and of adding a hundred thousand pounds a year to the
crown revenues.* The insinuations of his new queen, to whom
youth, beauty, and address had given a powerful influence
over him, seconded all these reasons ; and James was at last
engaged, first to delay his journey, then to send excuses to
the king of England, who had already come to York in ordei
to be present at the interview. t
Henry, vexed with the disappointment, and enraged at the
affront, vowed vengeance against his nephew ; and he began,
by permitting piracies at sea and incursions at land, to put his
threats in execution. But he received soon after, in his own
family, an affront to which he was much more sensible, and
which touched him in a point where he always showed an
extreme delicacy. He had thought himself very happy in
his new marriage : the agreeable person and disposition of
Catharine had entirely captivated his affections ; and he made
no secret of his devoted attachment to her. He had even
publicly, in his chapel, returned solemn thanks to Heaven for
"the felicity which the conjugal state afforded him ; and he
directed the bishop of Lincoln to compose a form of prayer
for that purpose. But the queen's conduct very little merit-
ed this tenderness : one Lascelles brought intelligence of her
dissolute life to Cranmer ; and told him that his sister, formerly
i servant in the family of the old duchess of Norfolk,, with
whom Catharine was educated, had given him a particular
account of her licentious manners. Derham and Mannoc,
both of them servants to the duchess, had been admitted to
ker bed ; and she had even taken little care to conceal her
*hame from the other servants of the family. The primate,
struck with this intelligence, which it was equally dangerous
* Buchanan, lib. xiv. Drummond in Ja. V. Pitscotie, ibid. Knox.
t Henry had sent some books, richly ornamented, to his nephew,
A'ho, as soon as he saw by the titles, that they had a tendency to
4efend the new doctrines, threw them into the fire, in the presence
of the person who brought them ; adding, it was better he should
destroy them, than they him. See Epist. Reginald Pole, part i
p. 172.
272 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. 1541
to conceal or to discover, communicated the matter to the eari
of Hertford and to the chancellor. They agreed, that the
matter should by no means be buried in silence ; and the
archbishop himself seemed the most proper person to disclose
it to the king. Cranmer, unwilling to speak on so delicate a
subject, wrote a narrative of the whole, and conveyed it. to
Henry, who was infinitely astonished at the intelligence. So
confident was he of the fidelity of his consort, that at first ho
gave no credit to the information ; and he said to the privy-
seal, to Lord Russel, high admiral, Sir Anthony Brown, and
Wriothesley, that he regarded the whole as a falsehood.
Cranmer was now in a very perilous situation ; and had not
full proof been found, certain and inevitable destruction hung
over him. The king's impatience, however, and jealousy
prompted him to search the matter to the bottom ; the privy-
seal was ordered to examine Laseelles, who persisted in the
information he had given ; and still appealed to his sister's
testimony. That nobleman next made a journey, under pre-
tence of hunting, and went to Sussex, where the woman at
that time resided : he found her both constant in her former
intelligence, and particular as to the facts ; and the whole
bore but too much the face of probability. Mannoc and
JDerham, who were arrested at the same time, and examined
by the chancellor, made the queen's guilt entirely certain by
their confession ; and discovered other particulars, which
redounded still more to her dishonor. Three maids of the
family were admitted into her secrets ; and some of them had
even passed the night in bed with her and her lovers. All
the examinations were laid before the king, who was so deeply
affected, that he remained a long time speechless, and at last
burst into tears. He found to his surprise, that his great skill
in distinguishing a true maid, of which he boasted in the case
of Anne of Cleves, had failed him in that of his present con-
sort. The queen, being next questioned, denied her guilt ;
but when informed that a full discovery was made, she con-
fessed that she had been criminal before marriage ; and only
insisted that she had never been fa.se to the king's bed. But
as there was evidence that one Colepepper had passed the
night with her alone since her marriage ; and as it appeared
that she had taken Derham, her old paramour, into her service,
Bhe seemed to deserve little credit in this asseveration ; and
the king, besides, was not of a humor to make any difTerej*^
between these degrees of guilt.
A.J>. 1542. 1 henry vm. *73
[1542.] Henry found that he could not by any means so
fully or expeditiously satiate his vengeance on all these crimi-
nals as by assembling a parliament, the usual instrument of
his tyranny. The two houses, having received the queen's
confession, made an address to the king. They entreated
him not to be vexed with this untoward accident, to which
all men were subject ; but to consider the frailty of human
nature, and the mutability of human affairs ; and from these;
views to derive a subject of consolation. They desired leavt
to pass a bill of attainder against the queen and her accom
plices ; and they begged him to give his assent to this bill, no
in person, which would renew his vexation, and might endan
ger his health, but by commissioners appointed for that pur
pose. And as there was a law in force making it treason tc
speak ill of the queen as well as of the king, they craved hid
royal pardon if any of them should, on the present occasion,
have transgressed any part of the statute.
Having obtained a gracious answer to these requests, the
parliament proceeded to vote a bill of attainder lor treason
against the queen, and the viscountess of Rocheford, who had
conducted her secret amours ; and in this bill Colepepper and
Derham were also comprehended. At the same time they
passed a bill of attainder for misprision of treason against the
old duchess of Norfolk, Catharine's grandmother ; her uncle,
Lord William Howard, and his lady, together with the countess
of Bridgewater, and nine persons more ; because they knew the
queen's vicious course of life before her marriage, and had
concealed it. This was an effect of Henry's usual extrava-
gance, to expect that parents should so far forget the ties of
natural afiection, and the sentiments of shame and decency,
as to reveal to him the most secret disorders of their family.
He himself seems to have been sensible of the cruelty of this
proceeding ; for he pardoned the duchess of Norfolk and most
of the others condemned for misprision of treason.
However, to secure himself lor the future, as well as hia
successors, from this fatal accident, he engaged the parliament
to pass a law somewhat extraordinary. It was enacted, that
any one who knew, or vehemently suspected, any guilt in the
queen, might, within twenty days, disclose it to the king or
council, without incurring the penalty of any former law
against defaming the queen ; but prohibiting every one, at the
game time, from spreading the matter abroad, or even pri-
vately whispering it to others : it was also enacted, that if th«
M*
274 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [A. D. 1543.
king married any woman who had been incontinent, taking
her for a true maid, she should be guilty of treason, if she
did not previously reveal her guilt to him. The people mada
merry with this singular clause, and said that the king must
henceforth look out for a widow ; for no reputed maid would
ever be persuaded to incur the penalty of the statute.* After
all these laws were passed, the queen was beheaded on Tower
Hill, together with Lady Rocheford. They behaved in a
manner suitable to their dissolute life ; and as Lady Hoche-
ford was known to he the chief instrument in bringing Anne
Boleyn to her end, she died unpitied ; and men were further
confirmed, by the discovery of this woman's guilt, in the
favorable sentiments which they had entertained of that un-
fortunate queen.
The king made no demand of any subsidy from this par
liament ; but he found means of enriching his exchequer from
another quarter : he took further steps towards the dissolution
of colleges, hospitals, and other foundations of that nature.
The courtiers had been practising on the presidents and gov-
ernors to make a surrender of their revenues to the king ;
and they had been successful with eight of them. But there
was an obstacle to their further progress : it had been pro-
vided by the local statutes of most of these foundations, that
no president, or any number of fellows, could consent to such
a deed without the unanimous vote of all the fellows ; and
this vote was not easily obtained. All such statutes were
annulled by parliament ; and the revenues of these houses
were now exposed to the rapacity of the king and his favor-
ites.! The Church had been so long their prey, that nobody
was surprised at any new inroads made upon her. From the
tegular, Henry now proceeded to make devastations on the
secular clergy. He extorted from many of the bishops a sur-
render of chapter lands ; and by this device he pillaged the
sees of Canterbury, York, and London, and enriched his greedy
parasites and flatterers with their spoils.
The clergy have been commonly so fortunate as to make a
concern for their temporal interests go hand in hand with a
jealousy lor orthodoxy ; and both these passions be regarded by
the people, ignorant and superstitious, as proofs of zeal for
religion : but the violent and headstrong character of Henry
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 314.
t See note Q. at the end of the volume.
A..D 1542. | henry vra 273
now disjoined these objects. His rapacity was gratified by
plundering the church, his bigotry and arrogance by persecut-
ing heretics. Though he engaged the parliament to mitigate
the penalties of the six articles, so far as regards the marriage
of priests, which was now only subjected to a forfeiture of
goods, chattels, and lands during life, he was still equally bent
on maintaining a rigid purity in speculative principles. He
had appointed a commission, consisting of the two archbish-
ops and several bishops of both provinces, together with a
considerable number of doctors of divinity ; and by virtue of
his ecclesiastical supremacy, he had given them in charge to
choose a religion for his people. Before the commissioners
had made any progress in this arduous undertaking, the par-
liament, in 1541, had passed a law by which they ratified all
the tenets which these divines should thereafter establish with
the king's consent : and they were not ashamed of thus ex-
pressly declaring that they took their religion upon trust, and
had no other rule, in spiritual as well as temporal concerns,
than the arbitrary will of their master. There is only one
clause of the statute, which may seem at first sight to savor
somewhat of the spirit of liberty : it was enacted, that the
ecclesiastical commissioners should establish nothing repug-
nant to the laws and statutes of the realm. But in reality this
proviso was inserted by the king to serve his own purposes.
By introducing a confusion and contradiction into the laws, he
became more master of every one's life and property. And
as the ancient independence of the church still gave him jeal-
ousy, he was well pleased, under cover of such a clause, to in-
troduce appeals from the spiritual to the civil courts. It was
for a like reason that he would never promulgate a body of
canon law ; and he encouraged the judges on all occasions to
interpose in ecclesiastical causes, wherever they thought the
law of royal prerogative concerned ; a happy innovation,
though at first invented for arbitrary purposes.
The king, armed by the authority of parliament, or rathei
by their acknowledgment of that spiritual supremacy which he
believed inherent in him, employed his commissioners to select
a system of tenets for the assent and belief of the nation. A
small volume was soon after published, called the Institution
of a Christian Man, which was received by the convocation,
and voted to be the standard of orthodoxy. All the delicate
points of justification, faith, free will, good works, and grace
276 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. ] 542,
are there defined, with a leaning towards the opinion of tha
reformers : the sacraments, which a few years before were
aniy allowed to be three, were now increased to the number
of seven, conformable to the sentiments of the Catholics. The
king's caprice is discernible throughout the whole ; and the
book is in reality to be regarded as his composition. For
Henry, while he made his opinion a rule for the nation, would
tie his own hands by no canon or authority, not even by any
which he himself had formerly established.
The people had occasion soon after to see a further instance
of tho king's inconstancy. He was not long satisfied with his
Institution of a Christian Man : he ordered a new book to be
composed, called the Erudition of a Christian Man ; and with
out asking the assent of the convocation, he published, by his
,»wn authority and that of the parliament, this new model of
orthodoxy. It differs from the Institution ; * but the king was
no less positive in his new creed than he had been in the old ;
and he required the belief of the nation to veer about at his
signal. In both these compositions, he was particularly care-
ful to inculcate the doctrine of passive obedience ; and he was
equally careful to retain the nation in the practice.
While the king was spreading his own books among the peo-
ple, he seems to have been extremely perplexed, as were also
the clergy, what course to take with the Scriptures. A review
had been made by the synod of the new translation of the Bi-
ble ; and Gardiner had proposed that, instead of employing En-
glish expressions throughout, several Latin words should still
be preserved ; because they contained, as he pretended, such
peculiar energy and significance, that they had no correspond-
ent terms in the vulgar tongue. t Among these were " eccle-
sia, poenitentia, pontifex, contritus, holocausta, sacramentum,
elementa, ceremonia, mysterium, presbyter, sacrificium, hu-
militas, satisfactio, peccatum, gratia, hostia, charitas," etc. But
as this mixture would have appeared extremely barbarous, and
was plainly calculated for no other purpose than to retain the
people in their ancient ignorance, the proposal was rejected.
The knowledge of the people, however, at least their disputa-
tive turn, seemed to be an inconvenience still more dangerous ,"
and the king and parliament, t soon after the publication of
* Collier, vol. ii. p. 190. T Bur-.et, vol. i. p. 31J
t Which met on the 22d of January, 1543.
A.J). ] 012.1 HENRY VIII 27"
the Scriptures, retracted the concession whici they had for-
merly made ; and prohibited all but gentlemen and merchant!
from perusing them.* Even that liberty was not granted with-
out an apparent hesitation, and a dread of the consequences :
these persons were allowed to read, "so it be done quietly and
with good order." And the preamble to the act sets forth,
" that many seditious and ignorant persons had abused the lib
erty granted them of reading the Bible, and that great diver-
sity of opinion, animosities, tumults, and schisms had been
occasioned by perverting the sense of the Scriptures." I(
peemed very difficult to reconcile the king's model for uniform-
ity with the permission of free inquiry.
The mass book also passed under the king's revisal ; anci
little alteration was as yet made in it : some doubtful or ficti-
tious saints only were struck out ; and the name of the pope
was erased. This latter precaution was likewise used with re-
gard to every new book that was printed, or even old book that
was sold. The word " pope" was carefully omitted or blotted
out;t as if that precaution could abolish the term from the
language, or as if such a persecution of it did not rather im-
print it more strongly in the memory of the people.
The king took care about this time to clear the churches \
from another abuse which had crept into them. Plays,
interludes, and farces were there often acted in derision of the
former superstitions ; and the reverence of the multitude for
ancient principles and modes of worship was thereby gradually
effaced. | We do not hear that the Catholics attempted to \
retaliate by employing this powerful engine against their ad-
versaries, or endeavored by like arts to expose that fanatical
spirit by which it appears the reformers were frequently actu-
ated. Perhaps the people were not disposed to relish a jest on
that side . perhaps the greater simplicity and the more spiritual
abstract worship of the Protestants gave less hold to ridicule,
which is commonly founded on sensible representations. It
was, therefore, a very agreeable concession which the king
made to the Catholic party, to suppress entirely these religious
comedies.
* 33 Henry VIII. c. 1. The reading of the Bible, however, could
not at that, time have much effect in England, where so few persona
had learned to read. There were but five hundred copies printed of
'.his first authorized edition of the Bible ; a book of which there are new
6< veral millions of copies in the kingdom.
f Pari. Hist. vol. iii. p. 113. t Burnet, vol. i. p. 3J»
278 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. T A. D. 1 542
Thus Henry labored incessantly by arguments, creeds, and
penal statutes, to bring his subjects to a uniformity in their
religious sentiments ; but as he entered himself with the great-
est earnestness into all those scholastic disputes, he encouraged
the people by his example to apply themselves to the study of
theology ; and it was in vain afterwards to expect, howevei
present fear might restrain their tongues or pens, that they
would cordially agree in any set of tenets or opinions pre-
scribed to them.
A.D.1&42.) henry vni. 279
CHAPTER XXXIII
HENRY VIII.
[1542.] Henry, being determined to avenge himself on
the king of Scots for slighting the advances which he had
made him, would gladly have obtained a supply from parlia-
ment, in order to prosecute that enterprise ; hut as he did not
think it prudent to discover his intentions, that assembly, con-
formably to their frugal maxims, would understand no hints ;
and the king was disappointed in his expectations. He con-
tinued, however, to make preparations ibr war ; and as soon
as he thought himself in a condition to invade Scotland, he
published a manifesto, by which he endeavored to justify
hostilities. He complained of James's breach of word in
declining the promised interview, which was the real ground
of the quarrel ; * but in order to give a more specious color-
ing to the enterprise, he mentioned other injuries ; namely,
that his nephew had granted protection to some English rebels
and fugitives, and had detained some territory which, Henry
pretended, belonged to England. He even revived the old
claim to the vassalage of Scotland, and he summoned James
to do homage to him as his liege lord and superior. He
employed the duke of Norfolk, whom he called the scourge
of the Scots, to command in the war : and though James
sent the bishop of Aberdeen, and Sir James Learmont of
Darsay, to appease his uncle, he would hearken to no terms
of accommodation. While Norfolk was assembling his army
at Newcastle, Sir Robert Bowes, attended by Sir Ralph
Sadler, Sir Ralph Evers, Sir Brian Latoun, and others, made
an incursion into Scotland, and advanced towards Jedburgh,
with an intention of pillaging and destroying that town. The
earl of Angus, and George Douglas, his brother, who had
been many years banished their country, and had subsisted
by Henry's bounty, joined the English army in this incursion ;
and the forces commanded by Bowes exceeded four thousand
* Buchanan, lib. xiv. Drumrnond ic Ja. V.
280 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1542
men. James had not been negligent in /is preparations lor
defence, and had posted a considerable bod} r , under the com-
mand of the earl of Huntley, for the protection of the bor-
ders. Lord Hume, at the head of his vassals, was hastening
to join Huntley, when he met with the English army ; and
an action immediately ensued. During the engagement, the
ibrces under Huntley began to appear ; and the English,
afraid of being surrounded and overpowered, took to flight,
and were pursued by the enemy. Evers, Latoun, and some
other persons of distinction, were taken prisoners. A few only
of small note fell in the skirmish.*
The duke of Norfolk, meanwhile, began to move from his
camp at Newcastle ; and being attended by the earls of
Shrewsbury, Derby, Cumberland, Surrey, Hertford, Rutland,
with many others of the nobility, he advanced to the borders.
His forces amounted to above twenty thousand men ; and it
required the utmost efforts of Scotland to resist such a for-
midable armament. James had assembled his whole military
force at Fala and Sautrey, and was ready to advance as soon
as he should be informed of Norfolk's invading his kingdom.
The English passed the Tweed at Berwick, and marched
along the banks of the river as far as Kelso ; but hearing
that James had collected near thirty thousand men, they re-
passed the river at that village, and retreated into their own
country. t The king of Scots, inflamed with a desire of mil-
itary glory, and of revenge on his invaders, gave the signal
for pursuing them, and carrying the war into England. He
was surprised to find that his nobility, who were in general
disaffected on account of the preference which he had giveR
to the clergy, opposed this resolution, and refused to attend
him in his projected enterprise. Enraged at this mutiny, he
reproached them with cowardice, and threatened vengeance ;
but still resolved, with the forces which adhered to him, to
make an impression on the enemy. He sent ten thousand
men to the western borders, who entered England at Solway
Frith ; and he himself followed them at a small distance, ready
to join them upon occasion. Disgusted, however, at the re-
fractory disposition of his nobles, he sent a message to the
army depriving Lord Maxwell, their general, of his commis-
sion, and conferring the command on Oliver Sinclair, a private
gentleman, who was his favorite. The army was extremely
* Ruohanan. lib. xiv. i Bucl an:ui. lib. siv.
A.D. 1543. j henry vm 2^1
disgusted with this alteration, and was leady to disband, when
a small body oi' English appeared, not exceeding five hundred
men, under the command of Dacres and Musgrave. A panic
seized the Scots, who immediately took to flight, and were
pursued by the enemy. Few were killed in this rout ; for it
was no action ; but a great many were taken prisoners, and
some of the principal nobility : among these, the earls of Cas-
silis and Glencairu, the lords Maxwel, Fleming, Somerville,
Oliphant, Grey, who were all sent to London, and given in
custody to different noblemen.
The king of Scots, hearing of this disaster, was astonished ;
and being naturally of a melancholic disposition, as well as
endowed with a high spirit, he lost all command of his temper
on this dismal occasion. Rage against his nobility, who, he
believed, had betrayed him ; shame for a defeat by such un-
equal numbers ; regret for the past, fear of the future ; all these
passions so wrought upon him, that he would admit of no con-
solation, but abandoned himself wholly to despair. His body
was wasted by sympathy with his anxious* mind ; and even
his life began to be thought in danger. He had no issue
living; and hearing that his queen was safely delivered, he
asked whether she had brought him a male or. a female child.
Being told the latter, he turned himself in his bed : " The
crown came with a woman," said he, "and it will go with
one : many miseries await this poor kingdom : Henry will
make it his own either by force of arms or by marriage." A
few days after, he expired, in the flower of his age : a prince
of considerable virtues and talents , well fitted, by his vigilance
and personal courage, for repressing those disorders to which
his kingdom, during that age, was so much exposed. He
executed justice with impartiality and rigor ; but as he sup-
ported the commonalty and the church against the rapine of
the nobility, he escaped not the hatred of that order. The
Protestant.} also, whom he opposed, have endeavored to throw
many stains on his memory ; but have not been able to fix any
considerable imputation upon him.*
[1543.] Henry was no sooner informed of his victory and
of the death of his nephew, than he projected, as James had
foreseen, the scheme of uniting Scotland to his own dominions,
by marrying his sop Edward to the heiress of that kingdom/I
* See note R, at the ^nc 1 of 'he "olume.
t Stowe, p. 5S4. Herbert. Burnet. Buci.ajoao.
•?S2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. |A,D. 1543
He failed together the Scottish nobles who were his prison-
ers ; and after reproaching them, in severe terms, for theii
pretended breach of treaty, he began to soften his tone, and
proposed to them this expedient, by which, he hoped, those
disorders so prejudicial to both states, would for the future be
orevented. He offered to bestow on them their liberty without
ransom ; and only required of them engagements to favor the
marriage of the prince of Wales with their young mistress
They were easily prevailed on to give their assent to a proposal
which seemed so natural and so advantageous to both king-
doms ; and being conducted to Newcastle, they delivered to the
duke of Norfolk hostages for their return, in case the intended
nuptials were not completed ; and they thence proceeded to
Scotland, where they found affairs in some confusion.
The pope, observing his authority in Scotland to be in
danger from the spreading of the new opinions, had bestowed
on Beaton, the primate, the dignity of cardinal, in order to
confer more influence upon him ; and that prelate had long
been regarded as a prime minister to James, and as the head
of that party which defended the ancient privileges and
property of the ecclesiastics. Upon the death of his master,
this man, apprehensive of the consequences both to his party
and to himself, endeavored to keep possession of power ; and
for that purpose he is accused of executing a deed which
required a high degree of temerity. He forged, it is said, a
will for the king, appointing himself and three noblemen more
regents of the kingdom during the minority of the infant
princess : * at least, — for historians are not well agreed in the
circumstances of the fact, — he had read to James a paper of
that import, to which that monarch, during the delirium which
preceded his death, had given an imperfect assent and approba-
tion. f By virtue of this will, Beaton had put himself in pos-
session of the government ; and having united his interests
with those of the queen dowager, he obtained the consent of
the convention of states, and excluded the pretensions of the
earl of Arran.
James, earl of Arran, of the name of Hamilton, was next
heir to the crown by his grandmother, daughter of James III. ;
and on that account seemed best entitled to possess that high
office into which the cardinal had intruded himself. The
* Sadler's Letters, p. 161. Spotswood. p. 71. Buchanan, lib. xv.
t John Knox, Hist, of the Reformation.
A.D. 1543. j henry vm. 2S3
prospect also of his succession after a princess who was in
such tender infancy, procured him many partisans; and though
his character indicated little spirit, activity, or ambition, a
propensity which he had discovered for the new opinions had
attached to him all the zealous promoters of those innovations.
By means of these adherents, joined to the vassals of his own
family, he had been able to make opposition to the cardinal's
administration : and the suspicion of Beaton's forgery, with
the accession of the noblemen who had been prisoners in Entj-
■ fc nu, assisted too by some money sent from London, was able
to turn the balance in his favor. The earl of Angus and his
brother, having taken the present opportunity of returning into
their native country, opposed the cardinal with all the credit
of that powerful family ; and the majority of the convention
had now embraced opposite interests to those which formerly
prevailed. Arran was declared governor ; the cardinal was
committed to custody under the care of Lord Seton ; and a
negotiation was commenced with Sir B,alph Sadler, the Eng-
lish ambassador, for the marriage of the infant queen with the
prince of Wales. The following conditions were quickly
agreed on : that the queen should remain in Scotland till she
should be ten years of age ; that she should then be sent to
England to be educated ; that six Scottish noblemen should
immediately be delivered as hostages to Henry ; and that the
kingdom, notwithstanding its union with England, should still
retain its laws and privileges.* By means of these equitable
conditions, the war between the nations, which had threatened
Scotland with such dismal calamities, seemed to be fully com-
posed, and to be changed into perpetual concord and amity.
But the cardinal primate, having prevailed on Seton to re-
store him to his liberty, was able, by his intrigues, to confound
all these measures, which appeared so well concerted. He
assembled the most considerable ecclesiastics ; and having
represented to them the imminent danger to which their rev-
enues and privileges were exposed, he persuaded them to col-
lect privately from the clergy a large sum of money, by
which, if intrusted to his management, he engaged to overturn
the schemes of their enemies.! Besides the partisans whom
he acquired by pecuniary motives, he roused up the zeal of
those who were attached to the Catholic worship ; and he
represented the union with England as the sure forerunner of
* Sir Ralph Sadler's Letters. t Buchanan, lib xv.
284 HlbTORY OT ENGLAND. [A. D. 1 r1<l3.
ruin to the church and to the ancient religion. The national
antipathy of the Scots to their southern neighbors was also an
infallible engine by which the cardinal wrought upon the peo-
ple ; and though the terror of Henry's arms, and their owe
inability to make resistance, had procured a temporary assent
to the alliance and marriage proposed, the settled habits of the
lation produced an extreme aversion to those measures. The
English ambassador and his retinue received many insults
from persons whom the cardinal had instigated to commit
those violences, in hopes of bringing on a rupture; but Sadler
prudently dissembled the matter, and waited patiently till the
day appointed for the delivery of the hostages. He then de-
manded of the regent the performance of that important arti-
cle ; but received for answer, that his authority was very
precarious, that the nation had now taken a different impres-
sion, and that it was not in his power to compel any of the
nobility to deliver themselves as hostages to the English
Sadler, foreseeing the consequence of this refusal, sent a sum-
mons to all those who had been prisoners in England, and
required them to fulfil the promise which they had given ot
returning into custody. None of them showed so much sen-
timent of honor as to fulfil their engagements, except Gilbert
Kennedy, earl of Cassilis. Henry was so well pleased with
the behavior of this nobleman, that he not only received him
graciously, but honored him with presents, gave him his liber-
ty, and sent him back to Scotland, with his two brothers
whom he had left as hostages.*
This behavior of the Scottish nobles, though it reflected dis-
honor on the nation, was not disagreeable to the cardinal, who
foresaw that all these persons would now be deeply interested
to maintain their enmity and opposition to England. And as
a war was soon expected with that kingdom, he found it neces-
sary immediately to apply to France, and to crave the assist-
ance of that ancient ally, during the present distresses of the
Scottish nation. Though the French king was fully sensible*
of his interest in supporting Scotland, a demand of aid could
not have been made on him at a more unseasonable juncture
His pretensions on the Milanese, and his resentment against
Charles, had engaged him in a war with that potentate ; and
having made great though fruitless efforts during the pre-
ceding campaign he was the more disabled at present frori'
* Buchanan, lib. xv.
A.I). 1543.] henry vra. £8z-
defending his own dominions, much more from granting any
succor to the Scots. Matthew Stewart, earl of Lenox, a young
nobleman of a great family, was at that time in the French
court ; and Francis, being informed that he was engaged in
ancient and hereditary enmity with the Hamiltons, who had
murdered his father, sent him over to his native country, as a
support to the cardinal and the queen mother : and he promised
that a supply of money, and, if necessary, even military suc-
cors, should soon be despatched after him. Arran, the gov-
ernor, seeing all these preparations against him, assembled his
friends, and made an attempt to get the person of the infant
queen into his custody ; but being repulsed, he was obliged to
come to an accommodation with his enemies, and to intrust
that precious charge to four neutral persons, the heads of po-
tent families, the Grahams, Areskines, Lindseys, and Leving-
stones. The arrival of Lenox, in the midst of these transac-
tions, served to render the victory of the French party over
the English still more undisputable.*
The opposition which Henry met with in Scotland from the
French intrigues, excited his resentment, and further confirmed
the resolution which he had already taken of breaking with
France, and of uniting his arms with those of the emperor. He
had other grounds of complaint against the French king ; which,
though not of great importance, yet being recent, were able to
overbalance those great injuries which he had formerly received
from Charles. He pretended that Francis had engaged to
imitate his example in separating himself entirely from the see
of Rome, and that he had broken his promise in that particular.
He was dissatisfied that James, his nephew, had been allowed
to marry, first Magdalene of France, then a princess of the house
of Guise ; and he considered these alliances as pledges which
Francis gave of his intentions to support the Scots against the
power of England. t He had been informed of some railleries
which the French king had thrown out against his conduct
with regard to his wives. He was disgusted that Francis, after
go many obligations which he owed him, had sacrificed him
to the emperor ; and, in the confidence of friendship, had
rashly revealed his secrets to that subtle and interested mon-
arch. And he complained that regular payments were never
made of the sums due to him by France, and of the pension
«vhish had been stipulated. Impelled by all these motives, he
* Buchanan, lib. xv. Drummona t Fere Daniel
2S6 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1543,
alienated himself from his ancient friend and confederate, and
formed a league with the emperor, who earnestly courted his
alliance. This league, besides stipulations for mutual defence,
contained a plan for invading France ; and the two monarchs
agreed to enter Francis's dominions with an army, each of twen-
ty-five thousand men ; and to require that prince to pay Henry
all the sums which he owed him, and to consign Boulogne,
Montreuii, Terouenne, and Ardres, as a security for the regulai
payment of his pension for the future : in case these conditions
were rejected, the confederate princes agreed to challenge,
for Henry, the crown of France, or, in default of it, the
duchies of Normandy, Aqnitaine, and Guienne ; for Charles
the duchy of Burgundy, and some other territories.* That
they might have a pretence for enforcing these claims, they
sent a message to Francis, requiring him to renounce his alli-
ance with Sultan Solyman, and to make reparation for all the
prejudice which Christendom had sustained from that unnat-
ural confederacy. Upon the French king's refusal, war was
declared against him by the allies. It may be proper to remark,
that the partisans of France objected to Charles's alliance with
the heretical king of England, as no less obnoxious than that
which Francis had contracted with Solyman : and they ob-
served, that this league was a breach of the solemn promise
which he had given to Clement VII., never to make peace or
alliance with England.
While the treaty with the emperor was negotiating, the
king summoned a new session of parliament, in order to obtain
supplies for his projected war with France. The parliament
granted him a subsidy, to be paid in three years ; it was levied
in a peculiar manner ; but exceeded not three shillings in the
pound upon any individual. t The convocation gave the king
six shillings in the pound, to be levied in three years.
Greater sums were always, even during the establishment ol
the Catholic religion, exacted from the clergy than from the
laity ; which made the emperor Charles say, when Henry
* Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 768 ; vol. xv. p. 2.
t They who were worth, in goods, twenty shillings and upwa: ds to
five pounds, paid fourpence of every pound : from five pounds to
ten pounds, cightpence ; from ten pounds to twenty pounds, sixteen
pence ; from twenty and upwards, two shillings. Lands, fees, and
annuities, from twenty shillings to five pounds, paid eightpence in
the pound; from five pounds to ten pounds, sixteen pence; from ten
pounds to twenty pounds, two shillings; from twenty pounds and
upwards, three shillings.
A.D. 1543. { henry vm. 287
dissolved the monasteries, and sold their revenues, or bestowed
them on his nobility and courtiers, that he had killed the hen
which brought him the golden eggs.*
The parliament also facilitated the execution of the former
law by which the king's proclamations were made equal to
statutes : they appointed that any nine councillors should form
a legal court for punishing all disobedience to proclamations.
The total abolition of juries in criminal causes, as well as oi
all parliaments, seemed, if the king had so pleased, the neces-
sary consequence of this enormous law. He might issue a
proclamation enjoining the execution of any penal statute, and
afterwards try the criminals, not for breach of the statute,
but for disobedience to his proclamation. It is remarkable,
that Lord Mountjoy entered a protest against this law ; and it
is equally remarkable that that protest is the only one entered
against any public bill during this whole reign. t
It was enacted | this session, that any spiritual person who
preached or taught contrary to the doctrine contained in the
king's book, the Erudition of a Christian Man, or contrary to
any doctrine which he should thereafter promulgate, was to
be admitted on the first conviction to renounce his error ; on
the second, he was required to carry a fagot ; which if he
refused to do, or fell into a third offence, he was to be burnt.
But the laity, for the third offence, were only to forfeit their
goods and chattels, and be liable to perpetual imprisonment.
Indictments must be laid within a year after the offence, and
the prisoner was allowed to bring witnesses for his exculpation.
These penalties were lighter than those which were formerly
imposed on a denial of the real presence : it was, however,
subjoined in this statute, that the act of the six articles was still
in force. But in order to make the king more entirely master
of his people, it was enacted, that he might hereafter, at his
pleasure, change this act, or any provision it it. By this
clause, both parties were retained in subjection : so far as
regarded religion, the king was invested, in the fullest manner,
v/ith the sole legislative authority in his kingdom ; and all his
subjects were, under the severest penalties, expressly bound
to receive implicitly whatever doctrine he should please fa
recommend to them.
The reformers began to entertain hopes that this great
* Collier, vol. ii. p. 176. t Burnet, vol. i. p. 322.
t 34 and 35 Henry VIII. e. 1.
288 HIS1VUY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 164S,
power of the crown might still be employed in their favoi
The king married Catharine Par, widow of Nevil, Lord Lati-
mer ; a woman of virtue, and somewhat inclined to the new
doctrine. By this marriage Henry confirmed what had ibr-
merly been foretold in jest, that he would be obliged to espouse
a widow. The king's league with the emperor seemed a cir-
cumstance no less favorable to the Catholic party ; and thus
matters remained still nearly balanced between the factions.
The advantages gained by this powerful confederacy be-
tween Henry and Charles, were inconsiderable during the
present year. The campaign was opened with a victory
gained by the duke of Cleves. Francis's ally, over the forces
of the emperor :* Francis, in person, took the field early ; and
made himself master, without resistance, of the whole duchy
of Luxembourg : he afterwards took Landrecy, and added
some fortifications to it. Charles, having at last assembled a
powerful army, appeared in the Low Country ; and after
taking almost every fortress in the duchy of Cleves, he reduced
the duke 1o accept of the terms which he was pleased to pre-
scribe to hnii. Being then joined by a body of six thousand
English, he sat down before Landrecy, and covered the siege
with an army of above forty thousand men. Francis advanced
at the head of an army not much inferior ; as if he intended
to give the emperor battle, or oblige him to raise the siege :
but while these two rival monarchs were facing each other,
aud all men were in expectation of some great event, the
French king found means of throwing succor into Landrecy ;
and having thus effected his purpose, he skilfully made a
retreat. Charles, finding the season far advanced, despaired
of success in his enterprise, and found it necessary to go into
winter quarters.
The vanity of Henry was flattered by the figure which he
made in the great transactions on the continent ; but the
interests of his kingdom were more deeply concerned in tho
event of affairs in Scotland. Arran, the governor, was of so
indolent and unambitious a character, that, had he not been
stimulated by his friends and dependents, he never had aspired
to any share in the administration ; and when he found him-
self overpowered by the party of the queen dowager, the
cardinal, «md the earl of Lenox, he was glad to accept of any
Lefms of accommodation, however dishonorable He even
* Mem. du Eellai, !ih. x.
A. D. 1543. J henry vni. 280
gave them a sure pledge of his sincerity, by renouncing the
principles of the reformers, and reconciling himself to the Ro-
mish communion in the Franciscan church at Stirling. By this
weakness and levity, he lost his credit with the whole nation,
and rendered the Protestants, who were hitherto the chief
support of his power, his mortal enemies. The cardinal
acquired an entire ascendant in the kingdom : the queen dow-
ager placed implicit confidence in him : the governor was
obliged to yield to him in every pretension : Lenox alone was
become an obstacle to his measures, and reduced him to
some difficulty.
The inveterate enmity which had taken place between the
families of Lenox and Arrau, made the interests of these
two noblemen entirely incompatible ; and as the cardinal and
the French party, in order to engage Lenox the more in their
cause, had flattered him with the hopes of succeeding to the
crown after their infant sovereign, this rivalship had tended
still further to rouse the animosity of the Hamiltons. Lenox,
too, had been encouraged to aspire to the marriage of the
queen dowager, which would have given him some preten-
sions to the regency ; and as he was become assuming, on
account of the services which he had rendered the party, the
cardinal found that, since he must choose between the friend-
ship of Lenox and that of Arran, the latter nobleman, who was
more easily governed, and who was invested with present
authority, was in every respect preferable. Lenox, finding
that he was not likely to succeed in his pretensions to the
queen dowager, and that Arran, favored by the cardinal, had
acquired the ascendant, retired to Dunbarton, the governor of
which was entirely at his devotion ; he entered into a secret
correspondence with the English court ; and he summoned
his vassals and partisans to attend him. All those who were
inclined to the Protestant religion, or were on any account
discontented with the cardinal's administration, now regarded
Lenox as the head of their party, and they readily made him
a tender of their services. In a little time he had collected
an army of ten thousand men, and he threatened his enemies
with immediate destruction. The cardinal had no equal force
to oppose to him ; but as he was a prudent man, he foresaw^
that Lenox could not long subsist so great an army, and he'-
endeavored to gain time by opening a negotiation with him.
Be seduced his followers by various artifices ; he prevailed
on the Douglases to change party ; he represented to the
"JL. in. — N
290 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.]). 1644
whole nation the danger of civil Avars and commotions ; and
Lenox, observing the unequal contest in which he was
engaged, was at last obliged to lay down his aims, and to ac-
cept of an accommodation with the governor and the cardinal.
Present peace was restored ; but no confidence took place
between the parties. Lenox, fortifying his castles, and putting
mmself in a posture of defence, waited the arrival Oi English
succors, from whose assistance alone he expected to obtain
the superiority over his enemies.
[1514.] While the winter season restrained Henry from
military operations, he summoned a new parliament, in which
a law was passed, such as he was pleased to dictate, with
legard to the succession of the crown. After declaring that
the prince of Wales, or any of the king's male issue, were
first and immediate heirs to the crown, the parliament restored
the two princesses, Mary and Elizabeth, to their right of suc-
cession. This seemed a reasonable piece of justice, and
corrected what the king's former violence had thrown into
confusion ; but it was impossible for Henry to do any thing,
how laudable soever, without betraying, in some circumstance,
his usual extravagance and caprice : though he opened the
way ibr these two princesses to mount the throne, he woulc?
not allow the acts to be reversed which had declared them
illegitimate ; he made the parliament confer on him a power
of still excluding them, if they refused to submit to any
conditions which he should be pleased to impose ; and he
required them to enact, that, in default of his own issue, he
might dispose of the crown as he pleased, by will or letters
patent. He did not probably foresee that, in proportion as he
degraded the parliament, by rendering it the passive mstru-
ment of his variable and violent inclinations, he taught ih«
people to regard all its acts as invalid, and thereby defeated
even the purposes which he was so bent to attain.
An act passed, declaring that the king's usual style should
be " king of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the
faith, and on earth the supreme head of the church uf Eng-
land and Ireland." It seemed a palpable inconsistency to
retain the title of defender of the faith, which the court &i
Rome had conferred on him for maintaining its cause against
Luther ; and yet subjoin his ecclesiastical supremacy, in
opposition to the claims of that court.
An act also passed lor the remission of the debt which the
king had lately contracted by a general loan levied upon ths
A. D. 1544.] HENRY All. 201
people. It will easily be believed, that after the former act oi
this kind, the loan was not entirely voluntary.* But there was
a peculiar circumstance attending the present statute, which
none but Henry would have thought of; namely, that those
who had already gotten payment, either in whole or in part,
should refund the money to the exchequer.
The oaths which Henry imposed for the security of his
ecclesiastical model, were not more reasonable than his other
measures. All his subjects of any distinction had already
been obliged to renounce the pope's supremacy ; but as the
clauses to which they swore had not been deemed entirely
satisfactory, another oath was imposed ; and it was added,
that all those who had taken the former oaths should be
understood to have taken the new one ; f a strange supposi-
tion ! to represent men as bound by an oath which they had
never taken.
The most commendable law to which the parliament gave
their sanction, M r as that by which they mitigated the law of
the six articles, and enacted, that no person should be put to
his trial upon an accusation concerning any of the offences
comprised in that sanguinary statute, except on the oath of
twelve persons before commissioners authorized for the pur-
pose ; and that no person should be arrested or committed to
ward for any such offence before he was indicted. Any
preacher accused of speaking in his sermon contrary to these
articles, must be indicted within forty days.
The king always experienced the limits of his authority
whenever he demanded subsidies, however moderate, from
the parliament ; and therefore, not to hazard a refusal, he
made no mention this session of a supply : but as his wars
both in France and Scotland, as well as his usual prodigality,
had involved him in great expense, he had recourse to other
methods of filling his exchequer. Notwithstanding the former
abolition of his debts, he yet required new loans from his
subjects ; and he enhanced gold from forty-five shillings to
forty-eight an ounce, and silver from three shillings xnd nine-
pen ze to four shillings. His pretence for this innovation was,
to prevent the money from being exported ; as if that expedi-
ent could any wise serve the purpose. He even coined some
base money, and ordered it to be current by proclamation
He named commissioners for levying a benevolence, and h«
* 35 Henry VIII. c 12. t 35 Henry VIII. c. 1.
292 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1544,
extorted about seventy thousand pounds by this expedient.
Read, alderman of London,* a man somewhat advanced in
years, having refused to contribute, or not coming up to the
expectation of the commissioners, was enrolled as a foot
soldier in the Scottish wars, and was there taken prisoner.
Roach, who had been equally refractory, was thrown into
prison, and obtained not his liberty but by paying a large com-
position.f These powers of the prerogative, (which at that
time passed unquestioned,) the compelling of any man to serve
in any office, and the imprisoning of any man during pleasure,
not to mention tbe practice of extorting loans, rendered the
sovereign in a manner absolute master of the person and prop-
erty of every individual.
Early this year the king sent a fleet and army to invade
Scotland. The fleet consisted of near two hundred vessels,
and carried on board ten thousand men. Dudley, Lord Lisle,
commanded the sea forces ; the earl of Hertford the land
The troops were disembarked near Leith ; and after dispers
ing a small body which opposed them, they took that towr.
without resistance, and then marched to Edinburgh. The
gates were soon beaten down, (for little or no resistance was
made,) and the English first pillaged, and then set fire to the
city. The regent and cardinal were not prepared to oppose
so great a force, and they fled to Stirling. Hertford marched
eastward ; and being joined by a new body under Evers,
warden of the east marches, he laid waste the whole country,
burned and destroyed Haddington and Dunbar, then retreated
into England ; having lost only forty men in the whole expe-
dition. The earl of Arran collected some forces ; but finding
that the English were already departed, he turned them
against Lenox, who was justly suspected of a correspondence
with the enemy. That nobleman, after making some resist-
ance, was obliged to fly into England, where Henry settled a
pension on him, and even gave him his niece, lady Margaret
Douglas, in marriage. In return, Lenox stipulated conditions,
by which, had he been able to execute them, he must have
reduced his country to total servitude. X
Henry's policy was blamed in this sudden and violent
incursion, by which he inflamed the passions of the Scots,
* Herbert. Stowe, p. 5S8. Baker, p. 292.
t Goodwin's Annals. Stowe, p. 589
t Rymer, vol. xv. p. 23, 29.
A.D.I 544. J henry vm. 29?
without subduing their spirits ; and it was commonly said, thai
he did too much, if he intended to solicit an alliance, and too
little, if he meant a conquest.* But the reason of his recall-
ing the troops so soon, was his eagerness to carry on a pro-
jected enterprise against France, in which he intended to
employ the whole lorce of his kingdom. He had concerted
a plan with the emperor, which threatened the total ruin of
that monarchy, and must, as a necessary consequence, have
involved the ruin of England. These two princes had agreed
to invade France with forces amounting to above a hun-
dred thousand men : Henry engaged to set out from Calais ;
Charles from the Low Countries : they were to enter on no
siege ; but leaving all the frontier towns behind them, to
march directly to Paris, where they were to join their forces,
and thence to proceed to the entire conquest of the kingdom.
Francis could not oppose to these formidable preparations
much above forty thousand men.
Henry, having appointed the queen regent during his absence,
passed over to Calais with thirty thousand men, accompanied
by the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, Fitzalan earl of Arundel,
Vere earl of Oxford, the carl of Surrey, Paulet Lord St. John,
Lord Ferrars of Chartley, Lord Mountjoy, Lord Grey of
Wilton, Sir Anthony Brown, Sir Francis Bryan, and the most
nourishing nobility and gentry of his kingdom. The English
army was soon joined by the count de Buren, admiral of
Flanders, with ten thousand foot and lour thousand horse ;
and the whole composed an army which nothing on that
frontier was able to resist. The chief force of the French
armies was drawn to the side of Champagne, in order to
oppose the imperialists.
The emperor, with an army of near sixty thousand men,
had taken the field much earlier than Henry ; and not to
lose time while he waited for the arrival of his confederate,
lie sat down before Luxembourg, which was surrendered to
him : he thence proceeded to Commercy, on the Meuse,
which he took : Ligny met with the same fate : he next laid
siege to St. Disier, on the Marne, which, though a weak place,
made a brave resistance under the count of Sancerre, the gov
ernor, and the siege was protracted beyond expectation.
The emperor was employed before this town at the time
the English forces were assembled in Picardy. Henry,
* Herbert. Burnet.
294 HISTORY OT ENGLAND. [A. D. 1544
either t?mpted by the defenceless condition of the French
frontier, or thinking that the emperor had first broken his
engagement by forming sieges, or, perhaps, foreseeing at last
the dangerous consequences of entirely subduing the French
power, instead of marching forward to Paris, sat down before
Montreuil and Boulogne. The duke of Norfolk commanded
the army before Montreuil ; the king himself that before
Boulogne. Vervin was governor of the latter place, and
under him Philip Corse, a brave old soldier, who encouraged
the garrison to defend themselves to the last extremity against
the English. He was killed during the course of the siege,
and the town was immediately surrendered to Henry by the
cowardice of Vervin, who was afterwards beheaded for this
dishonorable capitulation.
During the course of this siege, Charles had taken St.
Disier ; and finding the season much advanced, he began
to hearken to a treaty of peace with France, since all his
schemes for subduing that kingdom were likely to prove
abortive. In order to have a pretence for deserting his ally,
he sent a messenger to the English camp, requiring Henry
immediately to fulfil his engagements, and to meet him with
his army before Paris. Henry replied, that he was too far
engaged in the siege of Boulogne to raise it with honor, and
that the emperor himself had first broken the concert by
besieging St. Disier. This answer served Charles as a suffi-
cient reason for concluding a peace with Francis at Crepy,
where no mention was made of England. He stipulated to
give Flanders as a dowry to his daughter, whom he agreed tc
marry to the duke of Orleans, Francis's second son ; and
Francis, in return, withdrew his troops from Piedmont and
Savoy, and renounced all claim to Milan, Naples, and other
territories in Italy. This peace, so advantageous to Francis,
was procured partly by the decisive victory obtained in the
beginning of the campaign by the count of Anguyen over the
imperialists at Cerisolles in Piedmont, partly by the emperor's
great desire to turn his arms against the Protestant princes in
Germany. Charles ordered his troops to separate from the
English in Picardy ; and Henry, finding himself obliged to
raise the siege of Montreuil, returned into England. Tlu9
campaign served to the populace as matter of great triumph
but all men of sense concluded, that the king had, as in all
his former military enterprises, made, at a great expense, an
acquisition wlrch was of no importance.
A.. D. 1545.] h^nry vin. 295
The war with Scotland, meanwhile, was conducted feebly.
and with various success. Sir Ralph Eve.s, now Lord Evers.
and Sir Bryan Latoun, made an inroad into that kingdom ;
and having laid waste the counties of Tiviotdale and the
Merse, they proceeded to the abbey of Coldingham, which
they took possession of, and fortified. The governor assembled
an army of eight thousand men, in order to dislodge them
from this post ; but he had no sooner opened his batteries
before the place, than a sudden panic seized him ; he left the
army, and fled to Dunbar. He complained of the mutiny of
\hs troops, and pretended apprehensions lest they should deliver
nim into the hands of the English ; but his own unwarlike
spirit was generally believed to have been the motive of his
dishonorable flight. The Scottish army, upon the departure
of their general, fell into confusion ; and had not Angus, with
a few of his retainers, brought off the cannon, and protected
their rear, the English might have gained great advantages
over them. Evers, elated with this success, boasted to Henry,
that he had conquered all Scotland to the Forth ; and he
claimed a reward for this important service. The duke of
Norfolk, who knew with what difficulty such acquisitions
would be maintained against a warlike enemy, advised the
king to grant him, as his reward, the conquests of which he
boasted so highly. The next inroad made by the English
showed the vanity of Evers's hopes. [1545.] This general
ied about five thousand men into Tiviotdale, and was employed
m ravaging that country ; when intelligence was brought him
that some Scottish forces appeared near the abbey of Melross.
Angus had roused the governor to more activity ; and a procla-
mation being issued for assembling the troops of the neighbor-
ing counties, a considerable body had repaired thither to oppose
the enemy. Norman Lesly, son of the earl of Rothes, had
also joined the army with some volunteers from Fife ; and he
inspired courage into the whole, as well by this accession of
force, as by his personal bravery and intrepidity. In order to
bring their troops to the necessity of a steady defence, the
Scottish leaders ordered all their cavalry to dismount, and
they resolved to wait, on some high grounds near Ancram,
the assault of the English. The English, whose past successes
had taught them too much to despise the enemy, thought,
when they saw the Scottish horses led off the field, that th
whole army was retiring ; and they hastened to attack them.
The Scots received them in good order; and beiiiir favored bv
E9G HISTORY OF ENGLAND. |A.L> 104
the advantage of the ground, as well as by the surprise of the
English, who expected no resistance, they soon put them to
flight, and pursued them with considerable slaughter. Evers
and Latoun were both killed, and above a thousand men were
made prisoners. In order to support the Scots in this war,
Francis some time after sent over a body of auxiliaries, to the
number of three thousand five hundred men, under the com-
mand of Montgomery, lord of Lorges.* Retinforced by these
succors, the governor assembled an army of fifteen thousand
men at Haddington, and marched thence to ravage the east
borders of England. He laid all waste wherever he came ;
and having met with no considerable resistance, he retired
into his own country, aud disbanded his army. The earl of
Hertford, in revenge, committed ravages on the middle and
west marches ; and the war on both sides was signalized
rather by the ills inflicted on the enemy, than by any con-
siderable advantage gained by either party.
The war likewise between France and England was not
distinguished this year by any memorable event. Francis
had equipped a fleet of above two hundred sail, beside galleys;
and having embarked some land forces on board, he sent them
to make a descent in England.! They sailed to the Isle of
Wight, where they lbund the English fleet lying at anchor in
St. Helen's. It consisted not of above a hundred sail ; and
the admiral thought it most advisable to remain in that road,
in hopes of drawing the French into the narrow channels and
the rocks, which were unknown to them. The two fleets
cannonaded each other for two days ; and except the sinking
of the Mary Rose, one of the largest ships of the English fleet,
the damage on both sides was inconsiderable.
Francis's chief intention in equipping so great a fleet, was
to prevent the English from throwing succors into Boulogne,
which he resolved to besiege ; and for that purpose he ordered
a fort to be built, by which he intended to block up the
harbor. After a considerable loss of time and money, the
fort was found so ill constructed, that he was obliged to
abandon it ; and though he had assembled on that frontier au
army of near forty thousand men, he was not able to eiiect
any considerable enterprise. Henry, in order to defend hia
possessions in France, had levied fourteen thousand Germans;
* Buchanan, lib. xi . Drummond.
+ Beleair. Mem. Hu Bellai.
A.. D. 1545.] HENRY VIII. 297
who, having marched to Fleurines, in the bishopric of Liege,
found that they could advance no farther. The emperoi
would not allow them a passage through his dominions : they
received intelligence of a superior army on the side of France
ready to intercept them : want of occupation and of pay soon
produced a mutiny among them ; and having seized the Eng-
lish commissaries as a security for arrears, they retreated into
their own country. There seems to have been some want
of foresight in this expensive armament.
The great expense of these two wars maintained by Henry,
obliged him to summon a new parliament. The commons
granted him a subsidy, payable in two years, of two shillings
a pound on land.* The spirituality voted him six shillings
a pound. But the parliament, apprehensive lest more de-
mands should be made upon them, endeavored to save them-
selves by a very extraordinary liberality of other people's
property ; by one vote they bestowed on the king all the
revenues of the universities, as well as of the chauntries, free
chapels, t and hospitals. Henry was pleased with this con-
cession, as it increased his power ; but he had no intention to
rob learning of all her endowments ; and he soon took care
to inform the universities that he meant not to touch their
revenues. Thus these ancient and celebrated establishments
owe their existence to the generosity of the king, not to the
protection of this servile and prostitute parliament.
The prostitute spirit of the parliament further appeared in
the preamble of a statute ; J in which they recognize the king
to have always been, by the word of God, supreme head
of the church of England; and acknowledge that archbishops,
bishops, and other ecclesiastical persons, have no manner of
jurisdiction but by his royal mandate; to him alone, say they
and such persons as he shall appoint, full power and authoritj
is given from abot'e to hear and determine all manner of
* Those who possessed goods or money above five pounds, and
below ten, were to pay eightpence a pound ; those above ten pounds
a shilling.
t A chauntry was a little church, chapel, or particular altar in
some cathedral church, etc., endowed with lands or other revenues
for the maintenance of one or more priests daily to say mass cr per-
ioral divine service, for the use of the founders, or such others as
they appointed : free chapels were independent on any church, and
endowed for much the same purpose as the former. Jacob's I.au
Diet.
i 37 Henry VIII. c. 17.
258 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [A. D. 1516.
causes ecclesiastical, and to correct all manner of heresies,
errors, vices, and sins whatsoever. No mention is here made
of the concurrence of a convocation, or even of a parliament.
His proclamations are in effect acknowledged to have not only
the force of law, but the authority of revelation ; and by his
royal power he might regulate the actions of men, control
their words, and even direct their inward sentiments and
opinions.
The king made in person a speech to the parliament on
proroguing them ; in which, after thanking them for their
loving attachment to him, which, he said, equalled what was
ever paid by their ancestors to any king of England, he com
plained of their dissensions, disputes, and animosities in re
ligion. He told them, that the several pulpits were become a
kind of batteries against each other ; and that one preacher
called another heretic and Anabaptist, which was retaliated
by the opprobrious appellations of Papist and hypocrite : that
he had permitted his people the use of the Scriptures, not in
order to furnish them with materials for disputing and railing,
but that he might enable them to inform their consciences
and instruct their children and families : that it grieved his
heart to find how that precious jewel was prostituted, by
being introduced into the conversation of every alehouse and
tavern, and employed as a pretence ibr decrying the spiritual
and legal pastors : and that he was sorry to observe, that
the word of God, while it was the object of so much anxious
speculation, had very little influence on their practice ; and
that, though an imaginary knowledge so much abounded,
charity was daily going to decay.* The king gave good
advice ; but his own example, by encouraging speculation and
dispute, was ill fitted to promote that peaceable submission of
opinion which he recommended.
[1546.] Henry employed in military preparations the
money granted by parliament ; and he sent over the earl of
Hertford and Lord Lisle, the admiral, to Calais, with a body
of nine thousand men, two thirds of which consisted of
foreigners. Some skirmishes of small moment ensued with
the French ; and no hopes of any considerable progress could
be entertained by either party. Henry, whose animosity
against Francis was not violent, had given sufficient vent to
his humor by this short war ; and finding that, from his great
* Hall, fol. 261. Herbert, p. 534.
A.D.I 54b. J henry vm. 299
increase in corpulence and decay in strength, he could not
hope for much longer life, he was desirous of ending a quanel
which might prove dangerous to his kingdom during a minority
Francis likewise, on his part, was not averse to peace with
England ; because, having lately lost his son, the duke of
Orleans, he revived his ancient claim upon Milan, and fore-
saw that hostilities must soon, on that account, break out
between him and the emperor. Commissioners, therefore
having met at Campe, a small place between Arches and
Guisnes, the articles were soon agreed on. and the peace
signed by them The chief conditions were that Henry
should retain Boulogne duriug eight years, or till the former
debt due by Francis should be paid. This debt was settled at
two millions of livres, besides a claim of five hundred thou-
band livres. which was afterwards to be adjusted. Francis
took care to comprehend Scotland in the treaty. Thus all
that Henry obtained by a war which cost him above one mil-
lion three hundred and forty thousand pounds sterling,* was
a bad and a chargeable security for a debt, which was not a
third of the value.
The king, now freed from all foreign wars, had leisure to
give his attention to domestic affairs ; particularly to the estab-
lishment of uniformity in opinion, on which he was so intent.
Though he allowed an English translation of the Bible, he had
hitherto been very careful to keep the mass in Latin ; but he
was at last prevailed on to permit that the litany, a consider-
able part of the service, should be celebrated in the vulgar
tongue ; and by this innovation he excited anew the hopes of
the reformers, who had been somewhat discouraged by the
severe law of the six articles. One petition of the new litany
was a prayer to save us " from the tyranny of the bishop of
Rome, and from all his detestable enormities." Cranmei
employed his credit to draw Henry into further innovations
rind he took advantage of Gardiner's absence, who was sent
on an embassy to the emperor : but Gardiner having written
to the king, that, if he carried his opposition against the
Catholic religion to greater extremities, Charles threatened to
break off all commerce with him, the success of Cranmer's
projects was for some time retarded. Cranmer lost this year
f be most sincere and powerful friend that he possessed at
tourt, Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk ; the queen dowagei
* Hefberl Stowe.
300 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1546
of France, consort to Suffolk, had died some years before.
This nobleman is one instance that lenry was not altogethei
incapable of a cordial and steady friendship ; and Suffolk
seems to have been worthy of the favor which, from hia
earliest youth, he had enjoyed with his master. The king
was sitting in council when informed of Suffolk's death ; and
he took the opportunity both to express his own sorrow foi
the loss, and to celebrate the merits of the deceased. He
declared, that during the whole course of their friendship, his
brother-in-law had never made one attempt to injure an ad-
versary, and had never whispered a word to the disadvantage
of any person. " Is there any of you, my lords, who can
say as much 1" When the king subjoined these words, he
looked round in all their faces, and saw that confusion which
the consciousness of secret guilt naturally threw upon them.*
Cranmer himself, when bereaved of this support, was the
more exposed to those cabals of the courtiers, which the
opposition in party and religion, joined to the usual motives
of interest, rendered so frequent among Henry's ministers
and counsellors. The Catholics took hold of the king by his
passion for orthodoxy ; and they represented to him, that, if
his laudable zeal for enforcing the truth met with no bettei
success, it was altogether owing to the primate, whose example
and encouragement were, in reality, the secret supports of
heresy. Henry, seeing the point at which they aimed, feigned
a compliance, and desired the council to make inquiry into
Cranmer's conduct ; promising that, if he were found guilty,
he should be committed to prison, and brought to condign
punishment. Every body now considered the primate as
lost ; and his old friends, from interested views, a? well as the
opposite party from animosity, began to show him marks of
neglect and disregard. He was obliged to stand several
hours among the lackeys at the door of the council chamber
before he could be admitted ; and when he was at last called
in, he was told that they had determined to send him to the
Tower. Cranmer said, that he appealed to the king himself ;
ind finding his appeal disregarded, he produced a ring, which
Henry had given him as a pledge of favor and protection.
The council were confounded ; and when they caxr.e before
the king, he reproved them in the severest terms ; and told
Vhem, that he was well acquainted with Cranmer's merit, as
* Coke"s Inst. can. 99.
A.D. 1546.] henry vin. 301
vveil as with then malignity and envy ; but he was determined
to crush all their cabals, and to teach them by the severest
discipline, since gentle methods were ineffectual, a more duti-
ful concurrence in promoting his service. Norfolk, who was
Cranmer's capital enemy, apologized for their conduct, and
said, that their only intention was to set the primate's inno-
cence in a full light, by bringing him to an open trial ; and
Henry obliged them all to embrace him, as a sign of their cor-
dial reconciliation. The mild temper of Cranmer rendered
this agreement more sincere on his part than is usual in such
forced compliances.*
But though Henry's favor for Cranmer rendered fruitless all
accusations against him, his pride and peevishness, irritated by
his declining state of health, impelled him to punish with fresh
severity all others who presumed to entertain a different opin-
ion from himself, particularly in the capital point of the real
presence. Anne Ascue, a young woman of merit as well as
beauty,t who had great connections with the chief ladies at
court, and with the queen herself, was accused of dogmatiz-
ing on that delicate article ; and Henry, instead of showing
indulgence to the weakness of her sex and age, was but the
more provoked, that a woman should dare to oppose his theo-
logical sentiments. She was prevailed on by Bonner's men-
aces to make a seeming recantation ; but she qualified it with
some reserves, which did not satisfy that zealous prelate. She
was thrown into prison, and she there employed herself in
composing prayers and discourses, by which she fortified hei
resolution to endure the utmost extremity rather than relin-
quish her religious principles. She even wrote to the king,
and told him, that as to the Lord's Supper, she believed as
much as Christ himself had said of it, and as much of his
divine doctrine as the Catholic church had required : but while
she could not be brought to acknowledge an assent to the
lung's explications, this declaration availed her nothing, and
was rather regarded as a fresh insult. The chancellor, Wrio-
thesely, wdio had succeeded Audley, and who was much at-
tached to the Catholic party, was sent to examine her with
regard to her patrons at court, and the great ladies who were
in correspondence with her : but she maintained a laudable
fide'ity to her friends, and would confess nothing. She was
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 342, 344 Antiq. Brit, in vita Cranru
t Bale. Speed, p. 780
&G2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1546
^tut to the torture in the most barbarous manner, and contin-
ued still resolute in preserving secrecy. Some authors* add
an extraordinary circumstance ; that the chancellor, who stood
by, ordered the lieutenant of the Tower to, stretch the rack
still farther ; but that officer refused compliance ; the chancel-
lor menaced him, but met with a new refusal ; upon which
that magistrate, who was otherwise a person of merit, but in-
toxicated with religious zeal, put his own hand to the rack,
md drew it so violently that he almost tore her body asunder.
Her constancy still surpassed the barbarity of her persecutors,
and they found all their efforts to be baffled. She was then
condemned to be burned alive ; and being so dislocated by the
rack that she could not stand, she was carried to the stake
in a chair. Together with her were conducted Nicholas Be-
lenian, a priest, John Lassels. of the king's household, and
John Adams, a tailor, who had been condemned for the same
crime to the same punishment. They were all tied to the
stake ; and in that dreadful situation the chancellor sent to
inform them, that their pardon was ready drawn and signed,
and should instantly be given them if they would merit it by
a recantation. They only regarded this offer as a new orna-
ment to their crown of martyrdom ; and they saw with tran-
quillity the executioner kindle the flames which consumed
them. Wriothesley did not consider, that this public and
noted situation interested their honor the more to maintain a
eteady perseverance.
Though the secrecy and fidelity of Anne Ascue saved the
queen from this peril, that princess soon after fell into a new
danger, from which she narrowly escaped. An ulcer had
broken out in the king's leg, which, added to his extreme
corpulency and his bad habit of body, began both to threaten
his life and to render him even more than usually peevish and
passionate. The queen attended him with the most tender
and dutiful care, and endeavored, by every soothing art anu
compliance, to allay those gusts of humor to which he was
become so subject. His favorite topic of conversation Avaa
theology; and Catharine, whose good sense enabled her to
discourse on any subject, was frequently engaged in the argu-
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 578. Speed, p. 780. Baker, p. 299. But Burnet
questions the truth of this circumstance; Fox, however, transcribe*
her own papers, where she relates i f . I must add. in justice to the
king, that he disapproved of Wricth* slo\-\s conduct, and commended
•he 'lieutenant.
A. D J516.J henry vm. 303
ment , and being secretly inclined to the principles of th«
reformers, she unwarily betrayed too much of her mind on
these occasions. Henry, highly provoked that she should pre-
sume to differ from him, complained of her obstinacy to Gar-
diner, who gladly laid hold of the opportunity to inflame the
quarrel. He praised the king's anxious concern for preserv-
ing the orthodoxy of his subjects ; and represented, that the
more elevated the person was who was chastised, and the
more near to his person, the greater terror would the example
strike into every one, and the more glorious would the sacri-
fice appear to posterity. The chancellor, being consulted,
was engaged by religious zeal to second these topics ; and
Henry, hurried on by his own impetuous temper, and encour-
aged by his counsellors, went so far as to order articles of
impeachment, to be drawn up against his consort. Wriothesely
executed his commands ; and soon after brought the paper to
him to be signed ; for, as it was high treason to throw slander
upon the queen, he might otherwise have been questioned for
his temerity. By some means this important paper fell into the
hands of one of the queen's friends, who immediately carried
the intelligence to her. She was sensible of the extreme danger
to which she was exposed ; but did not despair of being able, by
her prudence and address, still to elude the efforts of her ene-
mies. She paid her usual visit to the king, and found him in
a more serene disposition than she had reason to expect. Ho
entered on the subject which was so familiar to him ; and he
seemed to challenge her to an argument in divinity. She gently
declined the conversation, and remarked, that such profound
speculations were ill suited to the natural imbecility of her
sex. Women, she said, by their first creation, were made
subject to men : the male was created after the image of
God, the female after the image of the male : it belonged to
the husband to choose principles for his wife ; the wife's duty
was. in all cases, to adopt implicitly the sentiments of her
husband : and as to herself, it was doubly her duty, being
blest with a husband who was qualified by his judgment and
learning not only to choose principles for his own family, but
for the most wise and knowing of ever}* nation. " Xot so ! by
St. Mary," replied the king; "you are now become a doctor,
Kate, and better fitted to give than receive instruction."
She meekly replied, that she was sensible how little she was
entitled to these praises ; that though she usually declined not
any boriversalior however sublime, when proposed by his
304 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [AD. 1345
majesty, she well knew that her conceptions could serve to nc
other purpose than to give him a little momentary amusement :
that she found the conversation apt to languish when not
revived by some opposition, and she had ventured sometimes
to feign a contrariety of sentiments, in order to give him
the pleasure of refuting her ; and that she also purposed,
by this innocent artifice, to engage him into topics, whence
§he had observed, by frequent experience, that she reaped
rofit and instruction. "And is it so, sweetheart?" replied
the king, " then are we perfect friends again." He em-
braced her with great affection, and sent her away with
assurances of his protection and kindness. Her enemies, who
knew nothing of this sudden change, prepared next day to
convey her to the Tower, pursuant to the king's warrant.
Henry and Catharine were conversing amicably in the gar-
den, when the chancellor appeared with forty of the pursui-
vants. The king spoke to him at some distance from her ;
and seemed to expostulate with him in the severest manner :
she even overheard the appellations of " knave," " fool," and
•'beast," which he liberally bestowed upon that magistrate;
and then ordered him to depart his presence. She afterwards
interposed to mitigate his anger : he said to her, " Poor soul !
you know not how ill entitled this man is to your good offices.'"
Thenceforth the queen, having narrowly escaped so great a
danger, was careful not to offend Henry's humor by any con-
tradiction ; and Gardiuer, whose malice had endeavored to
widen the breach, could never afterwards regain his favor and
good opinion.*
But Henry's tyrannical disposition, soured by ill health,
burst out soon after to the destruction of a man who possessed
a much superior rank to that of Gardiner. The duke of Nor-
folk and his father, during this whole reign, and even a part
of the foregoing, had been regarded as the greatest subjects in
the kingdom, and had rendered considerable service to the
f.rowu. The duke himself had in his youth acquired reputation
by naval enterprises : he had much contributed to the victory
gained over the Scots at Flodden : he had suppressed a dan-
gerous rebellion in the north ; and he had always done hia
part with honor in all the expeditions against France. For-
tune seemed to conspire with his own industry in raising him
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 344. Herbert, p. 560. Speed, p. 780. Fax'*
Acts and Monuments, vol. ii. p. 5S.
A.D. ]54u.j henry vin. 30f»
to the greatest elevation. From the favors heaped on him by
the crown he had acquired an immense estate : the king had
successively been married to two of his nieces ; and the king's
natural sou, the duke of Richmond, had married his daughter :
besides his descent from the ancient family of the Mou brays.
by which he was allied to the throne, he had espoused a
daughter of the duke of Buckingham, who was descended by
B. female from Edward III. : and as he was believed still to
adhere secretly to the ancient religion, he was regarded, both
abroad and at home, as the head of the Catholic party. But
all these circumstances, in proportion as they exalted the duke,
provoked the jealousy of Henry ; and he foresaw danger,
during his son's minority, both to the public tranquillity,
and to the new ecclesiastical system, from the attempts
of so potent a subject. But nothing tended more to expose
Norfolk to the king's displeasure, than the prejudices which
Henry had entertained against the earl of Surrey, son of that
nobleman.
Surrey was a young man of the most promising hopes, and
had distinguished himself by every accomplishment which
became a scholar, a courtier, and a soldier. He excelled in
ail the military exercises which were then in request : he
encouraged the fine arts by his patronage and example : he
had made some successful attempts in poetry ; and being
smitten with the romantic gallantry of the age, he celebrated
the praises of his mistress by his pen and his lance, in every
masque and tournament. His spirit and ambition were equal
to his talents and his quality ; and he did not always regulate
his conduct by the caution and reserve which his situation
required. He had been left governor of Boulogne when that
town was taken by Henry ; but though his personal bravery
was unquestioned, he had been unfortunate in some rencoun-
ters with the French. The king, somewhat displeased with his
conduct, had sent over Hertford to command in his place ;
and Surrey was so imprudent as to drop some menacing ex-
pressions against the ministers, on account of this affront which
was put upon him. And as he had refused to marry Hert-
ford's daughter, and even waived every other proposal of
marriage, Henry imagined that he had entertained views of
espousing the lady Mary ; and he was instantly determined ta
repress, by the most, severe expedients, so dangerous an am-
bition.
Actuated by all these motives, and perhaps influenced bj
d06 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [A. D. 1317
that old disgust with which the ill conduct cf Catharine How-
ard had inspired him against her whole family, he gave
private orders to arrest Norfolk and Surrey ; and they were
on the same day confined in the Tower. Surrey being a
commoner, his trial was the more expeditious ; and as to
proofs, neither parliaments nor juries seem ever to have given
the least attention to them in. any cause of the crown during
this whole reign. [1547.] He was accused of entertaining
hi's family some Italians who were suspected to be spies ; a ser-
vant of his had paid a visit to Cardinal Pole in Italy, whence
he was suspected of holding a correspondence with that
obnoxious prelate ; he had quartered the arms of Edward the
Confessor on his scutcheon, which made him be suspected of
aspiring to the crown, though both he and his ancestors had
openly, during the course of many years, maintained that
practice, and the heralds had even j ustified it by their authority
These were the crimes for which a jury, notwithstanding his
eloquent and spirited defence, condemned the earl of Surrey
for high treason ; and their sentence was soon after executed
upon him.
The innocence of the duke of Norfolk was still, if possible,
more apparent than that of his son ; and his services to the
crown had been greater. His duchess, with whom he lived
on bad terms, had been so base as to carry intelligence to his
enemies of all she knew against him : Elizabeth Holland, a
mistress of his, had been equally subservient to the designs
of the court ; yet with all these advantages, his accusers
discovered no greater crime than his once saying, that the
king was sickly, and could not hold out long ; and the king-
dom was likely to fail into disorders, through the diversity
of religious opinions. He wrote a pathetic letter to the king,
pleading his past services and protesting his innocence : soon
after, he embraced a more proper expedient for appeasing
Henry, by making a submission and confession, such as hi*
enemies required ; but nothing could mollify the unrelenting
temper of the king. He assembled a parliament, as the
surest and most expeditious instrument of his tyranny ; and
,he house of peers, without examining the prisoner, without
trial or evidence, passed a bill of attainder against him, and
sent it down to the commons. Cranmer, though engaged for
many years iu an opposite party to Norfolk, and though he had
received many and great injuries from him, would have no
hand in so unjust a prosecution ; and h r ; retired to his seat al
A.D. 1547.] henr\ vm. 307
Croydon.* The king was now approaching fast towards his
end ; and fearing lest Norfolk should escape him, he sent a
message to tiie commons, by which he desired them to hasten
the bill, on pretence that Norfolk enjoyed the dignity of carl
marshal, and it was necessary to appoint another, who might
officiate at the ensuing ceremony of installing his son prince
of Wales. The obsequious commons obeyed his directions,
though founded on so frivolous a pretence ; and the king,
having affixed the royal assent to the bill by commissioners,
issued orders for the execution of Norfolk on the morning ot
the twenty-ninth of January. But news being carried to the
Tower that the king himself had expired that night, the lien-
tenant deferred obeying the warrant ; and it was not thought
advisable by the council to begin a new reign by the death
of the greatest nobleman in the kingdom, who had been con-
demned by a sentence so unjust and tyrannical.
The king's health had long been in a declining state ; but
for several days all those near him plainly saw his end ap-
proaching. He was become so froward, that no one durst
inform him of his condition ; and as some persons during this
reign had suffered as traitors for fortelling the king's death, t
every one was afraid lest, in the transports of his fury, he
might on this pretence punish capitally the author of such
friendly intelligence. At last, Sir Anthony Denny ventured
to disclose to him the fatal secret, and exhorted him to prepare
lor the late which was awaiting him. He expressed his resig-
nation, and desired that Cranmer might be sent for; but before
the prelate arrived, he was speechless, though he still seemed
lo retain his senses. Cranmer desired him to give some sign
of his dying in the faith of Christ. He squeezed the prelate's
hand, and immediately expired, after a reign of thirty-seven
years and nine months ; and in the fifty-sixth year of his age.
The king had made his will near a month before his demise ;
in which he confirmed the destination of parliament, by leaving
the crown first to Prince Edward, then to the lady Mary, next
to the lady Elizabeth : the two princesses he obliged, under
the penalty of forfeiting their title to the crown, not to marr*
without consent of the council which he appointed for the
government of his minor son. After his own children, he
settled the succession on Frances Brandon, marchioness of
* Burnet, vol. i. p. 3 18. Fox.
' Lanquet/s Epitome of Chronic'.es in the year 1541.
308 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. 1547
Dorset, eldest daughter of his sister, the French queen ; then
on Eleanor, countess of Cumberland, the second daughter.
In passing over the posterity of the queen of Scots, his eldest
sister, he made use of the power obtained from parliament ;
but as he subjoined that, after the failure of the French queen'd
posterity, the crown should descend to the next lawful heir, it
fterwards became a question, whether these words could be
applied to the Scottish line. It was thought that these princes
were not the next heirs after the house of Suffolk, but before
that house ; and that Henry, by expressing himself in this
manner, meant entirely to exclude them. The late injuries
which he had received from the Scots, had irritated him
extremely against that nation ; and he maintained to the last
that character of violence and caprice by which his life had
been so much distinguished. Another circumstance of his
will may suggest the same reflection with regard to the strange
contrarieties of his temper and conduct : he left money for
masses to be said for delivering his soul from purgatory ; and
though he destroyed all those institutions established by his
ancestors and others for the benefit of their souls, and had
even left the doctrine of purgatory doubtful in all the articles
of faith which he promulgated during his later years, he was
yet determined, when the hour of death was approaching, to
take care at least of his own future repose, and to adhere to
the safer side of the question.*
It is difficult to give a just summary of this prince's qual-
ities : he was so different from himself in different parts of his
reign, that, as is well remarked by Lord Herbert, his history
is his best character and description. The absolute, uncon-
trolled authority which he maintained at home, and the regard
which he acquired among foreign nations, are circumstances
which entitle him, in some degree, to the appellation of a great
prince; while his tyranny and barbarity exclude him from the
character of a good one. He possessed, indeed, great vigoi
of mind, which qualified him for exercising dominion over
men; courage, intrepidity, vigilance, inflexibility; and though
these qualities lay not always under the guidance of a regular
and solid judgment, they were accompanied with good parts
and an extensive capacity ; and every one dreaded a contest
with a man who was known never to yield or to forgive, and
* See his will in Fuller, Heylin. and Rymer p. 110. There is nc
reasonable ground to suspect its authenticity.
A.. I) 1547.] henry vin. 306
who, in every controversy, was determined either to ruin him-
self or his antagonist. A catalogue of his vices would com-
prehend many of the worst qualities incident to human nature ;
violence, cruelty, profusion, rapacity, injustice, obstinacy, arro-
gance, bigotry, presumption, caprice : but neither was he sub-
ject to all these vices in the most extreme degree, nor was he,
at intervals, altogether destitute of virtues : he was sincere,
open> gallant, liberal, and capable at least of a temporary friend-
ship and attachment. In this respect he was unfortunate, that
the incidents of his reign served to display his faults in their
full light : the treatment which he met with from the court of
Rome provoked him to violence ; the danger of a revolt from
his superstitious subjects seemed to require the most extreme
severity. But it must at the same time be acknowledged, that
his situation tended to throw an additional lustre on what was
great and magnanimous in his character; the emulation be-
tween the emperor and the French king rendered his alliance,
notwithstanding his impolitic conduct, of great importance in
Europe : the extensive powers of his prerogative, and the
submissive, not to say slavish disposition of his parliaments,
made it the more easy for him to assume and maintain that
entire dominion by which his reign is so much distinguished
in the English history.
It may seem a little extraordinary, that, notwithstanding his
cruelty, his extortion, his violence, his arbitrary administra-
tion, this prince not only acquired the regard of his subjects,
but never was the object of their hatred : he seems even, in
some degree, to have possessed to the last their love and affec-
tion.^ His exterior qualities were advantageous, and fit to
captivate the multitude : his magnificence and personal bra-
very rendered him illustrious in vulgar eyes ; and it may be
said with truth, that the English in that age were so thoroughly
subdued, that, like Eastern slaves, they were inclined to admire
those acts of violence and tyranny which were exercised over
themselves, and at their own expense.
With regard to foreign states, Henry appears long to have
supported an intercourse of friendship with Francis, more
sincere and disinterested than usually takes place between
neighboring princes. Their common jealousy of the emperor
Charles, and some resemblance in their characters (though
the comparison sets the French monarch in a very supeiior
Strype, vol i. pt 388!
310 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. 1547
and advantageous light,) served as the cement of their mutual
amity. Francis is said to have been affected with the king's
death, and to have expressed much regret for the loss. Hia
own health began to decline : he foretold that he should not
long survive his friend ; * and he died in about two months
after him.
There were ten parliaments summoned by Henry VIII.. and
twenty-three sessions held. The whole time in which these
parliaments sat during this long reign, exceeded not three
years and a half. It amounted not to a twelvemonth during
the first twenty years. The innovations in religion obliged
the king afterwards to call these assemblies more frequently :
but though these Avere the most important transactions thai
ever fell under the cognizance of parliament, their devoted
submission to Henry's will, added to their earnest desire of
soon returning to their country seats, produced a quick de
spatch of the bills, and made the sessions of short duration.
All the king's caprices were indeed blindly complied with, and
no regard was paid to the safety or liberty of the subject.
Besides the violent prosecution of whatever he was pleased to
term heresy, the laws of treason were multiplied beyond all
former precedent. Even words to the disparagement of the
king, queen, or royal issue, were subjected to that penalty ;
and so little care was taken in framing these rigorous statutes,
that they contain obvious contradictions ; insomuch that had
they been strictly executed, every man, without exception
must have fallen under the penalty of treason. By one stat
ute,f for instance, it was declared treason to assert the validity
of the king's marriage, either with Catharine of Arragon 01
Anne Boleyn ; by another, $ it was treason to say any thing to
the disparagement or slander of the princesses Mary and Eliz-
abeth ; and to call them spurious would, no doubt, have been
construed to their slander. Nor would even a profound
silence with regard to these delicate points be able to save a
person from such penalties. For by the former statute, who-
ever refused to answer upon oath to any point contained in
that act, was subjected to the pains of treason. The king,
therefore, needed only propose to any one a question with
regard to the legality of either of his first marriages : if tha
person were silent, he was a traitor by law : if he answered
* Le Thou. f 28 Henry VIII. o. 7.
t 34. 35 Henry v^III. c 1.
A. 1> l6'47.J HENRY /III. 31 i
either in the negative or in the affirmative, he was no less a
traitor. So monstrous were the inconsistencies which arose
from the furious passions of the king and the slavish submis-
sion of his parliaments. It is hard to say whether these con-
tradictions were owing to Henry's precipitancy, or to a formed
design of tyranny.
It may not be improper to recapitulate whatever is memora
ble in the statutes of this reign, whether with regard to govern-
ment or commerce : nothing can better show the genius of the
age than such a review of the laws.
The abolition of the ancient religion much contributed to
the regular execution of justice. While the Catholic supersti-
tion subsisted, there was no possibility of punishing any crime
in the clergy : the church would not permit the magistrate to
try the offences of her members, and she could not herself in-
flict any civil penalties upon them. But Henry restrained these
pernicious immunities : the privilege of clergy was abolished
for the crimes of petty treason, murder, and felony, to all under
the degree of a subdeacon.* But the former superstition not
only protected crimes in the clergy ; it exempted also the
laity from punishment, by affording them shelter in the
churches and sanctuaries. The parliament abridged these
privileges. It was first declared, that no sanctuaries were
allowed in cases of high treason ;t next in those of murd.ei,
felony, rapes, burglary, and petty treason : J and it limited
them iu other particulars. § The further progress of the ref
ormation removed all distinction between the clergy and other
subjects, and also abolished entirely the privileges of sanctua'
ries. These consequences were implied in the neglect of the
canon law.
The only expedient employed to support the military spirit
during this age, was the reviving and extending of some old
laws enacted for the encouragement of archery, on which
me defence of the kingdom was supposed much to depend.
Every man was ordered to have a bow : || butts were ordered to
be erected in every parish ; ^[ and every bowyer was ordered, for
each bow of yew which he made, to make two of elm or witch,
for the service of the common people.** The use of cross-
bows and handguns was also prohibited. ft What rendered the
* 23 Henry VIII. c. 1. t 2G Henry VIII. c. 13.
t 32 Henrv VIII. c. 12. $ 22 Henry VIII. c. 14.
II 3 Henry VIII. e. 3. 13 Henry VIII. c. 3.
** 3 Henrv VIII. c. 3. It 3 Homy VIII. c. 13
312 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [ A. D. 10* .
English bowmen more formidable was, that they carries] hal-
berts with them, by which they were enabled, upon occasion,
to engage in close fight with the enemy.* Frequent musters
or arrays were also made of the people, even during time of
peace ; and all men of substance were obliged to have a com-
plete suit of armor or harness, as it was called .t The martial
spirit of the English, during that age, rendered this precaution,
it was thought, sufficient for the defence of the nation ; and
as the king had then an absolute power of commanding the
service of all his subjects, he could instantly, in case of danger,
appoint new officers, and levy regiments, and collect an army
as numerous as he pleased. When no faction or division pre-
vailed among the people, there Avas no foreign power that ever
thought of invading England. The city of London alone
^ould muster fifteen thousand men. t Discipline, however,
was an advantage wanting to those troops ; though the garrison
of Calais was a nursery of officers, and Tournay first, § Bou-
logne afterwards, served to increase the number. Every one
who served abroad was allowed to alienate his lands without
paying any fees. || A general permission was granted to dis-
pose of land by will. IT The parliament was so little jealous
of its privileges, (which indeed were, at that time, scarcely
worth preserving,) that there is an instance of one Strode,
who, because he had introduced into the lower house some bill
regarding tin, was severely treated by the stannery courts in
Cornwall : heavy fines were imposed on him ; and upon his
refusal to pay, he was thrown into a dungeon, loaded with
irons, and used in such a manner as brought his life in danger :
yet all the notice which the parliament took of this enormity,
even in such a paltry court, was to enact, that no man could
afterwards be questioned for his conduct in parliament.**
This prohibition, however, must be supposed to extend only to
the inferior courts : for as to the king, and privy council, and
star chamber, they were scarcely bound by any law.
There is a bill of tonnage and poundage, which shows what
uncertain ideas the parliament had formed both of their own
privileges and of Ihe rights of the sovereign.tt This duty had
* Herbert.
f Hall, fol. 234. Stowe, p. 515. Holingshed, p. D47.
t Hall, l'ol. 235. Holingshed, p. 547. Stowe, p. 577.
i Hall, fol. 68. II 14 and 15 Henry VIII. o. IS.
IT 34 and 35 Henry VIII. c, 5 ** 4 Henry VIII. o. 8.
U 6 Henry VIII. c 14. -
A.D. 1547.] henry vni. 313
been voted to every king 1 since Henry IV., during the terra of
his own life only : yet Henry VIII. had been allowed to levy
it six ye.irs, without any law ; and though there had been four
parliaments assembled during that time, no attention had been
given either to grant it to him regularly, or restrain him from
levying it. At last the parliament resolved to give him that
supply ; but even in this concession, they plainly show them-
selves at a loss to determine whether they grant it, or whether
he has a right of himself to levy it. They say, that the impo-
sition was made to endure during the natural life of the late
king, and no longer : they yet blame the merchants who had
not paid it to the present king : they observe, that the law for
tonnage and poundage was expired ; yet make no scruple to
call that imposition the king's due : they affirm, that he had
sustained great and manifold losses by those who had defrauded
him of it ; and to provide a remedy, they vote him that supply
during his lifetime, and no longer. It is remarkable that, not-
withstanding this last clause, all his successors for more than a
century persevered in the like irregular practice : if a practice
may deserve that epithet, in which the whole nation acquiesced,
and which gave no offence. But when Charles I. attempted
to continue in the same course which had now received the
sanction of many generations, so much were the opinions of
men altered, that a furious tempest was excited by it ; and
historians, partial or ignorant, still represent this measure as
a most violent and unprecedented enormity in that unhappy
prince.
The king was allowed to make laws for Wales without con-
Bent of parliament.* It was forgotten that, with regard both to
Wales and England, the limitation was abolished by the statute
which gave to the royal proclamations the force of laws.
The foreign commerce of England during this age was
mostly confined to the Netherlands. The inhabitants of the
Low Countries bought the English commodities, and distributed
them into other parts of Europe. Hence the mutual depend-
ence of those countries on each other ; and the great loss sus-
tained by both in case of a rupture. During all the variations
of politics, the sovereigns endeavored to avoid coming to this
extremity ; and though the king usually bore a greater friend-
ship to Francis, the nation always leaned towards the emperor
in 1528, hostilities commenced between England and the
* ft Hanrv VIII.
vat,, -u. — G
Sj4 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [A. D. 1547
Low Countries ; and the inconvenience was soon felt on both
sides. While the Flemings were not allowed to purchase
cloth in England, the English merchants could not buy it
from the clothiers, and the clothiers were obliged to dism.sa
their workmen, who began to be tumultuous for want of bread.
The cardinal, to appease them, sent for the merchants, and
ordered them to buy cloth as usual : they told him that they
could not dispose of it as usual ; and, notwithstanding his
menaces, he could get no other answer from them.* An
agreement was at last made to continue the commerce between
the states, even during war.
It was not till the end of this reign that any salads, carrots,
turnips, or other edible roots were produced in England. The
little of these vegetables that was used, was formerly imported
from Holland and Flanders.t Queen Catharine, when she
wanted a salad, was obliged to despatch a messenger thither
on purpose. The use of hops, and the planting of them, was
introduced from Flanders about the beginning of this reign, 01
end of the preceding.
Foreign artificers, in general, much surpassed the English
in dexterity, industry, and frugality : hence the violent ani-
mosity which the latter on many occasions expressed against
any of the former who were settled in England. They had
the assurance to complain, that all their customers went to
foreign tradesmen; and in the year 1517, being moved by the
seditious sermons of one Dr. Bele, and the intrigues of Lin-
coln, a broker, they raised an insurrection. The apprentices,
and others of the poorer sort, in London, began by breaking
open the prisons, where some persons were confined for insult-
ing foreigners. They next proceeded to the house of Meutas,
a Frenchman, much hated by them ; where they committed
great disorders; killed some of his servants; and plundered
his goods. The mayor could not appease them ; nor Sit
Thomas More, late under sheriff, though much respected in
the city. They also threatened Cardinal Wolsey with some
insult ; and he thought it necessary to fortify his house, and
put himself on his guard. Tired at last with these disorders,
they dispersed themselves ; and the earls of Shrewsbury and
Surrey seized some of them. A proclamation was issued, that
women should not meet together to babble and talk, and that
all men should keep their wives in their houses. Next day
* Hall, fol. 174 t Anderson, vol. i. p. 338.
A.D. 154* j henry Tin. 315
the duke of Norfolk came into the cit) , at the head of thir
teen hundred armed men, and made inquiry into the tumult
Bele and Lincoln, and several others, were sent to theTower>
and condemned for treason. Lincoln and thirteen more
were executed. The other criminals, to the number of foui
hundred, were brought before the king with ropes about theii
necks, fell upon their knees, and cried for mercy. Henry
knew at that time how to pardon ; he dismissed them without
further punishment.*
So great was the number of foreign artisans in the city,
that at least fifteen thousand Flemings alone were at one
time obliged to leave it, by an order of council, when Henry
became jealous of their favor for Queen Catharine. f Henry
himself confesses, in an edict of the star chamber, printed
among the statutes, that the foreigners starved the natives, and
obliged them from idleness to have recourse to theft, murder,
and other enormities, f He also asserts, that the vast multi-
tude of foreigners raised the price of grain and breads And
to prevent an increase of the evil, all foreign artificers were
prohibited from having above two foreigners in their house,
either journeymen or apprentices. A like jealousy arose
against the foreign merchants ; and to appease it, a law was
enacted obliging all denizens to pay the duties imposed upon
aliens. II The parliament had done better to have encouraged
foreign merchants and artisans to come over in greater num-
bers to England ; which might have excited the emulation of
the natives, and have improved their skill. The prisoners in
the kingdom for debts and crimes are asserted, in an act of
parliament, to be sixty thousand persons and above ; If which
is scarcely credible. Harrison asserts, that seventy-two thou-
sand criminals were executed during this reign for theft and
robbery, which would amount nearly to two thousand a year.
He adds, that, in the latter end of Elizabeth's reign, there
were not punished capitally four hundred in a year ; it ap-
appears that, in all England, there are not at present fifty ex-
ecuted for those crimes. If these facts be just, there has been
a great improvement in morals since the reign of Henry VIII.
And this improvement has been chiefly owing to the increase
cf industry and of the arts, which have given maintenance,
* Stowe, p. 505. Holingshed. p. 840.
t Le Grand, vol. iii. p. 232. t 21 Henry VIII.
§ 21 Henry VIII. U 22 Henry VIII. c. 8
T 3 Henry VIII. c. 15.
316 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1547
and, what is almost of equal importance, occupation to the
lower classes.
There is a remarkable clause in a statute passed near the
beginning of this reign,* by which we might be induced to
believe that England was extremely decayed from the flour-
ishing condition which it had attained in preceding times. It
had been enacted in the reign of Edward II., that no mag-
istrate in town or borough, who by his office ought to keep
assize, should, during the continuance of his magistracy, sell,
either in wholesale or retail, any wine or victuals. This law
seemed equitable, in order to prevent fraud or private views
in fixing the assize : yet the law is repealed in this reign.
The reason assigned is. that " since the making of that stat-
ute and ordinance, many and the most part of all the cities,
boroughs, and towns corporate, within the realm of England,
are fallen in ruin and decay, and are not inhabited by mer-
chants, and men of such substance as at the time of making
that statute : for at this day the dwellers and inhabitants of"
the same cities and boroughs are commonly bakers, vintners
fishmongers, and other victuallers, and there remain few oth-
ers to bear the offices." Men have such a propensity to exalt
past times above the present, that it seems dangerous to credit
this reasoning of the parliament without further evidence to
support it. So different are the views in which the same ob-
ject appears, that some may be inclined to draw an opposite
inference from this fact. A more regular police was estab-
lished in the reign of Henry VIII. than in any former period,
and a stricter administration of justice ; an advantage which
induced the men of landed property to leave the provincial
towns, and to retire into the country. Cardinal Wolsey, in a
speech to parliament, represented it as a proof of the increase
of riches, that the customs had increased beyond what they
were formerly.!
But if there were really a decay of commerce, and indus-
try, and populousness in England, the statutes of this reign,
except by abolishing monasteries and retrenching holydays —
circumstances of considerable moment — were not in other re-
spects well calculated to remedy the evil. The fixing of the
wages of artificers was attempted : t luxury in apparel was
jirohibited by repeated statutes ; § and probably without effect
* Henry VIII. c 8. t Hall, fol. 110. *
I (i Henry VIII. c. 3.
$ 1 Henry VIII. c. 14. C Henry VIII. c. 1. 1 Henry VIII. c. 7
A.D. 1547.] henr-s vm. 317
The chancellor and other ministers were empowered to fix the
price of poultry, cheese, and butter.* A statute was even passed
to fix the price of beef, pork, mutton, and veal.t Beef and
pork were ordered to be sold at a halfpenny a pound ; mutton
and veal at a halfpenny half a farthing, money of that age.
The preamble of the statute says, that these four species of
butcher's meat were the food of the poorer sort. This act
was afterwards repealed, t
The practice of depopulating the country by abandoning til-
lage, and throwing the lands into pasturage, still continued ; §
as appears by the new laws which were from time to time
enacted against that practice. The king was entitled to half
the rents of thf land, where any farm houses were allowed to
fall to decay. j| The unskilful husbandry was probably the
cause why the proprietors found no profit in tillage. The
number of sheep allowed to be kept in one flock, was re-
strained to two thousand.^! Sometimes, says the statute, one
proprietor or farmer would keep a flock of twenty-four thousand
It is remarkable, that the parliament ascribes the increasing
price of mutton to this increase of sheep : because, say they,
the commodity being gotten into few hands, the price of it is
raised at pleasure.** It is more probable, that the effect pro-
seeded from the daily increase of money ; for it seems almost
impossible that such a commodity could be engrossed.
Ju the year 1544, it appears that an acre of good land in
Cambridgeshire was let at a shilling, or about fifteen pence of
our present money. It This is ten times cheaper than the usual
rent at present. But commodities were not above four times
cheaper ; a presumption of the bad husbandry in that age.
Some laws were made with, regard to beggars and vag-
grants ; tt °ne of the circumstances in government, which
humanity would most powerfully recommend to a benevolent
legislator ; which seems, at first sight, the most easily adjusted ,
and which is yet the most difficult to settle in such a mannei
as to attain the end without destroying industry. The con
vents formerly were a support to the poor ; but at the sam«
time tended to encourage idleness and beggary.
* 25 Henry VIII. c. 2. t 24 Henry VIII. c. S-
I 33 Henry VIII. c. 11. § Strype, vol. i. p. 592.
II 6 Henry VIII. c. 5. 7 Henry VIII. c. 1.
1j 25 Henry VIII. c. 13. ** 25 Henry VIII. c. 13
tt Anderson, vol. i. p. 371.
tt 22 Henry VIII. c 12. 22 Henry VIII. e. 5.
318 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. |A.D. 1547
In 154 6, a law was made for fixing the interest of money
at ten per cent. , the first legal interest known in England.
Formerly all loans of that nature were regarded as usurious.
The preamble of this very law treats the interest of money
as illegal and criminal ; and the prejudices still remained so
strong, that the law permitting interest was repealed in the
lbllowing reign.
This reign, as Avell as many of the foregoing and even
subsequent reigns, abounds with monopolizing laws, confining
particular manufactures to particular towns, or excluding the
open country in general.* There remain still too many traces
of similar absurdities. In the subsequent reign, the corpora
tions which had been opened by a former law, and obliged to
admit tradesmen of different kinds, were again shut up by act
of parliament ; and every one was prohibited from exercising
any trade who was not of the corporation. t
Henry, as he possessed himself some talent for letters, was
an encourager of them in others. He founded Trinity College
in Cambridge, and gave it ample endowments. Wolsey
founded Christ Church in Oxford, and intended to call it
Cardinal College : but upon his fall, which happened before
he had entirely finished his scheme, the king seized all the
revenues ; and this violence, above all the other misfortunes of
that minister, is said to have given him the greatest concern.!
But Henry afterwards restored the revenues of the college,
and only changed the name. The cardinal founded in Oxford
the first chair for teaching Greek ; and this novelty rent that
university into violent factions, which frequently came to blows,
The students divided themselves into parties, which bore the
names of Greeks and Trojans, and sometimes fought with as
great animosity as was formerly exercised by those hostile
nations. A new and more correct method of pronouncing
Greek being introduced, it also divided the Grecians them-
selves into parties ; and it was" remarked that the Catholics
favored the former pronunciation, the Protestants gave coun-
tenance to the new. Gardiner employed the authority of the
king and council to suppress innovations in this particular,
and to preserve the corrupt sound of the Greek alphabet. So
little liberty was then allowed of any kind ! The penalties
* 21 Henry VIII. c. 12. 26 Henry VIII. c. 18. 3 and 4 Edward
VI. c. 20. 5 and 6 Edward "Vic. 24".
t 3 and 4 Edward VI. c 20. J Strype, vol. i. ]\ 117
A. D. 1517. 1 henry vm. 319
inflicted upon the new pronunciation were no less than whip-
ping, degradation, and expulsion ; and the bishop declared,
that rather than permit the liberty of innovating in the pronun-
ciation of the Greek alphabet, it were better that the language
itself were totally banished the universities. The introduction
of the Greek language into Oxford excited the emulation of
Cambridge.* Wolsey intended to have enriched the library
of his college at Oxford with copies of all the manuscripts
that were in the Vatican. t The countenance given to letters
by this king and his ministers contributed to render learning
fashionable in England : Erasmus speaks with great satisfac-
tion of the general regard paid by the nobility and gentry to
men of knowledge. | It is needless to be particular in men-
tioning the writers of this reign or of the preceding. There
is no man of that age who has the least pretension to be
ranked among our classics. Sir Thomas More, though he
wrote in Latin, seems to come the nearest to the charaotei
of a classical author.
* Wood's Hist, and Antiq. Oxon. lib. i. p. 245.
t Wood's Hist, and Antiq. Oxon. lib. i. p. 249.
I Epist. ad Banisium, . 1 , l o Epist. p. 368.
32 U KTSTORY OF ENGLAND. I A D. 1547
CHAPTER XXXIV.
EDWARD VI.
CONTEMPORARY MONARCHS.
Ehp. op Germ. I K. of France. I K. of Spain. I Q. of Scotland. | Popes.
Claries V. Francis .... 1547 Charles V. Mary. Paul III |Mt
I Henry II. I | Julius lit
[1547.] The late king, by the regulations which he im-
posed on the government of his infant son, as well as by the
limitations of the succession, had projected to reign even after
his decease ; and he imagined that his ministers, who had
always been so obsequious to him during his lifetime, would
never afterwards depart from the plan which he had traced
out to them. He fixed the majority of the prince at the com-
pletion of his eighteenth year ; and as Edward was then only
a few months past nine, he appointed sixteen executors ; to
whom, during the minority, he intrusted the government of
the king and kingdom. Their names were, Cranmer, arch-
bishop of Canterbury ; Lord Wriothesely, chancellor ; Lord
St. John, great master ; Lord Russel, privy seal ; the earl
of Hertford, chamberlain ; Viscount Lisle, admiral ; Tonstal,
bishop of Durham ; Sir Anthony Brown, master of horse ',
Sir William Paget, secretary of state ; Sir Edward North,
chancellor of the court of augmentations ; Sir Edward Mon-
tague, chief justice of the common pleas ; Judge Bromley,
Sir Anthony Denny, and Sir William Herbert, chief gentle-
men of the privy chamber ; Sir Edward Wotton, treasurer of
Calais ; Dr. Wotton, dean of Canterbury. To these executors,
with whom was intrusted the whole regal authority, were ap-
pointed twelve counsellors, who possessed no immediate power,
and could only assist with their advice when any affair was
laid before them. The council was composed of the earls
of Arundel and Essex ; Sir Thomas Cheney, treasurer of
the household ; Sir John Gage, comptroller ; Sir Anthony
Wingfield, vice-chamberlain ; Sir William Petre, secretary of
state ; Sir Richard Rich, Sir John Baker, Sir Ralph Sadler,
Si/ Thomas Seymour, Sir Richard Southwell, and Sir Edmund
A. D. 1517. J EDWARD VI. 321
Peckham.* The usual caprice of Henry appears somewhat
in this nomination ; while he appointed several persons of
inferior station among his executors, and gave only the place
of counsellor to a person of such high rank as the earl of
Arundel, and to Sir Thomas Seymour, the king's uncle
But the first act of the executors and counsellors was to
depart from the destination of the late king in a mateiial
article. No sooner were they met, than it was suggested that
the government would lose its dignity for want of some head
who might represent the royal majesty, who might receive
addresses from foreign ambassadors, to whom despatches from
English ministers abroad might be carried, and whose name
might be employed in all orders and proclamations : and as
the king's will seemed to labor under a defect in this particu-
lar, it was deemed necessary to supply it by choosing a pro-
tector; who, though he should possess all the exterior symbols
of royal dignity, should yet be bound, in every act of power,
to follow the opinion of the executors. t This proposal was
very disagreeable to Chancellor Wriothesely. That magis-
trate, a man of an active spirit and high ambition, found him-
self by his office entitled to the first rank in the regency after
the primate ; and as he knew that this prelate had no talent
or inclination for state affairs, he hoped that the direction of
public business would, of course, devolve in a great measui*;
upon himself. He opposed, therefore, the proposal of choos-
ing a protector ; and represented that innovation as an in-
fringement of the late king's will, which, being corroborated
by act of parliament, ought in every thing to be a law to them,
and could not be altered but by the same authority which had
established it. But he seems to have stood alone in the oppo-
sition. The executors and counsellors were mostly courtiera
who had been raised by Henry's favor, not men of high birth
or great hereditary influence ; and as they had been suffi-
ciently accustomed to submission during the reign of the late
monarch, and had no pretensions to govern the nation by their
own authority, they acquiesced the more willingly in a pro-
posal which seemed calculated for preserving public peace
and tranquillity. It being therefore agreed to name a pro
tector, the choice fell, of course, on the earl of Hertford, who,
as he was the king's maternal uncle, was strongly interested
in his safety ; and possessing no claims to inherit the crown,
* Slrype's Memov. vol. ii. p. 457. 1 Burnet vcu « v .7
322 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1547
could never have any separate interest which might lead hirn
to endanger Edward's person or his authority.* The public
was informed by proclamation of this change in the adminis-
tration ; and despatches were sent to all foreign courts to give
them intimation of it. All those who were possessed of any
office resigned their former commissions, and accepted new
ones in the name of the young king. The bishops themselves
were constrained to make a like submission. Care was taken
to insert in their new commissions, that they held their office
during pleasure : t and it is there expressly affirmed, that all
manner of authority and jurisdiction, as well ecclesiastical as
civil, is originally derived from the crown, t
The executors, in their next measure, showed a more sub
missive deference to Henry's will, because many of them
found their account in it. The late king had intended, before
his death, to make a new creation of nobility, in order to
supply the place of those peerages which had fallen by former
attainders, or the failure of issue ; and that he might enable
the new peers to support their dignity, he had resolved either
to bestow estates on them, or advance them to higher offices.
He had even gone so far as to inform them of this resolution ;
and in his will he charged his executors to make good all his
promises. $ That they might ascertain his intentions in the
most authentic manner, Sir William Paget, Sir Anthony
Denny, and Sir William Herbert, with whom Henry had
always conversed in a familiar manner, were called before
the board of regency ; and having given evidence of what
they knew concerning the king's promises, their testimony
was relied on, and the executors proceeded to the fulfilling of
these engagements. Hertford was created duke of Somerset,
mareschal, and lord treasurer ; Wriothesely, earl of South-
ampton ; the earl of Essex, marquis of Northampton ; Vis
count Lisle, earl of Warwick ; Sir Thomas Seymour, Lord
Seymour of Sudley, and admiral ; Sir Puchard Rich, Sir
William Willoughby. Sir Edward Sheffield accepted the
title of baron. || Several, to whom the same dignity was
offered, refused it ; because the other part of the king's
promise, the bestowing of estates on these new noblemen,
* Heylin, Hist. Ref. Edward VI.
' Collier, vol. ii. p. 218. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 6. Strype s Mem. at
,ranm. p. 141.
t Slryr>°'s Mem. of Cranm. p. 141.
i fuller s Heylin, and Rymer. || Stowe's Annals, p. 594.
A.D. 1547.J edward vi. 323
was deferred till a more convenient opportunity. Some of
them, however, as also Somerset, the protector, were, in the
mean time, endowed with spiritual preferments, deaneries, and
prebends. For, among many other invasions of ecclesiastical
privileges and property, this irregular practice of bestowing
spiritual benefices on laymen began now to prevail.
The earl of Southampton had always been engaged in an
opposite party to Somerset ; and it was not likely that factions
which had secretly prevailed even during the arbitrary reign
of Henry, should be suppressed in the weak administration
that usually attends a minority. The former nobleman, that
he might have the greater leisure for attending to public
business, had, of himself and from his own authority, put the
great seal in commission, and had empowered four lawyers,
Southwell, Tregonel, Oliver, and Bellasis, to execute in his
absence the office of chancellor. This measure seemed very
exceptionable ; and the more so, as, two of the commissioners
being canonists, the lawyers suspected that, by this nornina
tion, the chancellor had intended to discredit the common law
Complaints were made to the council, who, influenced by
the protector, gladly laid hold of the opportunity to depress
Southampton. They consulted the judges with regard to so
unusual a case ; and received for answer, that the commission
was illegal, and that the chancellor, by his presumption in
granting it, had justly forfeited the great seal, and was even
liable to punishment. The council summoned him to appear
before them. He maintained that he held his office by the
late king's will, founded on an act of parliament, and could
not lose it without a trial in parliament ; that if the com-
mission which he had granted were found illegal, it might be
cancelled, and all the ill consequences of it be easily remedied ;
and that the depriving him of his office for an error of this
nature, was a precedent by which any other innovation might
be authorized. But the council, notwithstanding these topics
of defence, declared that he had forfeited the great seal ; that
a fine should be imposed upon him ; and that he should be
confined to his own house during pleasure.*
The removal of Southampton increased the protector's au-
thority, as well as tended to suppress faction in the regency ;
yet was not Somerset contented with this advantage ; his ambi-
tion carried him to seek still further acquisitions. On pretence
* Holingshed, p. 979.
324 history of England. [A. D. 1547.
that the vote of the executors, choosing him protector, was not
a sufficient foundation for his authority, he procured a patent
from the young king, by which he entirely overturned the will
of Henry VIII. , produced a total revolution in the govern-
ment, and may seem even to have subverted all the laws
sf the kingdom. He named himself protector with full regal
power, and appointed a council, consisting of all the formel
counsellors, and all the executors, except Southampton ; ho
reserved a power of naming any other counsellors at pleasure ;
and he was bound to consult with such only as he thought
proper. The protector and his council were likewise em
powered to act at discretion, and to execute whatever they
deemed for the public service, without incurring any penalty
o: forfeiture from any law, statute, proclamation, or ordinance
whatsoever.* Even had this patent been more moderate in
its concessions, and had it been drawn by directions from the
executors appointed by Henry, its legality might justly be
questioned ; since it seems essential to a trust of this nature to
be exercised by the persons intrusted, and not to admit of a
delegation to others : but as the patent, by its very tenor,
where the executors are not so much as mentioned, appears
to have been surreptitiously obtained from a minor king, the
protectorship of Somerset was a plain usurpation, which it is
impossible by any arguments to justify. The connivance,
however, of the executors, and their present acquiescence in
the new establishment, made it be universally submitted to ;
and as the young king discovered an extreme attachment to
his uncle, who was also, in the main, a man of moderation and
probity, no objections were made to his power and title. All
men of sense, likewise, who saw the nation divided by the
religious zeal of the opposite sects, deemed it the more neces-
sary to intrust the government to one person, who might check
the exorbitancies of faction, and insure the public tranquillity.
And though some clauses of the patent seemed to imply a
formal subversion of all limited government, so little jealousy
was then usually entertained on that head, that no exception
was ever taken at bare claims or pretensions of this nature,
advanced by any person possessed of sovereign power. The
actual exercise alone of arbitrary administration, and that in
many, and great, and flagrant, and unpopular instances, was
able sometimes to give some umbrage to the nation.
* Burnet, voi ii. Records, No. 0.
A..D. 1547.} edwarp vi. 323
The extensive authority and imper.ous character of Henry
had retained the partisans of both religions in subjection ; but
upon 3ns demise, the hopes of the Protestants and the fears
of the Catholics began to revive, and the zeal of these parties
produced every where disputes and animosities, the usual
preludes to more fatal divisions. The protector had long been
regarded as a secret partisan of the reformers ; and being
now freed from restraint, he scrupled not to discover his
intention of correcting all abuses in the ancient religion,
and of adopting still more of the Protestant innovations. He
took care that all persons intrusted with the king's education
should be attached to the same principles ; and as the young
prince discovered a zeal for every kind of literature, especially
the theological, far beyond his tender years, all men foresaw,
in the course of his reign, the total abolition of the Catholic
faith in England ; and they early began to declare themselves
in favor of those tenets, which were likely to become in the
end entirely prevalent. After Southampton's fall, few mem-
bers of the council seemed to retain any attachment to the
Romish communion ; and most of the counsellors appeared
even sanguine in forwarding the progress of the reformation.
The riches which most of them had acquired from the spoils
of the clergy, induced them to widen the breach between Eng-
land and Rome ; and by establishing a contrariety of specu-
lative tenets, as well as of discipline and worship, to render
a coalition with the mother church altogether impracticable.*
Their rapacity also, the chief source of their reforming spirit,
was excited by the prospect of pillaging the secular, as they
had already dene the regular clergy ; and they knew that
while any share of the old principles remained, or any regard
to the ecclesiastics, they could never hope to succeed in that
enterprise.
The numerous and burdensome superstitions with which the
Romish church was loaded, had thrown many of the reformers,
by the spirit of opposition, into an enthusiastic strain of devo-
tion ; and all rites, ceremonies, pomp, order, and exterior ob-
servances, were zealously proscribed by them, as hinderances
to their spiritual contemplations, and obstructions to their im-
mediate converse with Heaven. Many circumstances concurred
to inflame this daring spirit ; the novelty itself of their doc-
trines, the triumph of making proselytes, the furious persecu
* Goodwin's Annals. Heylin.
826 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1547
tions to which they were exposed, their animosity against the
ancient tenets and practices, and the necessity of procuring the
concurrence of the laity by depressing the hierarchy, and by
tendering to them the plunder of the ecclesiastics. Wherever
the reformation prevailed over the opposition of civil authority,
this genius of religion appeared in its full extent, and was
attended with consequences, which, though less durable, were,
tor some time, not less dangerous than those which were con
aected with the ancient superstition. But as the magistrate
took the lead in England, the transition was more gradual ;
much of the ancient religion was still preserved, and a reason-
able degree of subordination was retained in discipline, as well
as some pomp, order, and ceremony in public worship.
The protector, in his schemes for advancing the reformation,
had always recourse to the counsels of Cranmer, who, being
a man of moderation and prudence, was averse to all violent
changes, and determined to bring over the people, by insensible
innovations, to that system of doctrine and discipline which he
deemed the most pure and perfect. He probably also foresaw,
that a system which carefully avoided the extremes of reforma-
tion, was likely to be most lasting ; and that a devotion, merely
spiritual, was fitted only for the first fervors of a new sect, and
upon the relaxation of these naturally gave place to the inroads
of superstition. He seems therefore to have intended the
establishment of a hierarchy, which, being suited to a great
and settled government, might stand as a perpetual barrier
against Rome, and might retain the reverence of the people,
even after their enthusiastic zeal was diminished, or entirely
evaporated.
The person who opposed with greatest authority any further
advances towards reformation, was Gardiner, bishop of Win
ohester ; who, though he had not obtained a place in tha
council of regency, on account of late disgusts which he had
given to Henry, was entitled, by his age, experience, and
capacity, to the highest trust and confidence of his party.
This prelate still continued to magnify the great wisdom and
learning of the late king, which, indeed, were generally and
eincereiy revered by the nation ; and he insisted on the pru-
dence of persevering, at least till the young king's majority
in the ecclesiastical model established by that great monarch
He defended the use of images, which were now openly
attacked by the Protestants ; and he represented them as ser
viccable in maintaining a sense of religion among th<? illit
A.D 1547.] euward vi 32?
erate multitude.* He even deigned to write an apology loi
' holy water," which Bishop Ridley had decried in a sermon,
and he maintained that, by the power of the Almighty, it
might be rendered an instrument of doing good, as much as
the shadow of St. Peter, the hem of Christ's garment, or the
spittle and clay laid upon the eyes of the blind.t Above all,
he insisted that the laws ought to be observed, that the con-
stitution ought to be preserved inviolate, and that it was dan-
gerous to follow the will of the sovereign, in opposition to an
act of parliament. J
But though there remained at that time in England an idea
of laws and a constitution, sufficient at least to furnish a topic
of argument to such as were discontented with any immediate
exercise of authority, this plea could scarcely, in the present
case, be maintained with any plausibility by Gardiner. An
act of parliament had invested the crown with a legislative
power ; and royal proclamations, even during a minority, were
armed with the force of laws. The protector, finding himself
supported by this statute, was determined to employ his author-
ity in favor of the reformers ; and having suspended, during the
interval, the jurisdiction of the bishops, he appointed a general
visitation to be made in all the dioceses of England. § The
visitors consisted of a mixture of clergy and laity, and had six
circuits assigned them. The chief purport of their instruc-
tions was, besides correcting immoralities and irregularities in
the clergy, to abolish the ancient superstitions, and to bring
the discipline and worship somewhat nearer the practice of
the reformed churches. The moderation of Somerset and
Cranmer is apparent in the conduct of this delicate affair.
The visitors were enjoined to retain for the present all images
which had not been abused to idolatry ; and to instruct the
people not to despise such ceremonies as were not yet abro-
gated, but only to beware of some particular superstitions,
such as the sprinkling of their beds with holy water, and the
ringing of bells, or using of consecrated candles, in order to
drive away the devil. ||
But nothing required more the correcting hand of authority
than the abuse of preaching, which was now generally em
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 712. t Fox, vol. ii. p. 724
J Collier, vol. ii. p. 22S. F >x, vol. ii.
\ Mem. Cranin. p. 146, 147, etc.
JS Burnet, vol. ii. p. 28.
328 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. l<547.
ployed throughout England in defending the ancient prac«
tices and superstitions. The court of augmentation, in ordei
to ease the exchequer of the annuities paid to monks, had
commonly placed them in the vacant churches ; and these
men were led by interest, as well as by inclination, to support
those principles which had been invented for the profit of the
clergy. Orders therefore were given to restrain the topics of
their sermons : twelve homilies were published, which they
were enjoined to read to the people : and all of them were
prohibited, without express permission, from preaching any
where but in their parish churches. The purpose of this
injunction was to throw a restraint on the Catholic divines ;
while the Protestant, by the grant of particular licenses, should
be allowed unbounded liberty.
Bonner made some opposition to these measures ; but soon
after retracted and acquiesced. Gardiner was more high
spirited and more steady. He represented the peril of per-
petual innovations, and the necessity of adhering to some sys-
tem. "'Tis a dangerous thing," said he, "to use too much
freedom in researches of this kind. If you cut the old canal,
the water is apt to run farther than you have a mind to. If
you indulge the humor of novelty, you cannot put a stop to
people's demands, nor govern their indiscretions at pleasure."
" For my part," said he, on another occasion, " my sole con-
cern is, to manage the third and last act of my life with de-
cency, and to make a handsome exit off the stage. Provided
this point is secured, I am not solicitous about the rest. 1
am already by nature condemned to death : no man can give
me a pardon from this sentence ; nor so much as procuie me
a reprieve. To speak my mind, and to act as my conscience
directs, are two branches of liberty which I can never part
with. Sincerity in speech, and integrity in action, are enter-
taining qualities : they will stick by a man when every thing
else takes its leave : and I must not resign them upon any
consideration. The best on it is, if I do not throw them away
myself, no man can force them from me : but if I give them
up, then am I ruined myself, and deserve to lose all my pre-
ferments."* This opposition of Gardiner drew on him the
indignation of the council ; and he was sent to the Fleet,
where he was used with some severity.
* Collier, vol. ii. p. 228, ex MS. Col. C. C Cantak Bibliotheos
Britannica, article Gardiner.
AD. 15-17.] EDWARD Vi. J29
One of the chief objections urged by Gardiner against th«
new homilies was, that they defined with the most metaphysi-
cal precision the doctrines of grace, and of justification by
faith ; points, he thought, which it was superfluous for any
man to know exactly, and which certainly much exceeded the
comprehension of the vulgar. A famous martyrologist calls
Gardiner, on account of this opinion, " an insensible ass, and
one that had no feeling of God's spirit in the matter of justi-
fication." * The meanest Protestant imagined, at that time,
that he had a full comprehension of all those mysterious doc-
trines ; and he heartily despised the most learned and knowing
person of the ancient religion, who acknowledged his igno-
rance with regard to tbem. It is indeed certain, that the re-
formers were very fortunate in their doctrine of justification ;
and might venture to foretell its success, in opposition to all
the ceremonies, shows, and superstitions of Popery. By ex-
alting Christ and his sufferings, and renouncing all claim to
independent merit in ourselves, it was calculated to become
popular, and coincided with those principles of panegyric and
of self-abasement which generally have place in religion.
Tonstal, bishop of Durham, having, as well as Gardiner,
made some opposition to the new regulations, was dismissed
the council ; but no further severity was for the present exer-
cised against him. He was a man of great moderation, and
of the most unexceptionable character in the kingdom.
The same religious zeal which engaged Somerset to pro-
mote the reformation at home, led him to carry his attention
to foreign countries ; where the interests of the Protestants
were now exposed to the most imminent danger. The Roman
pontiff", with much reluctance, and after long delays, had at
last summoned a general council, which was assembled at
Trent, and was employed both in correcting the abuses of the
church, and in ascertaining her doctrines. The emperor,
who desired to repress the power of the court of Home, as
well as gain over the Protestants, promoted the former object
of the council ; the pope, who found his own greatness so
d»aply interested, desired rather to employ them in the latter.
He gave instructions to his legates, who presided in the coun
oil, to protract the debates, and to engage the theologians in
argument, and altercation, and dispute concerning the nice
points of faith canvassed before them ; a policy so easy to be
* Fox, vol. ii.
330 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1547
executed, that the legates soon found it rather necessary to
interpose, in order to appease the animosity of the divines,
and bring them at last to some decision.* The more difficult
task for the legates was, to moderate or divert the zeal of the
council for reformation, and to repress the ambition of tht*
prelates, who desired to exalt the episcopal authority on the
ruins of the sovereign pontiff. Finding this humor become
prevalent, the legates, on pretence that the plague had broken
out at Trent, transferred of a sudden the council to Bologna,
where they hoped it would be more under the direction of his
holiness.
The emperor, no less than the pope, had learned to make
religion subservient to his ambition and policy. He was
resolved to employ the imputation of heresy as a pretence fo*
subduing the Protestant princes, and oppressing the liberties
of Germany ; but found it necessary to cover his intentions
under deep artifice, and to prevent the combination of his
adversaries. He separated the Palatine and the elector of
Brandenburgh from the Protestant confederacy : he took
arms against the elector of Saxony and the landgrave of
Hesse : by the fortune of war he made the former prisoner :
he employed treachery and prevarication against the latter,
and detained him captive, by breaking a safe-conduct which
he had granted him. He seemed to have reached the summit
of his ambition ; and the German princes, who were aston-
ished with his success, were further discouraged by the intelli
gence which they had received of the death, first of Henry
VTIL, then of Francis I., their usual resources in every
calamity. t
Henry II., who succeeded to the crown of France, was a
prince of vigor and abilities ; but less hasty in his resolutions
than Francis, and less inflamed with rivalship and animosity
against the emperor Charles. Though he sent ambassadors
to the princes of the Smalcaldic league, and promised them
protection, he was unwilling, in the commencement of his
reign, to hurry into a war with so great a power as that of the
emperor ; and he thought that the alliance of those princes
was a sure resource, which he could at any time lay hold of. \
He was much governed by the duke of Guise and the cardinal
of Lorraine ; and he hearkened to their counsel, in choosing
father to give immediate assistance to Scotland, his ancient
* Father Paul, lib ii. t Sleidan. t Pere Daniel
A.D. 1547.J EDWARD VI. 3Uj
ally, which, even before the death of Henry VIII., hail loudly
claimed the protection of the French monarchy.
The hatred between the two factions, the partisans of the
ancient and those of the new religion, became every day more
violent, in Scotland ; and the resolution which the cardinal
primate had taken, to employ the most rigorous punishments
against the reformers, brought matters to a quick decision
There was one Wishart, a gentleman by birth, who employed
himself with great zeal in preaching against the ancient super-
stitions, and began to give alarm to the clergy, who were
justly terrified with the danger of some fatal revolution in
religion. This man M'as celebrated lor the purity of his
morals, and for his extensive learning ; but these praises can-
not be much depended on ; because we know that, among the
reformers, severity of manners supplied the place of many
virtues ; and the age was in general so ignorant, that most of
the priests in Scotland imagined the New Testament to be a
composition of Luther's, and asserted that the Old alone was
the Word of God.* But however the case may have stood
with regard to those estimable qualities ascribed to Wishart,
he was strongly possessed with the desire of innovation ; and
he enjoyed those talents which qualified him for becoming
a popular preacher, and for seizing the attention and affec-
tions of the multitude. The magistrates of Dundee, where he
exercised his mission, were alarmed with his progress ; and
being unable or unwilling to treat him with rigor, they con
tented themselves with denying him the liberty of preaching,
and with dismissing him the bounds of their jurisdiction
Wishart, moved with indignation that they had dared to reject
him, together with the word of God, menaced them, in imita-
tion of the ancient prophets, with some imminent calamity ;
and he withdrew to the west country, where he daily increased
the number of his proselytes. Meanwhile, a plague broke
out in Dundee ; and all men exclaimed, that the town had
drawn down the vengeance of Heaven by banishing the pious
preacher, and that the pestilence would never cease, till they
had made him atonement for their offense against him. No
sooner did Wishart hear of this change in their disposition,
than he returned to them, and made them a new tender of his
doctrine : but lest he should spread the contagion by bringing
multitudes together, he erected his pulpit on the top of a gate ;
* See note S. at the end of the volume.
332 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1 S47
the infected stcod within, the others Avithout. And the
preacher failed not, in such a situation, to take advantage of
the immediate terrors of the people, and to enforce his evan
gelical mission.*
The assiduity and success of Wishart became an object of
attention to Cardinal Beatoun ; and he resolved, by the pun-
shmcnt of so celebrated a preacher, to strike a terror into all
other innovators. He engaged the earl of Bothwell to arrest
him, and to deliver him into his hands, contrary to a promise
given by Bothwell to that unhappy man ; and being possessed
of his prey, he conducted him to St. Andrews, where, after a
trial, he condemned him to the flames for heresy. Arran, the
governor, was irresolute in his temper ; and the cardinal,
though he had gained him over to his party, found that he
would not concur in the condemnation and execution of Wish-
art. He determined, therefore, without the assistance of the
secular arm, to bring that heretic to punishment ; and he him-
self beheld from his window the dismal spectacle. Wishart
suffered with the usual patience, but could not forbear remark-
ing the triumph of his insulting enemy. He foretold that, in
a lew days, he should, in the very same place, lie as low aa
now he was exalted aloft in opposition to true piety and reli-
gion. t
This prophecy was probably the immediate cause of the
event which it foretold. The disciptes of this martyr, en-
raged at the cruel execution, formed a conspiracy against the
cardinal ; and having associated to them Norman Lesly, who
was disgusted on account of some private quarrel, they con-
ducted their enterprise with great secrecy and success. Early
in the morning, they entered the cardinal's palace, which he
had strongly fortified, and though they were not above sixteen
persons, they thrust out a hundred tradesmen and fifty ser-
vants, whom they seized separately, before any suspicior
arose of their intentions ; and having shut the gates, they pro-
ceeded very deliberately to execute their purpose on the car-
dinal. That prelate had been alarmed with the noise which
he heard in the castle, and had barricadoed the door of his
chamber ; but finding that they had brought fire in order to
force their way, and having obtained, as is believed, a promise
of life, he opened the door, and reminding them that he was a
* Knox's Hist, of Ref. p. 44. Spotswood.
t Spotswond. Bvchanan.
A.D 1547. 1 ELWAUD vi. 333
priest, he conjured them to spare him. Two of the assassins
rushed upon him with drawn swords ; but a third, James Mel-
vil, more calm and more considerate in villainy, stopped their
career, and bade them reflect, that this sacrifice was the work
and judgment of God, and ought to be executed with becom-
ing deliberation and gravity. Then turning the point of his
word towards Beatoun, he called to him, " Repent thee,
thou wicked cardinal, of all thy sins and iniquities, especially
of the murder of Wishart, that instrument of God for the
conversion of these lands : it is his death which now cries
vengeance upon thee : we are sent by God to inflict the de-
served punishment. For here, belbre the Almighty, I protest,
that it is neither hatred of thy person, nor love of thy riches,
nor fear of thy power, which moves me to seek thy death ,
but only because thou hast been, and still remainest, an obsti-
nate enemy to Christ Jesus and his holy gospel." Having
spoken these words, without giving Beatoun time to finish that
repentance to which he exhorted him, he thrust him through
the body; and the cardinal fell dead at his feet.* This mur-
der was executed on the twenty-eighth of May, 1546. The
assassins, being reenforced by their friends to the number of
a hundred and forty persons, prepared themselves for the
defence of the castle, and sent a messenger to London craving
assistance from Henry. That prince, though Scotland was
comprehended in his peace with France, would not forego the
opportunity of disturbing the government of a rival kingdom ;
and he promised to take them under his protection.
It was the peculiar misfortune of Scotland, that five short
reigns had been followed successively by as many long minor
ities ; and the execution of justice, which the prince was be
ginning to introduce, had been continually interrupted by the
cabals, factions, and animosities of the great. But besides these
inveterate and ancient evils, a new source of disorder had
* The famous Scotch reformer, John Knox, calls James Melvi]
(p. 65) a man most gentle and most modest. It is very horrid, but at
the same time somewhat amusing, to consider the joy, and alacrity
and pleasure which that historian discovers in his narrative of this
assassmatioii ; and it is remarkable, that in the first edition of his
work, these words were printed in the margin of the page : " The
i:odiy Fact and Words of James Melvii. : ' But the following editors
retrenched them. Knox himself had no hand in ths murder of Bea-
toun ; but he afterwards joined the assassins, and assisted tbera in
holdinsr out the castle. See Keith's Hist, of the Ref. of Scotland
p. 43
**34 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1547
arisen, Tlie disputes and contentions of theology, which wen
sufficient to disturb the most settled government ; and the
death of the cardinal, who was possessed of abilities and vigor,
seemed much to weaken the hands of the administration.
But the queen dowager was a woman of uncommon talents
and virtue ; and she did as much to support the government,
and supply the weakness of Arran, the governor, as could he
expected in her situation.
The protector of England, as soon as the state was brought
to some composure, made preparations for war with Scotland ;
and he was determined to execute, if possible, that project of
uniting the two kingdoms by marriage, on which the late king
had been so intent, and which he had recommended with his
dying breath to his executors. He levied an army of eighteen
thousand men, and equipped a fleet of sixty sail, one half of
which were ships of war, the other laden with provisions and
ammunition. He gave the command of the fleet to Lord Clin-
ton : he himself marched at the head of the army, attended by
the earl of Warwick. These hostile measures were covered
with a pretence of revenging some depredations committed by
the borderers : but besides that Somerset revived the ancient
claim of the superiority of the English crown over that of
Scotland, he refused to enter into negotiation on any other
condition than the marriage of the young queen with Edward.
The protector, before he opened the campaign, published a
manifesto, in which he enforced all the arguments for that
measure. He said, that nature seemed originally to have
intended this island for one empire, and having cut it off from
all communication with foreign states, and guarded it by the
ocean, she had pointed out to the inhabitants the road to
happiness and to security ; that the education and customs
of the people concurred with nature ; and, by giving them the
same language, and laws, and manners, had invited them to a
thorough union and coalition : that fortune had at last removed
all obstacles, and had prepared an expedient by which they
might become one people, without leaving any place for that
jealousy either of honor or of interest, to which rival nations
are naturally exposed : that the crown of Scotland had devolved
on a female ; that of England on a male ; and happily tlie
two sovereigns, as of a rank, were also of an age the most
suitable to each other : that the hostile dispositions which pre-
vailed between the nations, and which arose from past injuries,
would soon be extinguished, after a long and secure peace
A. D. 1547.] edward vi. 336
had established confidence between them : that the memory
of former miseries, which at present inflamed their mutual
animosity, would then serve only to make them cherish with
more passion a state of happiness and tranquillity so long
unknown to their ancestors : that when hostilities had ceased
between the kingdoms, the Scottish nobility, who were at
present obliged to remain perpetually in a warlike posture,
would learn to cultivate the arts of peace, and would soften
their minds to a love of domestic order and obedience : that
as this situation was desirable to both kingdoms, so particu-
larly to Scotland, which had been exposed to the greatest
miseries from intestine and foreign wars, and saw herself
every moment in danger of losing her independency by the
eflbrts of a richer and more powerful people : that though
England had claims of superiority, she was willing to resign
every pretension for the sake of future peace ; and desired a
union which would be the more secure, as it would be con-
cluded on terms entirely equal ; and that, besides all these
motives, positive engagements had been taken for completing
this alliance ; and the honor and good faith of the nation were
pledged to fulfil what her interest and safety so loudly de
manded.*
Somerset soon perceived that these remonstrances would
have no influence ; and that the queen dowager's attachment
to France and to the Catholic religion would render ineffectual
all negotiations for the intended marriage. He found himself,
therefore, obliged to try the force of arms, and to constrain
the Scots by necessity to submit to a measure for which they
seemed to have entertained the most incurable aversion. He
passed the borders at Berwick, and advanced towaiis Edin
burgh, without meeting any resistance for some days, except
from some small castles, which he obliged to surrender at dis-
cretion. The protector intended to have punished the gov-
ernor and garrison of one of these castles for their temerity in
resisting such unequal force : but they eluded his anger by
asking only a few hours' respite, till they should prepare them-
selves for death ; after which they found his ears more open
to their applications for mercy. t
The governor of Scotland had summoned together the whole
force of the kingdom ; and his army, double in number to
* Sir John Haywood in Kennet, p. 279. Heylin, p. 42.
t Haywood. Patten.
336 HISTORY OF 1NGLA1VD, [A.D.I 547
that of the English, had taken post on advantageous ground,
guarded by the banks of the Eske, about four miles from
Edinburgh. The English came within sight of them at
Faside ; and after a skirmish between the horse, where the
Scots were worsted, and Lord Hume dangerously wounded,
Somerset prepared himself for a more decisive action. But
having taken a view of the Scottish camp with the earl of
Warwick, he found, it difficult to make an attempt upon it
with any probability of success. He wrote, therefore, anothei
letter to Arran ; and offered to evacuate the kingdom, as well
as to repair all the damages which he had committed, pro-
vided the Scots would stipulate not to contract the queen to
any foreign prince, but to detain her at home till she reached
the age of choosing a husband for herself. So moderate a
demand was rejected by the Scots merely on account of its
moderation ; and it made them imagine that the protector must
either be reduced to great distress, or be influenced by fear,
that he was now contented to abate so much of his former
pretensions. Inflamed also by their priests, who had come to
the camp in great numbers, they believed that the English
were detestable heretics, abhorred of God, and exposed to di-
vine vengeance ; and that no success could ever crown their
arms. They were confirmed in this fond conceit when they
saw the protector change his ground, and move towards the
sea ; nor did they any longer doubt that he intended to embark
his army, and make his escape on board the ships which at that
very time moved into the bay opposite to him.* Determined
therefore to cut off his retreat, they quitted their camp ; and
passing the River Eske, advanced into the plain. They were
divided into three bodies : Angus commanded the vanguard ;
Arran the main body ; Huntley the rear : their cavalry con-
sisted only of light horse, which were placed cti their left
Hank, strengthened by some Irish archers whom Argyle had
brought #yer for this service.
Somerset was much pleased when he saw this movement
of the Scottish army ; and as the English had usually been
superior in pitched battles, he conceived great hopes of sue*
cess. He ranged his van on the left, farthest from the sea ;
and ordered them to remain on the high grounds on which he
placed them, till the enemy should approach : he placed fci.a
main battle and his rear towards the right ; and beyond the
* Holingshed, p. 985.
A D to 47 j EDWARD VI. 337
van lie posted Lord Grey at the head of the men at arms, and
ordered him to take the Scottish van in flank, but not till they
should be engaged in close fight with the van of the English.
While the Scots were advancing on the plain, they were
filled with the artillery from the English ships : the eldest
eon of Lord Graham was killed : the Irish archers were thrown
into disorder ; and even ihc other troops began to stagger :
when Lord Grey, perceiving their situation, neglected his
orders, left his ground, and at the head of his heavy-armed
horse made an attack on tne Scottish infantry, in hopes of
gaining all the honor ot tne victory. On advancing, he found
a slough and ditch in his way ; and 1 behind were ranged the
enemy armed with spears, and the field on which they stood
was fallow ground, broken wiih ridges which lay across their
front, and disordered the movements of the English cavalry.
From all these accidents, the shock of this body of horse was
feeble and irregular ; and as they were received on the points
of the Scottish spears, which were longer than the lances of
the English horsemen, they were in a moment pierced, over-
thrown, and discomfited. Grey himself was dangerously
wounded : Lord Edward Seymour, son of the protector, had
his horse killed under him : the standard was near being
taken : and had the Scots possessed any good body of cavalry
who could have pursued the advantage, the whole Englisr
army had been exposed to great danger.*
The protector, meanwhile, assisted by Sir Ralph Sadlei and
Sir Ralph Vane, employed himself with diligence and success
in rallying the cavalry. Warwick showed great presence of
mind in maintaining the ranks of the foot, on which the horse
had recoiled : he made Sir Peter Meutas advance, captain
of the foot harquebusiers, and Sir Peter Gamboa, captain of
some Italian and Spanish harquebusiers on horseback ; and
ordered them to ply the Scottish infantry with their shot.
They marched to the slough, and discharged their pieces full
in the face of the enemy : the ships galled them from the
flank : the artillery, planted on a height, infested them from
the front : the English archers poured in a shower of arrows
upon them : and the vanguard, descending from the hill,
advanced leisurely and in good order towards them. Dis-
mayed with all these circumstances, the Scottish van began
to retreat : the retreat soon changed into a flight, which wa»
* Patten. Holingshed, o. 9S6.
vol rn. — P
338 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A D. 1547
begun by the Irish archers. The panic of the van communi
cated itself to the main body, and passing thence to the rear
rendered the whole field a scene of confusion, terror, flight,
and consternation. The English army perceived from the
heights the condition of the Scots, and began the pursuit with
loud shouts and acclamations, which added still more to the
dismay of the vanquished. The horse in particular, eager tt
revenge the affront which they had received in the beginning,
of the day, did the most bloody execution on the flying enemy ,
and from the field of battle to Edinburgh, for the space of five
miles, the whole ground was strewed with dead bodies. The
priests, above all, and the monks, received no quarter; and
the English made sport of slaughtering men who, from their ex
treme zeal and animosity, had engaged in an enterrpise so if
befitting their profession. Few victories have been mora
decisive, or gamed with smaller loss to the conquerois. There
fell not two hundred of the English ; and according to the
most moderate computation, there perished above ten thousand
of the Scots. About fifteen hundred were taken prisoners.
This action was called the battle of Pinkey, from a noble-
man's seat of that name in the neighborhood.
The queen dowager and Arran fled to Stirling, and were
scarcely able to collect such a body of forces as could check
the incursions of small parties of the English. About the
same time, the earl of Lenox and Lord Wharton entered the
west marches, at the head of five thousand men ; and after
taking and plundering Annan, they spread devastation, over
all the neighboring counties.* Had Somerset prosecuted his
advantages, he might have imposed what terms he pleased on
the Scottish nation : but he was impatient to return to Eng
land, where, he heard, some counsellors, and even his own
brother, the admiral, were carrying on cabals against his
authority. Having taken the castles of Hume, Dunglass,
Eymouth, Fastcastle, ILoxborough, and some other small
places, and having received the submission of some counties
on the borders, he retired from Scotland. The fleet, besides
destroying all the shipping along the coast, took Broughty, in
the Frith of Tay ; and having fortified it, they there left a
garrison. Arran desired leave to send commissioners in order
to treat of a peace ; and Somerset, having appointed Berwick
for the place of conference, left Warwick with full powers tti
* Holinirshed, p. 992.
A. D. 1547.] edward vi. 339
negotiate : but no commissioners from Scotland ever appear
ed. The overture of the Scots was an artifice, to gain time
till succors should arrive from France.
The protector, on his arrival in England, summoned a par-
liament : and being somewhat elated with his success against
the Scots, he procured from his nephew a patent, appointing
him to sit on the throne, upon a stool or bench at the right
hand of the king, and to enjoy the same honors and privileges
that had usually been possessed by any prince of the blood, or
uncle of the kings of England. In this patent the king em-
ployed his dispensing power, by setting aside the statute of
precedency enacted during the former reign.* But if Somer-
set gave offence by assuming too much stite, he deserves
great praise on account of the laws passed this session, by
which the rigor of former statutes was much mitigated, and
some security given to the freedom of the constitution. All
laws were repealed which extended the crime of treason
beyond the statute of the twenty-fifth of Edward III. ; t all
laws enacted during the late reign extending the crime of
felony ; all the former laws against Lollardy or heresy, together
with the statute of the six articles. None were to be accused
for words, but within a month after they were spoken. By
these repeals several of the most rigorous laws that ever had
passed in England were annulled; and some dawn, both of
civil and religious liberty, began to appear to the people.
Heresy, however, was still a capital crime by the common
law, and was subjected to the penalty of burning. Only there
remained no precise standard by which that crime could be
defined or determined ; a circumstance which might either be
advantageous or hurtful to public security, according to the
disposition of the j ndges.
A repeal also passed of that law, the destruction of all laws,
by which the king's proclamation was made of equal force
with a statute. % That other law, likewise, was mitigated, by
which the king was empowered to annul every statute passed
before the four-and-twentieth year of his age : he could pre-
vent their future execution ; but could not recall any past effects
which had ensued from them, §
It was also enacted, that all who denied the king's suprem-
acy, or asserted the pope's should, for the first offence, for-
feit their goods and chattels, and suffer imprisonment during
* Rvmer, vol. xv. p. 161. f 1 Edward VI. c. 12.
t 1 Edward VI. e. 2. ' " U Edward VI c. 2
340 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. 1548,
pleasure ; fir the second offence, should incur the penalty ot
a " praemunire ;" and for the third, be attainted of treason
But it any, after the first of March ensuing, endeavored, by
writing, printing, or any overt act or deed, to deprive the king
of his estate or titles, particularly of his supremacy, or to
confer them on any other, he was to be adjudged guilty of
treason. If any of the heirs of the crown should usurp upon
another, or endeavor to break the order of succession, it was
declared treason in them, their aiders and abettors. These
were the most considerable acts passed during this session.
The members in general discovered a very passive disposition
with regara to religion : some few appeared zealous for the
reformation : others secretly harbored a strong propensity to
the Catholic faith : but the greater part appeared willing to
take any impression which they should receive from interest,
authority, or the reigning fashion*
The convocation met at the same time with the parliament ;
and as it was found that their debates were at first cramped
by the rigorous statute of the six articles, the king granted
them a dispensation from that law, before it was repealed by
parliament. t The lower house of convocation applied to have
liberty of sitting with the commons in parliament ; or if this
privilege were refused them, which they claimed as their
ancient right, they desired that no law regarding religion might
pass in parliament without their consent and approbation. Bu«
the principles which now prevailed were more favorable to the
civil than to the ecclesiastical power ; and this demand of the
convocation was rejected.
[1548.] The protector had assented to the repeal of that law
which gave to the king's proclamations the authority of statutes ,
but he did not intend to renounce that arbitrary or discretionarj
exercise of power, in issuing proclamations, which had evei
been assumed by the crown, and which it is difficult to distin-
guish exactly from a full legislative power. He even continued
to exert this authority in some particulars, which were then
regarded as the most momentous. Orders were issued by coun-
cil, that candles should no longer be carried about on Candle-
mas day, ashes on Ash Wednesday, palms on Palm Sunday.^
These were ancient religious practices, now termed supersti-
tions ; though it is fortunate for mankind, when superstition
happens to take a direction so innocent and inoffensive. The
* Heylin, p. 48. t Ant. Brit. p. 339.
t Burnet, vol. ii. p. 59. Collier, ?ol. ii. p. 241. Heylin, p. 55
A.D. 1A48.J Edward vi 341
severe disposition which naturally attends all reformers, prompt*
ed likewise the council to abolish some gay and showy cere-
monies which belonged to the ancient religion.*
An order was also issued by council for the removal of all
images from the churches ; an innovation which was much
desired by t.ie reformers, and which alone, with regard to the
populace, amounted almost to a total change of the establish-
ed religion. t An attempt had been made to separate the use
of images from their abuse, the reverence from the worship
of them ; but the execution of this design was found, upon
trial, very difficult, if not wholly impracticable.
As private masses were abolished by law, it became neces-
sary to compose a new communion service ; and the council
went so far, in the preface which they prefixed to this work,
as to leave the practice of auricular confession wholly indif-
ferent. $ This was a prelude to the entire abolition of that
invention, one of the most powerful engines that ever was con-
trived for degrading the laity, and giving their spiritual guides
an entire ascendant over them. And it may justly be said,
that, though the priest's absolution, which attends confession,
serves somewhat to ease weak minds from the immediate
agonies of superstitious terror, it operates only by enforcing
superstition itself, and thereby preparing the mind for a more
violent relapse into the same disorders.
The people were at that time extremely distracted by the
opposite opinions of their preachers ; and as they were totally
unable to judge of the reasons advanced on either side, and
naturally regarded every thing which they heard at church as
of equal authority, a great confusion and fluctuation resulted
from this uncertainty. The council had first endeavored to
remedy the inconvenience by laying some restraints on preach-
ing ; but finding this expedient ineffectual, they imposed a
total silence on the preachers, and thereby put an end at once
to all the polemics of the pulpit. § By the nature of things,
this restraint could only be temporary. For in proportion
as the ceremonies of public worship, its shows and exterior
observances, were retrenched by the reformers, the peopla
were inclined to contract a stronger attachment to sermons,
whence alone they received any occupation or amusement.
The ancient religion, by giving its votaries something to do,
* Burnet, vol. ii.
t Burnet, vol. ii. p 60. Collier, vol. ii. p. 241. Heylin, p. 55.
t Burnet, vol. ii. $ Fuller. Heylin. Burnet.
S42 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1548
freed them from the trouble of thinking : sermons were de-
livered only in the principal churches, and at some particular
fasts and festivals : and the practice of haranguing the popu-
lace, which, if abused, is so powerful an incitement to faction
and sedition, had much less scope and influence during those
ages.
The greater progress was made towards a reformation in
England, the farther did the protector find himself from all
prospect of completing the union with Scotland ; and the queen
dowager, as well as the clergy, became the more averse to all
alliance with a nation which had so far departed from all an-
cient principles. Somerset, having taken the town of Had-
dington, had ordered it to be strongly garrisoned and fortified
by Lord Grey : he also erected some fortifications at Lauder ,
and he hoped that these two places, together with Broughty
and some smaller fortresses which were in the hands of the
English, would serve as a curb on Scotland, and would give
him access into the heart of the country.
Arran, being disappointed in some attempts on Broughty,
relied chiefly on the succors expected from France for the
recovery of these places ; and they arrived at last in the frith,
to the number of six thousand men ; half of them Germans.
They were commanded by Desse, and under him by AndeLot,
Strozzi, Meilleraye, and Count Rhingrave. The Scots were
at that time so sunk by their misfortunes, that five hundred
English horse were able to ravage the whole countiy without
resistance, and make inroads to the gates of the capital : *
but on the appearance of the French succors, they collected
more courage ; and having joined Desse with a considerable
reenforcement, they laid siege to Haddington. t This was an
undertaking for which they were by themselves totally unfit ;
and even with the assistance of the French, they placed their
chief hopes of success in starving the garrison. After some
vain attempts to take the place by a regular siege, the block-
ade was formed, and the garrison was repulsed with loss in
several sallies which they made upon the besiegers.
The hostile attempts which the late king and the protector
had made against Scotland, not being steady, regular, nor
pushed to the last extremity, had served only to irritate the
oation, and to inspire them with the strongest aversion to that
* Beague, Hist, of the Campaigns, 1548 and 1549, p. 6.
+ Holingshed, p. 993.
A..L». 1548. J EDWARF Vi. 343
union which was courted in so violent a manner. Even
those who were inclined to the English alliance, were dis-
pleased to have it imposed on them by force of arms ; and
the earl of Huntley in particular said pleasantly, that he dis-
liked not the match, but he hated the manner of wooing.*
The queen dowager, finding these sentiments to prevail, called
a parliament in an abbey near Haddington ; and it was there
proposed, that the young queen, for her greater security, should
be sent to France, and be committed to the custody of that
ancient ally. Some objected, that this measure was desperate,
allowed no resource in case of miscarriage, exposed the Scots
to be subjected by foreigners, involved them in perpetual war
with England, and left them no expedient by which they
could conciliate the friendship of that powerful nation. It
was answered, on the other hand, that the queen's presence
was the very cause of war with England ; that that nation
would desist when they found that their views of forcing a
marriage had become altogether impracticable ; and that
Henry, being engaged by so high a mark of confidence, would
take their sovereign under his protection, and use his utmost
efforts to defend the kingdom. These arguments were aided
by French gold, which was plentifully distributed among the
nobles. The governor had a pension conferred on him of
twelve thousand livres a year, received the title of duke of
Chatelrault, and obtained for his son the command of a hundred
men at arms.t And as the clergy dreaded the consequences
of the English alliance, they seconded this measure with all
the zeal and industry which either principle or interest could
inspire. It was accordingly determined to send the queen
to France ; and, what was understood to be the necessary
consequence, to marry her to the dauphin. Villegaignon,
commander of four French galleys lying in the Frith of
Forth, set sail as if he intended to return home ; but when
he reached the open sea, he turned northwards, passed by tho
Orkneys, and came in on the west coast at Dunbarton ; an
extraordinary voyage for ships of that fabric. 4: The young
queen was there committed to him ; and being attended by
the lords Ereskine and Livingstone, she put to sea, and after
* Heylin, p. 4G. Patten.
] Burnet, vol. ii. p. 83. Buchanan, lib. xv. Keith, p. 55. Thuar.ua
ib. v. c. 15.
1 Tbuanus, lib. v. e. lb.
344 HISTORY OV ENGLAND. [A. P. 1548
meeting with some tempestuous weather, arrived safely al
Brest, whence she was conducted to Paris, and soon after she
was betrothed to the dauphin.
Somerset, pressed by many difficulties at home, and de-
spairing of success in his enterprise against Scotland, was
desirous of composing the differences with that kingdom, and
he offered the Scots a ten years' truce ; but as they insisted on
his restoring all the places which he had taken, the proposal
came to nothing. The Scots recovered the fortresses of Hume
and Fastcastle by surprise, and put the garrisons to the sword ;
they repulsed with loss the English, who, under the command
of Lord Seymour, made a descent, first in Fife, then at Mont-
rose : in the former action, James Stuart, natural brother to
the queen, acquired honor; in the latter, Ereskine of Dun.
An attempt was made by Sir Robert Bowes and Sir Thomas
Palmer, at the head of a considerable body, to throw relief
into Haddington ; but these troops, falling into an ambuscade,
were almost wholly cut in pieces* And though a small
body of two hundred men escaped all the vigilanoe of the
French, and arrived safely in Haddington with some am-
munition and provisions, the garrison was reduced to such
difficulties, that the protector found it necessary to provide
more effectually for their relief. He raised an army of eigh-
teen thousand men, and adding three thousand Germans, who,
on the dissolution of the Protestant alliance, had offered their
service to England, he gave the command of the whole to
the earl of Shrewsbury.! Desse raised the blockaue on the
approach of the English ; and with great difficulty made
good his retreat to Edinburgh, where he posted himself ad-
vantageously. Shrewsbury, who had lost the opportunity of
attacking him on his march, durst not give him battle in his
present situation ; and contenting himself with the advantago
already gained of supplying Haddington, he retired into Eng-
land.
Though the protection of France was of great consequence
to the Scots in supporting them against the invasions of
England, they reaped still more benefit from the distractions
and divisions which had crept into the councils of this lattei
iingdom. Even the two brothers, the protector and admiral,
not content with the high stations which they severally enjoyed,
and the great eminence to which they had risen, had enter
* Stowe, p. 595. Holingshed, p. 994. t Hayward, p. 291.
A. I). 1548.] EDWARD VI. 34fl
tained the most violent jealousy of each other ; and they
divided the whole court and kingdom by their opposite cabala
and pretensions. Lord Seymour was a man of insatiable am-
bition ; arrogant, assuming, implacable ; and though esteem-
ed of superior capacity to the protector, he possessed not
to the same degree the confidence and regard of the people.
By his flattery and address, he had so insinuated himself
into the good graces of the queen dowager, that, forgetting
her usual prudence and decency, she married him imme-
diately upon the demise of the late king; insomuch that, Irad
she soon proved pregnant, it might have been doubtful to
which husband the child belonged. The credit and riches of
this alliance supported the ambition of the admiral, but gave
umbrage to the duchess of SomeYset, who, uneasy that the
younger brother's wife should have the precedency, employ-
ed all her credit with her husband, which was too great,
first to create, then to widen the breach between the tw)
brothers.*
The first symptoms of this misunderstanding appeared
when the protector commanded the army in Scotland. Sec-
retary Paget, a man devoted to Somerset, remarked that
Seymour was forming separate intrigues among the counsel-
lors ; w*as corrupting by presents the king's servants ; and
even endeavoring, by improper indulgences and liberalities, tc
captivate the affections of the young monarch. Paget rep-
resented to him the danger of his conduct ; desired him to
reflect on the numerous enemies whom the sudden elevation
of their family had created ; and warned him, that any dis-
sension between him and the protector would be greedily laid
hold of to effect the ruin of both. Finding his remonstrances
neglected, he conveyed intelligence of the danger to Somer
set, and engaged him to leave the enterprise upon Scotland
unfinished, in order to guard against the attempts of his
domestic enemies. In the ensuing parliament, the admiral's
projects appeared still more dangerous to public tranquillity :
and as he had acquired many partisans, he made a direct
attack upon his brother's authority. He represented to his
friends, that formerly, during a minority, the office of protector
nf the kingdom had been kept separate from that of governor
of the king's person ; and that the Dresent union of these two
* Hayward, p. 301. Heylin p. 72. Camden. Thuanus, lib v » ••
Haynes. p. C9
p*
.346 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. (A. D. 1548
important trusts conferred on Somerset an authority which
could not safely be lodged in any subject.* The young king
was even prevailed on to write a letter to the parliament,
desiring that Seymour might be appointed his governor ; and
that nobleman had formed a party in the two houses, by which
he hoped to eflect his purpose. The design was discovered
before its execution ; and some common friends were sent to
remonstrate with him, but had so little influence, that he threw
out many menacing expressions, and rashly threatened that,
if he were thwarted in his attempt, he would make this par-
liament the blackest that ever sat in England.! The council
&ent for him to answer for his conduct ; but he refused to
attend : they then began to threaten in their turn, and informed
him that the king's letter, instead of availing him any thing
to the execution of his views, would be imputed to him as a
criminal enterprise, and be construed as a design to disturb
the government, by forming a separate interest with a child
and minor. They even let fall some menaces of sending
him to the Tower for his temerity ; and the admiral, finding
himself prevented in his design, was obliged to submit, and to
desire a reconciliation with his brother.
The mild and moderate temper of Somerset made him
willing to forget these enterprises of the admiral; but the am-
bition of that turbulent spirit could not be so easily appeased.
His spouse, the queen dowager, died in childbed ; but so far
from regarding this event as a check to his aspiring views,
he founded on it the scheme of a more extraordinary eleva-
tion. He made his addresses to the lady Elizabeth, then in
the sixteenth year of her age ; and that princess, whom even
the hurry of business and the pursuits of ambition could not,
in her more advanced years, disengage entirely from the
tender passions, seems to have listened to the insinuations of a
man who possessed every talent proper to captivate the affec-
tions of the fair. $ But as Henry VIII. had excluded his
daughters from all hopes of succession if they married with-
out the consent of his executors, which Seymour could never
hope to obtain, it was concluded that he meant to effect his
purpose by expedients still more rash and more criminal. All
the other measures of the admiral tended to confirm this sus-
picion. He continued to attack, by presents, the fidelity of
* Haynes, p. 82, 90. t Hayncs, p. 75
t Haynes, p. 95, 96, 102. 108.
AD. 154b" j edward vi. 347
those who had more immediate access to the king's person
he endeavored to seduce the young prince into his interest .
he found means of holding a private correspondence with him :
he openly decried his brother's administration ; and asserted
that, by enlisting Germans and other foreigners, he intended
to form a mercenary army, which might endanger the king's
authority, and the liberty of the people : by promises and per«
Buasion he brought over to his party many of the principal
nobility: and had extended his interest all over England : he
neglected not even the most popular p?rsons of inferior rank ;
and had computed that he could, on occasion, muster an army
of ten thousand men, composed of his servants, tenants, and
retainers : * he had already provided arms for their use ; and
having engaged in his interests Sir John Sharington, a corrupt
man, master of the mint at Bristol, he flattered himself that
money would not be wanting. Somerset Avas well apprised
of all these alarming circumstances, and endeavored, by the
most friendly expedients, by entreaty, reason, and even by
heaping new favors upon the admiral, to make him desist
from his dangerous counsels : but finding all endeavors in-
effectual, he began to think of more severe remedies. The
earl of Warwick was an ill instrument between the brothers ;
and had formed the design, by inflaming the quarrel, to raise
his own fortune on the ruins of both.
Dudley, earl of Warwick, was the son of that Dudley,
minister to Henry VII., who, having, by rapine, extortion, and
perversion of law, incurred the hatred of the public, had been
sacrificed to popular animosity in the beginning of the subse-
quent reign. The late king, sensible of the iniquity, at least
illegality, of the sentence, had afterwards restored young
Dudley's blood by act of parliament ; and finding him en-
dowed with abilities, industry, and activity, he had intrusted
him with many important commands, and had ever found him
successful in his undertakings. He raised hirn to the dignity
of Viscount Lisle, conferred on him the office of admiral, and
gave him by his wdl a place among his executors. Dudley
made still further progress during the minority; and having
obtained the title of earl of Warwick, and undermined the
predit of Southampton, he bore the chief rank among the
protector's counsellors. The victory gained at Pinkey was
much ascribed to his courage and conduct ; and he was uni-
* Haynes. p- 105, 106.
348 HISTORY DF ENGLAND. [A.D. 1548
versally regarded as a man equally endowed with the talenta
of peace and of war. But all these virtues were obscured
by still greater vices ; an exorbitant ambition, an insatiable
avarice, a neglect of decency, a contempt of justice : and as
he found that Lord Seymour, whose abilities and enterpris-
ing spirit he chiefly dreaded, was involving himself in ruin by
his rash counsels, he was determined to push him on the
precipice, and thereby remove the chief obstacle to his own
projected greatness.
When Somerset found that the public peace was endangered
by his brother's seditious, not to say rebellious schemes, he
was the more easily persuaded by Warwick to employ the
extent of royal authority against him ; and after depriving him
of the office of admiral, he signed a warrant for committing
him to the Tower. Some of his accomplices were also taken
into custody ; and three privy counsellors being sent to
examine them, made a report, that they had met with very
full and important discoveries. Yet still the protector sus
pended the blow, and showed a reluctance to ruin his brother.
He offered to desist from the prosecution, if Seymour would
promise him a cordial reconciliation, and, renouncing all am-
bitious hopes, be contented with a private life, and retire into
the country. But as Seymour made no other answer to these
friendly offers than menaces and defiances, he ordered a
charge to be drawn up against him, consisting of thirty-three
articles ; * and the whole to be laid before the privy council.
It is pretended, that every particular was so incontestably
proved, both by witnesses and his own handwriting, that there
was no room for doubt ; yet did the council think proper to go
in a body to the Tower, in order more fully to examine the
prisoner. He was not daunted by the appearance : he boldly
demanded a fair trial ; required to be confronted with the
witnesses ; desired that the charge might be left with him, in
order to be considered ; and refused to answer any interroga-
tories by which he might accuse himself.
It is apparent that, notwithstanding what is pretended, there
must have been some deficiency in the evidence against Sey-
mour, when such demands, founded on the plainest principles
of law and equity, were absolutely rejected. We shall indeed
conclude, if we carefully examine the charge, that many of
the articles were general, and scarcely capable of any proof,
* Burnet, vol. ii. coll. 31. 2 and 3 Edward VI. c. 38
A. D. 1549.] EDWARD VI. 349
many of them, if true, susceptible of a more favorable inter-
pretation ; and that though, on the whole, Seymour appears
to have been a dangerous subject, he had not advanced far iti
those treasonable projects imputed to him. The chief part of
his actual guilt seems to have consisted in some unwarrantable
practices in the admiralty, by which pirates were protected,
and illegal impositions laid upon the merchants.
But the administration had at that time an easy instrument
of vengeance, to wit, the parliament ; and needed not to give
themselves any concern with regard either to the guilt of tfu
persons whom they prosecuted, or the evidence which couk
be produced against them. A session of parliament being
held, it was resolved to proceed against Seymour by bill of
attainder ; and the young king being induced, after much
solicitation, to give his consent to it, a considerable weight
was put on his approbation. The matter was first laid before
the upper house ; and several peers, rising up in their places,
gave an account of what they knew concerning Lord Sey-
mour's conduct, and his criminal words or actions. [1549.]
These nai-ratives were received as undoubted evidence ; and
though the prisoner had formerly engaged many friends and
partisans among the nobility, no one had either the courage
or equity to move, that he might be heard in his defence, that
the testimony against him should be delivered in a legal man-
ner, and that he should be confronted with the witnesses. A
little more scruple was made in the house of commons : there
were even some members who objected against the whole
method of proceeding by bill of attainder passed in absence ;
and insisted, that a formal trial should be given to every man
before his condemnation. But when a message was sent by
the king, enjoining the house to proceed, and offering that the
same narratives should be laid before them which had satis-
fied the peers, they were easily prevailed on to acquiesce.*
The bill passed in a full house. Near four hundred voted for
it ; not above nine or ten against it.t The sentence was soon
after executed, and the prisoner was beheaded on Tower Hill.
The warrant was signed by Somerset, who was exposed tc
much blame, on account of the violence of these proceedings.
The attempts of the admiral seem chiefly to have been levelled
against his brother's usurped authority ; and though his am-
bitious, enterprising character, encouraged by a marriage with
* 2 and 3 Edward VI. c. IS. t Burnet, vol ii. p. 99
3D0 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1549
the lady Elizabc-li, might have endangered the public traiv
quillity, the prudence of foreseeing evils at such a distance
was deemed too great, and the remedy was plainly illegal.
It could only be said, that this bill of attainder was somewhat
rore tolerable than the preceding ones, to which the nation
had been inured ; for here, at least, some shadow of evidence
was produced.
All the considerable business transacted this session besides
the attainder of Lord Seymour, regarded ecclesiastical affairs,
which were now the chief object of attention throughout the
natbn. A committee of bishops and divines had been ap-
pointed by the council to compose a liturgy ; and they had
executed the work committed to them. They proceeded with
moderation in this delicate undertaking ; they retained as
imuch of the ancient mass as the principles of the reformers
«'ould permit : they indulged nothing to the spirit of contra-
diction, which so naturally takes place in all great innovations :
and they flattered themselves, that they had established a ser
vice in which every denomination of Christians might with
out scruple Concur. The mass had always been celebrated in
Latin ; a practice which might have been deemed absurd,
had it not been found useful to the clergy, by impressing the
people with an idea of some mysterious unknown virtue in
'.hose rites, and by checking all their pretensions to be famil-
j.rly acquainted with their religion. But as the reformers
- retended in some lew particulars to encourage private judg-
ment in the laity, the translation of the liturgy, as well as of
the Scriptures, into the vulgar tongue, seemed more conform*
able to the genius of their sect ; and this innovation, with the
retrenching of prayers to saints, and of some superstitious cere-
monies, was the chief difference between the old mass and the
new liturgy. The parliament established this form of worship
in all the churches, and ordained a uniformity to be observed
in all the rites and ceremonies.*
There was another material act which passed this session
The former canons had established the celibacy of the clergy
and though this practice is usually ascribed to the policy of
the court of Rome, who thought that the ecclesiastics would
be more devoted to their spiritual head, and less dependent
on the civil magistrate, when freed from the powerful tie of
wives and children, yet was this institution much forwarded
*■■ 2 and 3 Edward VI. c \.
A.D. 1549.J EDWARD VI. 6&i
by the principles of superstition inherent in human nature.
These principles had rendered the panegyrics on an inviolate
chastity so frequent among the ancient fathers, long before
the establishment of celibacy. And even this parliament,
though they enacted a law permitting the marriage of priests,
yet confess in the preamble, " that it were better for priests
and the ministers of the church to live chaste and without
marriage, and it were much to be wished they would of them
selves abstain." The inconveniences which had arisen from
the compelling of chastity and the prohibiting of marriage,
are the reasons assigned for indulging a liberty in this particu-
lar.* The ideas of penance also were so much retained in
other particulars, that an act of parliament passed, forbid
ding the use of flesh meat during Lent and other times of
abstinence. t
The principal tenets and practices of the Catholic religion
were now abolished, and the reformation, such as it is enjoyed
at present, was almost entirely completed in England. But
the doctrine of the real presence, though tacitly condemned
by the new communion service, and by the abolition of many
ancient rites, still retained some hold on the minds of men ;
and it was the last doctrine of Popery that was wholly aban-
doned by the people, t The great attachment of the late king
to that tenet might, in part, be the ground of this obstinacy .
but the chief cause was really the extreme absurdity of the
principle itself, and the profound veneration, which, of course,
it impressed on the imagination. The priests, likewise, were
much inclined to favor an opinion which attributed to them so
miraculous a power ; and the people, who believed that they
participated of the very body and blood of their Savior, were
loath to renounce so extraordinary, and, as they imagined, so
salutary a privilege. The general attachment to this dogma
was so violent, that the Lutherans, notwithstanding their sep-
aration from Rome, had thought proper, under another name,
still to retain it ; and the Catholic preachers in England, when
restrained in all other particulars, could not forbear, on every
occasion, inculcating that tenet. Bonner, for this offence,
among others, had been tried by the council, had been de-
prived of his see, and had been committed to custody. 6 ar-
uiner, also, who had recovered his liberty, appeared anew
* 2 and 3 Edward VI. cap. 21.
t 2 and 3 Edward VI. cap. 19. See note T, at the end of thf
wdiimo- t Burnet, vol. ii. p, 104
352 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [ A. 1). 1549
refractory to the authority which established the late innova*
tions : and he seemed willing to countenance that opinion,
much favored hy all the English Catholics, that the king was
indeed supreme head of the church, but not the council during
a minority. Having declined to give full satisfaction on this
head, he was sent to the Tower, and threatened with further
effects of the council's displeasure.
These severities, being exercised on men possessed of office
nd authority, seemed in that age a necessary policy, in order
to enforce a uniformity in public worship and discipline ; but
there were other instances of persecution, derived from no
origin but the bigotry of theologians ; a malady which seems
almost incurable. Though the Protestant divines had ven-
tured to renounce opinions deemed certain during many ages,
they regarded, in their turn, the new system as so certain,
that they would suffer no contradiction with regard to it ; and
they were ready to burn in the same flames from which they
themselves had so narrowly escaped, every one that had the
assurance to differ from them. A commission, by act of
council, was granted to the primate and some others, to
examine and search after all Anabaptists, heretics, or contem-
ners of the Book of Common Prayer. The commissioners
were enjoined to reclaim them, if possible; to impose penance
on them, and to give them absolution ; or, if these criminals
were obstinate, to excommunicate and imprison them, and to
deliver them over to the secular arm : and in the execution of
this charge, they were not bound to observe the ordinary
methods of trial ; the forms of law Avere dispensed with ; and
if any statutes happened to interfere with the powers in the
commission, they were overruled and abrogated by the coun-
cil. Some tradesmen in London were brought before these
commissioners, and were accused of maintaining, among other
opinions, that a man regenerate could not sin, aud that, though
the outward man might offend, the inward was incapable of
all guilt. They were prevailed on to abjure, and were dis-
missed. But there was a woman accused of heretical pravity,
called Joan Bocher, or Joan of Kent, who was so pertinacious,
that the commissioners could make no impression upon her.
Her doctrine was, " that Christ was not truly incarnate of the
Viigin, whose flesh, being the outward man, was sinfully
begotten, and born in sin, and, consequently, he could take
* Burnet, vol. ii. p. 3. Rymcr, torn. xv. p. 181.
A.D.I 5 19 edwari vi. 353
none of it ; but the Word, by the consent of the inward man
of the Virgin, was made flesh."* This opinion, it would
seem, is not orthodox ; and there was a necessity for deliver-
ing the woman to the flames for maintaining it. But the
young king, though in such tender years, had more sense than
all his counsellors and preceptors ; and he long refused to
sign the warrant for her execution. Cranmer was employed
to persuade him to compliance ; and he said, that there was
a great difference between errors in other points of divinity,
and those which were in direct contradiction to the apostles'
creed : these latter were impieties against God, which the
prince, being God's deputy, ought to repress, in like manner,
as inferior magistrates were bound to punish offences against
the king's person. Edward, overcome by importunity, at last
submitted, though with tears in his eyes ; and he told Cran-
mer, that if any wrong were done, the guilt should lie entirely
on his head. The primate, after making a new effort to
reclaim the woman from her errors, and finding her obstinate
against all his arguments, at last committed her to the flames.
Some time after, a Dutchman, called Van Paris, accused of
the heresy which has received the name of Arianism, was
condemned to the same punishment. He suffered with so
much satisfaction, that he hugged and caressed the fagots that
were consuming him ; a species of frenzy of which there is
more than one instance among the martyrs of that age.t
These rigorous methods of proceeding soon brought the
whole nation to a conformity, seeming o» real, with the new
doctrine and the new liturgy. The lad) Mary alone contin-
ued to adhere to the mass, and refused to admit the estab-
lished modes of worship. When pressed and menaced on this
head, she applied to the emperor, who, using his interest with
Sir Philip Hobby, the English ambassador, procured her i
temporary connivance from the council.!
* Burnet, vol. ii. coll. 35. Strype's Mem. Crania p. 181.
t Burnet, vol. ii. p. 112 Strype's Mera. Cranm. \ 181.
i Heyliu, p 102.
354 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. f A.D. ] 5 19
CHAPTER XXXV.
EDWARD VI.
[1649.] There is no abuse so great in civil society, as not
to be attended with a variety of beneficial consequences ; and
in the beginnings of reformation, the loss of these advantages
is always felt very sensibly, while the benefit resulting from
the change is the slow effect of time, and is seldom perceived
by the bulk of a nation. Scarce any institution can be ima-
gined less favorable, in the main, to the interests of mankind
than that of monks and friars ; yet was it followed by many
good effects, which, having ceased by the suppression of mon-
asteries, were much regretted by the people of England. The
monks, always residing in their convents, in the center of
their estates, spent their money in the provinces and among
their tenants, afforded a ready market for commodities, were
a sure resource to the poor and indigent ; and though their
hospitality and charity gave but too much encouragement to
idleness, and prevented the increase of public riches, yet did
it provide to many a relief from the extreme pressures of want
and necessity. It is also observable, that as the friars were
limited by the rules of their institution to a certain mode of liv-
ing, they had not equal motives for extortion with other men ;
and they were acknowledged to have been in England, as they
still are in Roman Catholic countries, the best and most indul-
gent landlords. The abbots and priors were permitted to give
leases at an under-value, and to receive in return a large
present from the tenant, in the same manner as is still prac-
tised by the bishops and colleges. But when the abbey lands
were distributed among the principal nobility and courtiers, they
fell under a different management : the rents of farms wor<!
raised, while the tenants found not the same facility in dispos.
ing of the produce ; the money was often spent in the capi-
tal, and the farmers, living at a distance, were exposed to
oppression from their nnw masters, or to the still greatej
rapacity of the stewards.
A. D. 1549.] F.mvARD vi. 355
These grievances of the common people were at that time
heightened by other causes The arts of manufacture were
much move advanced in other European countries than in
England ; and even in England these arts had made greater
progress than the knowledge of agriculture ; a profession which,
of all mechanical employments, requires the most reflection
and experience. A great demand arose for wool both abroad
and at home : pasturage was found more profitable than un-
skilful tillage : whole estates were laid waste by enclosures :
the tenants, regarded as a useless burden, were expelled their
habitations ; even the cottagers, deprived of the commons on
which they formerly fed their cattle, were reduced to misery ;
and a decay of people, as well as a diminution of the former
plenty, was remarked in the kingdom.* This grievance was
now of an old date, and Sir Thomas More, alluding to it,
observes in his Utopia, that a sheep had become in England a
more ravenous animal than a lion or wolf, and devoured whole
villages, cities, and provinces.
The general increase, also, of gold and silver in Europe,
after the discovery of the West Indies, had a tendency to
inflame these complaints. The growing demand in the more
commercial countries had heightened every where the price
of commodities, which could easily be transported thither ; but
in England, the labor of men, who could not so easily change
their habitation, still remained nearly at the ancient rates,
and the poor complained that they could no longer gain a
subsistence by their industry. It was by an addition alone
of toil and application they were enabled to procure a main-
tenance ; and though this increase of industry was at last the
effect of the present situation, and an effect beneficial to
society, yet was it difficult for the people to shake off their
former habits of indolence ; and nothing but necessity could
compel them to such an exertion of their faculties.
It must also be remarked, that the profusion of Henry
VIII. had reduced him, notwithstanding his rapacity, to such
difficulties, that he had been obliged to remedy a present
necessity by the pernicious expedient of debasing the coin ;
and the wars in which the protector had been involved, had
induced him to carry still further the same abuse. The usual
consequences ensued : the good specie was hoarded or ex-
ported ; base metal was coined at home, or imported from
* Strype, vol. ii Repository, Q-
350 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1549
abroad in great abundance ; the common people, who received
their wages in it, could not purchase commodities at the
usual rates ; a universal diffidence and stagnation of commerce
took place ; and loud complaints were heard in every part of
England.
The protector, who loved popularity, and pitied the con
dition of the people, encouraged these complaints by his en
deavors to redress them. He appointed a commission foi
making inquiry concerning enclosures ; and issued a proclani-
ation, ordering all late enclosures to be laid open by a day
appointed. The populace, meeting with such countenance
from government, began to rise in several places, and to com-
mit disorders ; but were quieted by remonstrances and per-
suasion. In order to give them greater satisfaction, Somerset
appointed new commissioners, whom he sent every where,
with an unlimited power to hear and determine all causes
about enclosures, highways, and cottages.* As this commis-
sion was disagreeable to the gentry and nobility, they stig-
matized it as arbitrary and illegal ; and the common people,
fearing it would be eluded, and being impatient for immediate
redress, could no longer contain their fury, but sought for a
remedy by force of arms. The rising began at once in sev-
eral parts of England, as if a universal conspiracy had been
formed by the commonalty. The rebels in Wiltshire were
dispersed by Sir William Herbert : those in the neighboring
counties, Oxford and Glocester, by Lord Gray, of Wilton.
Many of the rioters were killed in the field : others were exe-
cuted by martial law. The commotions in Hampshire, Sussex,
Kent, and other counties, were quieted by gentler expedients ;
but the disorders in Devonshire and Norfolk threatened more
dangerous consequences.
The commonalty in Devonshire began with the usual com-
plaints against enclosares and against oppressions from the
gentry ; but the parish priest of Sampford Courtenay had the
address to give their discontent a direction towards religion ;
and the delicacy of the subject, in the present emergency,
made the insurrection immediately appear formidable. In
other counties, the gentry had kept closely united with gov-
ernment ; but here many of them took part with the populace ;
among others, Humphrey Arundel, governor of St. Michael's
Mount. The rioters were brought into the form of a regula?
*■ Burnet, vol. ii. p. 115. Strype, vol. ii. p. 171.
A. D. 1549. J edwaud vi. 357
army, which amounted to the number of ten thousand. Lord
Russel had been sent against them at the head of a small
force; but finding himself too weak to encounter them in the
field, he kept at a distance, and began to negotiate with them ;
in hopes of eluding their fury by delay, and of dispersing them
by the difficulty of their subsisting in a body. Their demands
were, that the mass should be restored, half of the abbey
lands resumed, the law of the six articles executed, holy water
and holy bread respected, and all other particular grievances
redressed.* The council, to whom Russel transmitted these
demands, sent a haughty answer ; commanded the rebels to
disperse, and promised them pardon upon their immediate
submission. Enraged at this disappointment, they marched
to Exeter, carrying before them crosses, banners, holy water,
candlesticks, and other implements of ancient superstition ;
together with the host, which they covered with a canopy.')
The citizens of Exeter shut their gates ; and the rebels, as
they had no cannon, endeavored to take the place, first by
scalade, then by mining ; but were repulsed in every attempt
Russel meanwhile lay at Honiton, till reenforced by Sir Will-
iam Herbert and Lord Gray with some German horse, and
some Italian arquebusiers under Battista Spinola. He then
resolved to attempt the relief of Exeter, which was now re-
duced to extremities. He attacked the rebels, drove them
from all their posts, did great execution upon them, both in the
action and pursuit, % and took many prisoners. Arundel and
the other leaders were sent to London, tried, and executed.
Many of the inferior sort were put to death by martial law : k
the vicar of St. Thomas, one of the principal incendiaries, was
banged on the top of his own steeple, arrayed in his Popish
tveeds, with his beads at his girdle. ||
The insurrection in Norfolk rose to a still greater height,
and was attended with greater acts of violence. The popu-
lace were at first excited, as in other places, by complaints
against enclosures ; but finding their numbers amount to
twenty thousand, they grew insolent, and proceeded to more
exorbitant pretensions. They required the suppression of the
* Hayward, p. 292. Holingshed, p. 1003. Fox, vol. ». p 666
Mem. Cranm. p. 186.
t Heylin, p. 76.
t Stowe's Annals, p. 597. Hayward, p. 295.
\ Hayward, p. 295, 296.
% Heylin, y- 76. Holingshed, p. 1026.
358 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. 1549
gentry, the placing of new counsellors about the king, and the
reestablishment of the ancient rites. One Ket, a tanner, had
assumed the government over them ; and he exercised his
authority with the utmost arrogance and outrage. Having
taken possession of Moushold Hill near Norwich, he erected
his tribunal under an old oak, thence called the oak of refor-
mation ; and summoning the gentry to appear before him, he
gave such decrees as might be expected from his character
and situation. The mai-quis of Northampton was first ordered
against him ; but met with a repulse in an action, where Lord
Sheffield was killed.* The protector affected popularity, and
cared not to appear in person against the rebels ; he therefore
sent the earl of Warwick at the head of six thousand men,
levied for the wars against Scotland ; and he thereby afforded
his mortal enemy an opportunity of increasing his reputation
and character. Warwick, having tried some skirmishes with
the rebels, at last made a general attack upon them, and put
them to flight. Two thousand fell in the action and pursuit :
Ket was hanged at Norwich castle, nine of his followers on tho
boughs of the oak of reformation ; and the insurrection was
entirely suppressed. Some rebels in Yorkshire, learning the
fate of their companions, accepted the offers of pardon, and
threw down their arms. A general indemnity was soon after
published by the protector, t
But though the insurrections were thus quickly subdued
in England, and no traces of them seemed to remain, they
were attended with bad consequences to the foreign interests
of the nation. The forces of the earl of Warwick, which
might have made a great impression on Scotland, were
diverted from that enterprise ; and the French general had
leisure to reduce that country to some settlement and com-
posure. He took the fortress of Broughty, and put the garri-
son to the sword. He straitened the English at Haddington ;
and though Lord Dacres was enabled to throw relief into the
place, and to reenforce the garrison, it was found at last very
chargeable, and even impracticable, to keep possession of thai
fortress. The whole country in the neighborhood was laid
waste by the inroads both of the Scots and English, and could
afford no supply to the garrison : the place lay above thirty
miles from the borders ; so that a regular army was necessary
* Stowe, p. 597. Holingshed, p. 1030-34. Strype, vol. ii. p. ] 74
t Haywaid, p 297, 29S, 299.
A .0. 1549.] edward vi 359
10 escort any provisions thither : and as the plague had broken
out among the troops, they perished daily, and were reduced
to a state of great weakness. For these reasons, orders wera
given to dismantle Haddington, and to convey the artillery and
garrison to Berwick ; and the earl of Rutland, now created
warden of the east marches, executed the orders.
The king of France also took advantage of the distractions
among the English, and made an attempt to recover Boulogne,
and that territory which Henry VIII. had conquered from
France. On other pretences, he assembled an army, and,
falling suddenly upon the Boulonnois, took the castles of Sel-
laque, Blackness, and Ambleteuse, though well supplied with
garrisons, ammunition, and provisions.* He endeavored to
surprise Boulenberg, and was repulsed ; but the garrison, not
thinking the place tenable after the loss of the other fortresses,
destroyed the works, and retired to Boulogne. The rains,
which fell in great abundance during the autumn, and a pesti-
lential distemper which broke out in the French camp, deprived
Henry of all hopes of success against Boulogne itself; and ho
retired to Paris. t He left the command of the army to Gas-
par de Coligny, lord of Chatillon, so famous afterwards by the
name of Admiral Coligny ; and he gave him orders to form
the siege early in the spring. The active disposition of this
general engaged him to make, during the winter, several
attempts against the place ; but they all proved unsuccessful.
Strozzi, who commanded the French fleet and galleys,
endeavored to make a descent on Jersey ; but meeting there
with an English fleet, he commenced an action, which seems
not to have been decisive, since the historians of the two
nations differ in their account of the event. |
As soon as the French war broke out, the protector endeav-
ored to fortify himself with the alliance of the emperor ; and
he sent over Secretary Paget to Brussels, where Charles then
kept court, in order to assist Sir Philip Hobby, the resident
ambassador, in this negotiation. But that prince had formed
a design of extending his dominions by acting the part of
champion for the Catholic religion ; and though extremely
desirous of accepting the English alliance against France, his
capital enemy, he thought it unsuitable to his other pretensions
to enter into strict confederacy with a nation which had broken
* Thuanus, lib. vi. c. 6. t Hayward, p 300.
t Thuan. King Edward's Journal Slowe. p. 597.
SCO HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 154£
oft' all connections with the church of Rome. He therefor*
declined the advances of friendship from England, and eluded
the applications of the ambassadors. An exact account is
preserved of this negotiation in a letter of Hobby's ; and it is
remarkable, that the emperor, in a conversation with the
English ministers, asserted, tbat the prerogatives of a king o!
England were more extensive than those of a king of France.*
Burnet, who preserves this letter, subjoins, as a parallel in-
stance, that one objection which the Scots made to marrying
their queen with Edward was, that all their privileges would
be swallowed up by the great prerogative of the kings of Eng-
land.!
Somerset, despairing of assistance from the emperor, was
inclined to conclude a peace with France and Scotland ; and
besides that he was not in a condition to maintain such ruin-
ous wars, he thought that there no longer remained any object
of hostility. The Scots had sent away their queen ; and
could not, if ever so much inclined, complete the marriage
contracted with Edward ; and as Henry VIII. had stipulated
to restore Boulogne in 1554, it seemed a matter of small
moment to anticipate a few years the execution of the treaty.
But when he proposed these reasons to the council, he met
with strong opposition from his enemies ; who, seeing him
unable to support the war, were determined, for that very
reason, to oppose ail proposals for a pacification. The factions
ran high in the court of England ; and matters were drawing
to an issue fatal to the authority of the protector.
After Somerset obtained the patent investing him with regal
authority, he no longer paid any attention to the opinion of the
other executors and counsellors ; and being elated with his
high dignity, as well as with his victory at Pinkey, he thought
that every one ought, in every thing, to yield to his sentiments.
All those who were not entirely devoted to him were sure to
be neglected ; whoever opposed his will received marks of
anger or contempt ; t and while he showed a resolution to
govern every thing, his capacity appeared not in any respect
proportioned to his ambition. Warwick, more subtle and art-
rill, covered more exorbitant views under fairer appearances :
iiid having associated himself with Southampton, who had
\>oen readrritted into the council, he formed a strong party,
* Burnet, vol. ii. p. 132, 175. t Burnet, vol, ii. ^ 1SS.
I Strype, vol. ii. p. 181.
A. D. 1549. J EDW.iED VT 361
who were determined to free themselves from the slavery im-
posed on them by the protector.
'The malecontent counsellors found the disposition oi the
nation favorable to their designs. The nobility and gentry
were in general displeased with the preference which Somer-
set seemed to have given to the people ; and as they ascribed
all the insults to which they had been lately exposed to his
procrastination, and to the countenance shown to the multitude,
they apprehended a renewal of the same disorders from his
present affectation of popularity. He had erected a court of
requests in his own house for the relief of the people,* and
he interposed with the judges in their behalf; a measure which
might be deemed illegal, if any exertion of prerogative at
that time could with certainty deserve that appellation. And
this attempt, which was a stretch of power, seemed the more
impolitic, because it disgusted the nobles, the surest support
of monarchical authority.
But though Somerset courted the people, the interest which
he had formed with them was in no degree answerable to his
expectations. The Catholic party who retained influence with
the lower ranks, were his declared enemies, and took advan-
tage of every opportunity to decry his conduct. The attain-
der and execution of his brother bore an odious aspect : the
introduction of foreign troops into the kingdom was repre-
sented in invidious colors : the great estate which he had
suddenly acquired at the expense of the church and of the
crown, rendered him obnoxious ; and the palace which he was
building in the Strand, served by its magnificence, and still
more by other circumstances which attended it, to expose him
to the censure of the public. The parish church of St. Mary,
with three bishops' houses, was pulled down, in order to furnish
ground and materials for this structure : not content with that
sacrilege, an attempt was made to demolish St. Margaret's,
Westminster, and to employ the stones to the same purpose ;
but the parishioners rose in a tumult, and chased away the
protector's tradesmen. He then laid his hands on a chapel in
St. Paul's churchyard, with a cloister and charnel-house be-
longing to it ; and these edifices, together with a church of
St. John of Jerusalem, were made use of to raise his palace.
What rendered the matter more odious to the people was, that
the tombs and other monuments of the dead were defaced ;
* Strype. vol. ii. p 1S3.
vol. in. — Q
?65 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1549
and the bones, being carried away, were buried in unconse«
uiated ground.*
All these imprudences were remarked by Somerset's ene-
mies, who resolved to take advantage of them. Lord St. John,
president of the council, the earls of Warwick, Southampton,
and Arundel, with five members more, met at Ely House ;
and assuming to themselves the whole power of the council,
began to act independently of the protector, whom they rep-
resented as the author of every public grievance and misfor
tune. They wrote letters to the chief nobility and gentry fh
England, informing them of the present measures, and requir-
ing their assistance : they sent for the mayor and aldermen
of London, and enjoined them to obey their orders, without
regard to any contrary orders which they might receive from
the duke of Somerset. They laid the same injunctions on the
lieutenant of the Tower, who expressed his resolution to com-
ply with them. Next day, Rich, lord chancellor, the marquis
of Northampton, the earl of Shrewsbury, Sir Thomas Cheney,
Sir John Gage, Sir Ralph Sadler, and Chief Justice Montague,
joined the malecontent counsellors ; and every thing bore a
bad aspect for the protector's authority. Secretary Petre,
whom he had sent to treat with the council, rather chose to
remain with them . the common council of the city, being
applied to, declared with one voice their approbation of the
new measures, and their resolution of supporting them.t
As soon as the protector heard of the defection of the coun-
sellors, he removed the king from Hampton Court, where he
then resided, to the Castle of Windsor ; and arming his friends
and servants, seemed resolute to defend himself against all his
enemies. But finding that no man of rank, except Cranmer
and Paget, adhered to him, that the people did not rise at his
summons, that the city and Tower had declared against him,
that even his best friends had deserted him, he lost all hopes
of success, and began to apply to his enemies for pardon and
forgiveness. No sooner was this despondency known, than
Lord Russel, Sir John Baker, speaker of the house of com-
mons, and three counsellors more, who had hitherto remained
neuters, joined the party of Warwick, whom every one now
regarded as master. The council informed the public, by
proclamation, of their actions and intentions ; they wrote to the
* Heylin, p. 72, 73. Stowe's Survey of London. Hay ward, p.
t Stowe, p. 597, 59S. Holingshed. p. 1057.
303
A. D. 1549. J edward vi. 363
princesses Mary and Elizabeth to the same purpose ; and
they made addresses to the king, in which, after the humblest
protestations of duty and submission, they informed him, that
they were the council appointed by his lather for the govern-
ment of the kingdom during his minority ; that they had
chosen the duke of Somerset protector, under the express con-
dition that he should guide himself by their advice and direc-
tion ; that he had usurped the whole authority, and had
neglected, and even in every thing opposed their counsel ;
that he had proceeded to that height of presumption, as to
levy forces against them, and place these forces about his
majesty's person : they therefore begged that they might be
admitted to his royal presence, that he would be pleased to
restore them to his confidence, and that Somerset's servants
might be dismissed. Their request was complied with :
Somerset capitulated only for gentle treatment, which was
promised him. He was, however, sent to the Tower,* with
some of his friends and partisans, among whom was Cecil,
afterwards so much distinguished. Articles of indictment were
exhibited against him ;t of which the chief, at least the best
founded, is his usurpation of the government, and his taking
into his own hands the whole administration of affairs. The
clause of his patent, which invested him with absolute power,
unlimited by any law, was never objected to him ; plainly be-
cause, according to the sentiments of those times, that power
was in some degree involved in the very idea of regal authority.
The Catholics were extremely elated with this revolution ,
and as they had ascribed all the late innovations to Somer-
set's authority, they hoped that his fall would prepare the
way for the return of the ancient religion. But Warwick
who now bore chief sway in the council, was entirely indiflei
ent with regard to all these points of controversy ; and finding
that the principles of the reformation had sunk deeper into
Edward's mind than to be easily eradicated, he was deter-
mined to comply with the young prince's inclinations, and not
to hazard his new-acquired power by any oangerous enterprise.
He took care very early to express his inlentions of supporting
the reformation ; and he threw such discouragements on
Southampton, who stood at the head ot the Romanists, and
whom he considered as a dangerous rival, that that high-
* Stowe, p. 600.
t Burnet, vol. ii. bsok i. coll. 46. Hayward, p. 308. Stowe, p. 602
tiolingshed, p. 105&.
.jt-i HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. 1(149
spirited nobleman retired from the council, and soon after died
irom vexation and disappointment. The other counsellors,
who had concurred in the revolution, received their reward
by promotions and new honors. Russel was created earl of
Bedford : the marquis of Northampton obtained the office of
great chamberlain ; and Lord Wentworth, besides the office
of chamberlain of the household, got two large manors, Stepney
and Hackney, which were torn from the see of London.* A
council of regency was formed ; not that which Henry's will
had appointed for the government of the kingdom, and which,
being founded on an act of parliament, was the only legal
one, but composed chiefly of members who had formerly been
appointed by Somerset, and who derived their seat from an
authority which was now declared usurped and illegal. But
such niceties were, during that age, little understood, and still
less regarded in England.
A session of parliament was held ; and as it was the usual
maxim of that assembly to acquiesce in every administration
which was established, the council dreaded no opposition from
that quarter, and had more reason to look for a corroboration
of their authority. Somerset had been prevailed on to confess,
on his knees, befon. the council, all the articles of charge
against him ; and he imputed these misdemeanors to his own
rashness, folly, and indiscretion, not to any malignity of in-
tention, f He even subscribed this confession ; and the paper
was given in to parliament, who, after sending a committee
to examine him, and hear him acknowledge it to be genuine,
passed a vote, by which they deprived him of all his offices,
and fined him two thousand pounds a year in land. Lord
St. John was created treasurer in his place, and Warwick
eaxl marshal. The prosecution against him was carried no
further. His fine was rebutted by the king : he recovered his
liberty : and Warwick, thinking that he was now sufficiently
humbled, and that his authority was much lessened by his late
tame and abject behavior, readmitted him into the council,
and even agreed to an alliance between their families, by the
marriage of his own son, Lord Dudley, with the lady Jane
Soymour, daughter of Somerset. J
During this session, a severe law was passed against riots. $
It was enacted, that if any, to the number of twelve persons.
* Heylin, p. 8.1. Ryraer, torn. xv. p. 226.
t Heylin, p. S4. Hiivward. p. 309. Stowe, p. G03.
t Hayward, p. 309. " i 3 and 4 Edward VI. o •?.
A.D. fOOU.J EDWARD yt '63
should meet together for any matter of state, and being re-
quired by a lawful magistrate, should not disperse, it should
be treason ; and if any broke hedges, or violently pulled up
pales about enclosures, without lawful authority, it should be
felony: any attempt to kill a privy counsellor was subjected
to the same penalty. The bishops had made an application,
complaining that they were deprived of all their power by
the encroachments of the civil courts, and the present suspen-
sion of the canon law ; that they could summon no oifendei
before them, punish no vice, or exert the discipline of the
church ; from which diminution of their authority, they pre-
tended, immorality had every where received great encourage-
ment and increase. The design of some was to revive the
penitentiary rules of the primitive church ; but others thought,
that such an authority committed to the bishops would prove
more oppressive than confession, penance, and all the clerical
inventions of the Romish superstition. The parliament, for
the present, contented themselves with empowering the king
to appoint thirty-two commissioners to compile a body of
canon laws, which were to be valid, though never ratified
by parliament. Such implicit trust did they repose in the
crown, without reflecting that all their liberties and proper-
ties might be affected by these canons.* The king did not
live to affix the royal sanction to the new canons. Sir John
Sharington, whose crimes and malversations had appeared so
egregious at the condemnation of Lord Seymour, obtained from
parliament a reversal of his attainder.! This man sought
favor with the more zealous reformers ; and Bishop Latimer
affirmed that, though formerly he had been a most notorious
knave, he was now so penitent that he had become a very
honest man.
[1550.] When Warwick and the council of regency began
to exercise their power, they found themselves involved in the
same difficulties that had embarrassed the protector. The wars
with France and Scotland could not be supported by an exhaust-
ed exchequer ; seemed dangerous to a divided nation ; and were
now acknowledged not to have any object which even (he
greatest and most uninterrupted success could attain. The
project of peace entertained by Somerset, had served them as a
pretence for clamor against his administration; yet, after send-
ing Sir Thomas Cheney to the emperor, and making agai 1 a
3 an •! S Edward VI. c. 2. t 3 and 4 Edward VI. c. ! '»
5oG HISTORY OF ENGLAND [A. D. 15o0
fruitless effort to engage him in the protection of Boulogne, they
found themselves obliged to listen to the advances which Henry
made them, by the canal of Guidotti, a Florentine merchant.
The earl of Bedford, Sir John Mason, Paget, and Petre, were
sent over to Boulogne, with full powers to negotiate. The
French king absolutely refused to pay the two millions of
crowns, which his predecessor had acknowledged to be due to
the crown of England as arrears of pensions : and said, that
he never would consent to render himself tributary to any
prince : but he offered a sum for the immediate restitution of
Boulogne ; and four hundred thousand crowns were at last
agreed on, one half to be paid immediately, the other in Au-
gust following. Six hostages were given for the performance
of this article. Scotland was comprehended in the treaty : the
English stipulated to restore Lauder and Douglas, and to de
molish the fortresses of Roxburgh and Eymouth.* No sooner
was peace concluded with France, than a project was enter-
tained of a close alliance with that kingdom ; and Henry will-
ingly embraced a proposal so suitable both to his interests and
his inclinations. An agreement some time after was formed
for a marriage between Edward and Elizabeth, a daughter
of France ; and all the articles were, after a little negotiation,
fully settled : t but this project never took effect.
The intention of marrying the king to a daughter of Henry,
a violent persecutor of the Protestants, was nowise acceptable
to that party in England : but in all other respects the coun-
cil was steady in promoting the reformation, and in enforcing
the laws against the Romanists. Several prelates were still
addicted to that communion ; and though they made some
compliances, in order to save their bishoprics, they retarded,
as much as they safely could, the execution of the new laws,
and gave countenance to such incumbents as were negligent
or refractory. A resolution was therefore taken to seek pre-
tences for depriving those prelates ; and the execution of this
intention was the more easy, as they had all of them been
obliged to take commissions, in which it was declared, that
they held their sees during the king's pleasure only. It was
thought proper to begin with Gardiner, in order to strike a
terror into the rest. The method of proceeding against him
* Burnet, voi. li. p. 148. Hayward, p. 310, 311, 312. Rymer. vol
iv. p. 211.
+ Hay ward, p. 318. Heylin, p. 101. Rymer, torn. xv. p. 213
A.. D. 1550.] edward vi 367
was violent, and had scarcely any color of law or justice.
Injunctions had been given him to inculcate in a sermon the
duty of obedience to a king, even daring his minority ; and
because he had neglected this topic, he had been thrown intc
prison, and had been there detained during two years, without
being accused of any crime except disobedience to this arbi-
trary command. The duke of Somerset, Secretary Petre, and
some others of the council, were now sent, in order to try his
temper, and endeavor to find some grounds for depriving him :
he professed to them his intention of conforming to the gov-
rnmeut, of supporting the king's laws, and of officiating by
trie new liturgy. This was not the disposition which they
expected or desired.* A new deputation was therefore sent,
who carried him several articles to subscribe. He was re-
quired to acknowledge his former misbehavior, and to con-
fess the justice of his confinement : he was likewise to own,
that the king was supreme head of the church ; that the
power of making and dispensing with holydays was part
of the prerogative ; that the book of common prayer was
a godly and commendable form ; that the king was a com-
plete sovereign in his minority ; that the law of the six arti-
cles was justly repealed; and that the king had full authority
to correct and reform what was amiss in ecclesiastical disci-
pline, government, or doctrine. The bishop was willing to set
his hand to all the articles except the first : he maintained
his conduct to have been inoffensive ; and declared, that he
would not own himself guilty of faults which he had never
committed, t
The council, finding that he had gone such lengths, were
determined to prevent his full compliance by multiplying the
difficulties upon him, and sending him new articles to sub-
scribe. A list was selected of such points as they thought
would be the hardest of digestion ; and, not content with this
rigor, they also insisted on his submission, and his acknowledg-
ment of past errors. To make this subscription more mortify-
ing, they demanded a promise, that he would recommend
and publish all these articles from the pulpit : but Gardiner,
who saw that they intended either to ruin or dishonor him, or
perhaps both, determined not to gratify his enemies by any
further compliance : he still maintained his innocence : de»
* Heylin, p. 99.
t Collier, vol. ii. p. 305, from the council books. Heylin. p. 99
368 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1551
sired a fair trial ; and refused to subscribe more articles till
he should recover his liberty. For this pretended offence hia
bishopric was put under sequestration for three months ; and
as he then appeared no more compliant than before, a com-
mission was appointed to try, or, more properly speaking, to
condemn him. [1551.] The commissioners were, the pri-
mate, the bishops of London, Ely, and Lincoln, Secretary
Petre, Sir James Hales, and some other lawyers. Gardiner
objected to the legality of the commission, which was not
founded on any statute or precedent ; and he appealed from
the commissioners to the king. His appeal was not regarded :
sentence was pronounced against him : he was deprived of
his bishopric, and committed to close custody : his books and
papers were seized ; he was secluded from all company ; and
it was not allowed him either to send or receive any letters or
messages.*
Gardiner, as well as the other prelates, had agreed to hold
his office during the king's pleasure : but the council, unwill-
ing to make use of a concession which had been so illegally
and arbitrarily extorted, chose rather to employ some forms
of justice; a resolution which led them to commit still greater
iniquities and severities. But the violence of the reformers
did not stop here. Day, bishop of Chichester, Heath of
Worcester, and Voisy of Exeter, were deprived of their bish-
oprics, on pretence of disobedience. Even Kitchen of Lan
daff, Capon of Salisbury, and Samson of Coventry, though
they had complied in every thing, yet, not being supposed
cordial in their obedience, were obliged to seek protection, by
sacrificing the most considerable revenues of their see to the
rapacious courtiers.t
These plunderers neglected not even smaller profits. An
order was issued by council for purging the library at West-
minster of all missals, legends, and other superstitious vol-
umes, and delivering their garniture to Sir Anthony Aucher. }
Many of these books were plated with gold and silver, and
curiously embossed ; and this finery was probably the super-
stition that condemned them. Great havoc was likewise
made on the libraries at Oxford. Books and manuscripts
were destroyed without distinction : the volumes of divinity
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 734, et seq. Barnet. Heylin. ( oilier.
t Goodwin do Praesul. Arigl. Heylin, p. 100.
t Collier, vol ii p. 307, from the council books.
A.D. 1551.1 EDWARD VI. ''69
suffered for their rich binding : those of literature wert con-
demned as useless : those of geometry and astronomy were
supposed to contain nothing but necromancy.* The univer-
sity had not power to oppose these barbarous violences : they
were in danger of losing their own revenues ; and expected
every moment to be swallowed up by the earl of Warwick
and his associates.
Though every one besides yielded to the authority of the
council, the lady Mary could never be brought to compliance ;
and she still continued to adhere to the mass, and to reject
the new liturgy. Her behavior was, during some time, con-
nived at ; but at last her two chaplains, Mallet and Berkeley,
were thrown into prison ; t and remonstrances were made to
the princess herself on account of her disobedience. The
council wrote her a letter, by which they endeavored to make
her change her sentiments, and to persuade her that her re-
ligious faith was very ill grounded. They asked her what
warrant there was in Scripture for prayers in an unknown
tongue, the use of images, or offering up the sacrament for
the dead ; and they desired her to peruse St. Austin, and the
other ancient doctors, who would convince her of the errors
of the Romish superstition, and prove that it was founded
merely on false miracles and lying stories, t The lady Mary
remained obstinate against all this advice, and declared her-
self willing to endure death rather than relinquish her religion ;
she only feared, she said, that she was not worthy to suffer
martyrdom in so holy a cause : and as for Protestant books,
she thanked God, that as she never had, so she hoped never
to read any of them. Dreading further violence, she en-
deavored to make an escape to her kinsman Charles; but her
design was discovered and prevented. § The emperor remon-
strated in her behalf, and even threatened hostilities if liberty
of conscience were refused her : but though the council,
sensible that the kingdom was in no condition to support with
honor such a war, was desirous to comply, they found great
difficulty to overcome the scruples of the young king. He
had been educated in such a violent abhorrence of the mass
and other popish rites, which he regarded as impious and
idolatrous, that he should participate, he thought, in the sin
* Wood, Hist, and Antiq. Oxon. lib. i. p. 271, 272.
t Strype, vol. ii. p. 2 !0 t Fox, vol. ii. Collier Burnet
i Hay ward, p. 315.
Q*
370 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. 155*
if he allowed its commission : and when at last the impor-
tunity of Cranmcr, Ridley, and Poinet prevailed somewhat
over his opposition, he burst into tears ; lamenting his sister's
obstinacy, and bewailing his own hard fate, that he must suffer
bcr to continue in such an abominable mode of worship.
The great object, at this time, of antipathy among the
Protestant sects was popery, or, more properly speaking, the
papists. These they regarded as the common enemy, who
threatened every moment to overwhelm the evangelical faith,
and destroy its partisans by fire and sword : they had not
as yet had leisure to attend to the other minute differences
among themselves, which afterwards became the object of
such furious quarrels and animosities, and threw the whole
kingdom into combustion. Several Lutheran divines, who
had reputation in those days, Bucer, Peter Martyr, and others,
were induced to take shelter in England, from the persecu-
tions which the emperor exercised in Germany ; and they
received protection and encouragement. John A-Lasco, a
Polish nobleman, being expelled his country by the rigors of
the Catholics, settled during some time at Embden in East
Friezland, where he became preacher to a congregation of
the reformed. Foreseeing the persecutions which ensued, he
removed to England, and brought his congregation along with
him. The council, who regarded them as industrious, useful
people, and desired to invite over others of the same char-
acter, not only gave them the church of Augustin Friars for
the exercise of their religion, but granted them a charter, by
which they were erected into a corporation, consisting of a
superintendent and four assisting ministers. This ecclesiastical
establishment was quite independent of the church of Eng-
land, and differed from it in some rites and ceremonies.*
These differences among the Protestants were matter oi
triumph to the Catholics ; who insisted that the moment men
departed from the authority of the church, they lost all
criterion of truth and falsehood in matters of religion, and
must be carried away by every wind of doctrine. The con-
tinual variations of every sect of Protestants afforded them
the same topic of reasoning. The book of common prayei
suffered in England a new revisal, and some rites and cere-
monies which had given offence were omitted.! The specu-
lative doctrines, or the metaphysics of religion, were also
* Mem. Cranm. u 234. t Mem. Cranm. n. 289.
A. D. 1551] Edward \n. 371
reduced to forty-two articles. These were intended to obviate
further divisions and variations ; and the compiling of them
had been postponed till the establishment of the liturgy, which
was justly regarded as a more material object to the people.
The eternity of hell torments is asserted in this confession of
faith ; and care is also taken to inculcate, not only that no
heathen, how virtuous soever, can escape an endless state of
the most exquisite misery, but also that every one who pre-
sumes to maintain that any pagan can possibly be saved, is
himself exposed to the penalty of eternal perdition *
The theological zeal of the council, though seemingly fer-
vent, went not so far as to make them neglect their own
temporal concerns, which seem to have ever been uppermost
in their thoughts : they even found leisure to attend to the
public interest ; nay, to the commerce of the nation, which
was at that time very little the object of general study or
attention. The trade of England had anciently been carried
on altogether by foreigners, chiefly the inhabitants of the
Hanse Towns, or Easterlings, as they were called ; and in
order to encourage these merchants to settle in England, they
had been erected into a corporation by Henry III., had ob-
tained a patent, were endowed with privileges, and were
exempted from several heavy duties paid by other aliens. So
ignorant were the English of commerce, that this company,
usually denominated the merchants of the " stil-yard," en-
grossed, even down to the reign of Edward, almost the whole
foreign trade of the kingdom ; and as they naturally employed
the shipping of their own country, the navigation of England
was also in a very languishing condition. It was thereforo
thought proper by the council to seek pretences for annulling
the privileges of this corporation, privileges which put them
nearly on an equal footing with Englishmen in the duties
which they paid ; and as such patents were, during that age,
granted by the absolute power of the king, men were the less
surprised to find them revoked by the same authority. Sev-
eral remonstrances were made against this innovation by
Lubec, Hamburgh, and other Hanse towns ; but the council
persevered in their resolution, and the good effects of it soon
became visible to the nation. The English merchauts, bj
their very situation as natives, had advantages above foreigners
ia tin? purchase of cloth, wool, and other commodities: though
* Article xviii.
372 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [A. D. 1551
Ihese advantages had not hitherto heen sufficient to rouse theii
industry, or engage them to become rivals to this opulent
company : but when aliens' duty was also imposed upon all
foreigners indiscriminately, the English were tempted to enter
into commerce ; and a spirit of industry began to appear in
the kingdom.*
About the same time a treaty was made with Gustavus
Ericson, king of Sweden, by which it was stipulated, that
if he sent bullion into England, he might export English
commodities without paying custom ; that he should carry
bullion to no other prince ; that if he sent oziums, steel,
copper, etc., he should pay custom for English commodities
as an Englishman ; and that if he sent other merchandise, he
should have free intercourse, paying custom as a stranger. t
The bullion sent over by Sweden, though it could not be in
great quantity, set the mint to work : good specie was coined,
and much of the base metal formerly issued was recalled : a
circumstance which tended extremely to the encouragemeut
of commerce.
But all these schemes for promoting industry were likely to
prove abortive by the fear of domestic convulsions, arising
from the ambition of Warwick. That nobleman, not con-
tented with the station which he had attained, carried further
his pretensions, and had gained partisans who were disposed
to second him in every enterprise. The last earl of North-
umberland died without issue ; and as Sir Thomas Piercy, his
brother, had been attainted on account of the share which he
had in the Yorkshire insurrection during the late reign, the
title was at present extinct, and the estate was vested in the
crown. Warwick now procured to himself a grant of those
ample possessions, which lay chiefly in t^e north, the most
warlike part of the kingdom ; and was dignified with the title
of duke of Northumberland. His friend Paulet, Lord St
John, the treasurer, was created, first, earl of Wiltshire, then
marquis of Winchester : Sir William Herbert obtained the
title of earl of Pembroke.
But the ambition of Northumberland made him regard all
increase of possessions and titles, either to himself or his
partisans, as steps only to further acquisitions. Finding that
Somerset, though degraded from his dignity, and even lessened
* Hayward, p. 32G. Hejlin, p. 10S. Strype's Mem vol. ii. p. 205
t Heylin, p. 1C9.
A. D. 1551.1 EDWARD VI. 373
in the public opinion by his spiritless conduct, still enjoyed a
considerable share of popularity, he determined to ruin the
man whom he regarded as the chief obstacle to the attain-
ment of his hopes. The alliance which had been contracted
between the families had produced no cordial union, and only
enabled Northumberland to compass with more certainty the
destruction of his rival. He secretly gained many of the
friends and servants of that unhappy nobleman : he some-
times terrified him by the appearance of danger ; sometimes
provoked him by ill usage. The unguarded Somerset often
broke out into menacing expressions against Northumberland :
at other times he formed rash projects, which he immediately
abandoned : his treacherous confidants carried to his enemy
every passionate word which dropped from him : they revealed
the schemes which they themselves had first suggested : * and
Northumberland, thinking that the proper season had now
come, began to act in an open manner against him.
In one night, the duke of Somerset, Lord Grey, David and
John Seymour, Hammond, and Neudigate, two of the duke's
servants, Sir Ilalph Vane, and Sir Thomas Palmer, were
arrested and committed to custody. Next day, the duchess
of Somerset, with her favorites Crane and his wife, Sir Miles
Partridge, Sir Michael Stanhope, Bannister, and others, was
thrown into prison. Sir Thomas Palmer, who had all along
acted as a spy upon Somerset, accused him of having formed
a design to raise an insurrection in the north, to attack the
gens d'armes on a muster day, to secure the Tower, and to
raise a rebellion in London : but, what was the only probable
accusation, he asserted, that Somerset had once laid a project
for murdering Northumberland, Northampton, and Pembroke,
at a banquet which was to be given them by Lord Paget.
Crane and his wife confirmed Palmer's testimony with regard
to this last design ; and it appears that some rash scheme of
that nature had really been mentioned, though no regular con-
spiracy had been formed, or means prepared for its execution.
Hammond confessed that the duke had armed men to guard
him one night in his house at Greenwich.
Somerset was brought to his trial before the marquis of
Winchester, created high steward. Twenty-seven peers com-
posed the jury, among whom were Northumberland, Pern
broke, and Northampton, whom decency should have hindered
* Hoylin, p. 112.
S74 HISTORY OF ENGLAND |A. D. 1552
from acting as judges in the trial of a man that appeared to be
their capital enemy. Somerset was accused of high treason,
on account of the projected insurrections, and of felony in lay-
ing a design to murder privy counsellors.
We have a very imperfect account of all state trials during
that ag«, which is a sensible defect in our history ; but it
appears that some more regularity was observed in the man-
agement of this prosecution than had usually been employed
in like cases. The witnesses were at least examined by the
privy council ; and though they were neither produced in
court, nor confronted with the prisoner, (circumstances re-
quired by the strict principles of equity,) their depositions
were given in to the jury. The proof seems to have been
lame with regard to the treasonable part of the charge ; and
Somerset's defence was so satisfactory, that the peers gave
verdict in his favor : the intention alone of assaulting the privy
counsellors was supported by tolerable evidence ; and the jury
brought him in guilty of felony. The prisoner himself con-
fessed that he had expressed his intention of murdering North-
umberland and the other lords ; but had not formed any reso-
lution oil that head : and when he received sentence, he asked
pardon of those peers for the designs which he had hearkened
to against them. The people, by whom Somerset was beloved,
hearing the first part of his sentence, by which he was acquit-
ted from treason, expressed their joy by loud acclamations :
but thsir satisfaction was suddenly damped on finding that he
was condemned to death for felony.*
[1552.] Care had been taken by Northumberland's emis-
saries to prepossess the young king against his uncle ; and
lest h« should relent, no access was given to any of Somer-
set's friends, and the prince was kept from reflection by a
continued series of occupations and amusements. At last the
prisoner was brought to the scaffold on Tower Hill, amidst
great crowds of spectators, who bore him such sincere kind-
ness, that they entertained to the last moment the fond hopes
of his pavdon.t Many of them rushed in to dip their hand
kerchiefs in his blood, which they long preserved as a precious
relic ; aud some of them soon after, when Northumberland
met with' a like doom, upbraided him with this cruelty, and
displayed to him these symbols of his crime. Somerset,
* Flyward, p. 320, 321, 322. Stowe, p. 606. Holingshed,p. 1067
t F wward, p. 324, 325'.
A.D. 15&2.J EDWARD VI. 37 >,
indeed, though many actions of his h\e v/ere exceptionable,
seems in general to have merited a better fate ; and the faults
which he committed were owing to weakness, not to any bad
intention. His virtues were better calculated for private than
for public life ; and by his want of penetration and firmness,
he was ill fitted to extricate himself from those cabals and
violences to which that age was so much addicted. Sir
Thomas Arundel, Sir Michael Stanhope, Sir Miles Partridge,
and Sir Ralph Vane, all of them Somerset's friends, were
brought to their trial, condemned, and executed : great injus-
tice seems to have been used in their prosecution. Lord
Paget, chancellor of the duchy, was on some pretence tried
in the star chamber, and condemned in a fine of six thousand
pounds, with the loss of his office. To mortify him the more,
he was degraded from the order of the garter ; as unworthy,
on account of his mean birth, to share that honor.* Lord
Rich, chancellor, was also compelled to resign his office, on
the discovery of some marks of friendship which he had
Ehown tc Somerset.
The day after the execution of Somerset, a session of
parliament was held, in which further advances were made
towards the establishment of the reformation. The new
liturgy was authorized ; and penalties were enacted against
all those who absented themselves from public worship.t To
use the mass had already been prohibited under severe
penalties ; so that the reformers, it appears, whatever scope
they had given to their own private judgment, in disputing
the tenets of the ancient religion, were resolved not to allow
the same privilege to others ; and the practice, nay, the very
doctrine of toleration, was at that time equally unknown to all
sects and parties. To disseut from the religion of the magis-
trate, was universally conceived to be as criminal as to ques-
tion his title, or rebel against his authority.
A law was enacted against usury ; that is, against taking
any interest for money. ± This act was the remains of ancient
superstition ; but being found extremely iniquitous in itself, as
well as prejudicial to commerce, it was afterwards repealed
in the twelfth of Elizabeth. The common rate of interest,
notwithstanding tiie law, was at this time fourteen per cent, j
A bill was introduced by the ministry into the house of
* Stowe, p. bOS. f 5 and G Edward VI. cap.
£ 5 and 6 Edward VI. cap. CO. S Hay ward. p. 318
37C H] STORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1552
lords, renewing those rigorous statutes of treason which had
been abrogated in the beginning of this reign ; and though
the peers, by their high station, stood most exposed to these
tempests of state, yet had they so little regard to public
security, or even to their own true interest, that they passed
the bill with only one dissenting voice.* But the commons
rejected it, and prepared a new bill, that passed into a law, by
which it was enacted, that whoever should call the king, or
any of his heirs named in the statute of the thirty-fifth of the
last reign, heretic, schismatic, tyrant, infidel, or usurper of the
crown, should forfeit, for the first offence, their goods and
chattels, and be imprisoned during pleasure ; for the second,
should incur a "praemunire;" for the third, should be attaint-
ed for treason. But if any should unadvisedly utter such a
slander in writing, printing, painting, carving, or graving, he
was, for the first offence, to be held a traitor.! It may be
worthy of notice, that the king and his next heir, the lady
Mary, were professedly of different religions ; and religions
which threw on each other the imputation of heresy, sch'srtt,
idolatry, profaneness, blasphemy, wickedness, and all the
opprobrious epithets that religious zeal has invented. It was
almost impossible, therefore, for the people, if they spoke at
all on these subjects, not to fall into the crime so severely
punished by the statute ; and the jealousy of the commons fot
liberty, though it led them to reject the bill of treasons sent
to them by the lords, appears not to have been very active,
vigilant, or clearsighted.
The commons annexed to this bill a clause, which was of
more importance than the bill itself, that no one should be
convicted of any kind of treason, unless the crime were proved
by the oaths of two witnesses, confronted with the prisoner.
The lords for some time scrupled to pass this clause, though
conformable to the most obvious principles of equity. But the
members of that house trusted for protection to their present
personal interest and power, and neglected the noblest and
most permanent security, that of laws.
The house of peers passed a bill, whose object was, making
a provision for the poor; but the commons, not choosing that
a money bill should begin in the upper house, framed a mrw
act to the same purpose. By this act the churchwardens ww
* Pari. Hist. vol. lii. p. 258. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 190.
t 5 and 6 Edwari VI. cap. 2-
A.D. \b£>2.\ EDWARD VI 377
empowered to collect charitable contributions ; and if any
refused to give, or dissuaded others from that charity, the
bishop of the diocese was empowered to proceed against them.
Such large discretionary powers intrusted to the prelates,
seem as proper an object of jealousy as the authority assumed
by the peers.*
There was another occasion in which the parliament reposed
an unusual confidence in the bishops. They empowered them
to proceed against such as neglected the Sundays and holy-
days. t But these were unguarded concessions granted to the
church : the general humor of the age rather led men to
bereave the ecclesiastics of all power, and even to pillage
them of their property : many clergymen, about this time,
were obliged for a subsistence to turn carpenters or tailors,
and some kept alehouses. $ The bishops themselves were
generally reduced to poverty, and held both their revenues and
spiritual office by a very precarious and uncertain tenure.
Tonstal, bishop of Durham, was one of the most eminent
prelates of that age, still less for the dignity of his see, than
for his own personal merit, his learning, moderation, human-
ity, and beneficence. He had opposed, by his vote and author-
ity, all innovations in religion ; but as soon as they were
enacted, he had always submitted, and had conformed to
every theological system which had been established. His
known probity had made this compliance be ascribed, not to
an interested or time-serving spirit, but to a sense of duty,
which led him to think that all private opinion ought to be
sacrificed to the great concern of public peace and tranquillity.
The general regard paid to his character had protected him
from any severe treatment during the administration of Som-
erset ; but when Northumberland gained the ascendant, he
was thrown into prison ; and as that rapacious nobleman had
formed a design of seizing the revenues of the see of Dur-
ham, and of acquiring to himself a principality in the northern
counties, he was resolved, in order to effect his purpose, to
deprive Tonstal of his bishopric. A bill of attainder, there-
fore, on pretence of misprision of treasou, was introduced into
the house of peers against the prelate ; and it passed with
the opposition only of Lord Stourton, a zealous Catholic, and
of Crar-msr, who always bore a cordial and sincere friendship
* S and 6 Edward VI. cap. 2. t 5 and G Edwaid VI. cap. 3.
I Biruct, vol. ii. p. 202.
378 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1S54
to ths bishop of Durham. But when the bill was sent dowi
to the commons, they required that witnesses should be e>;
amined, that Tonstal should be allowed to defend himself, and
tbat he should be confronted with his accusers ; and when
these demands were refused, they rejected the bill.
This equity, so unusual in the parliament during that age,
was ascribed, by Northumberland and his partisans, not to
any regard for liberty and justice, but to the prevalence of
Somerset's faction in the house of commons, which, being
chosen during the administration of that nobleman, had been
almost entirely filled with his creatures. They were confirmed
in this opinion, when they found that a bill, ratifying the
attainder of Somerset and his accomplices, was also rejected
by the commons, though it had passed the upper house. A
resolution was therefore taken to dissolve the parliament,
which had sitten during this whole reign ; and soon after to
summon a new one.
Northumberland, in order to insure to himself a house of
commons entirely obsequious to his will, ventured on an ex-
pedient which could not have been practised, or even imagined,
in an age when there was any idea or comprehension of lib-
erty. He engaged the king to write circular letters to all the
sheriffs, in which he enjoined them to inform the freeholders,
that they were required to choose men of knowledge and
experience for their representatives. After this general exhor-
tation, the king continued in these words : " And yet, never-
theless, our pleasure is, that where our privy council, or any
of them, shall, in our behalf, recommend within their juris-
diction men of learning and wisdom ; in such cases their direc-
tions shall be regarded and followed, as tending to the same
end which we desire ; that is, to have this assembly composed
of the persons in our realm the best fitted to give advice and
good counsel."* Several letters were sent from the king,
recommending members to particular counties ; Sir Richard
Cotton to Hampshire ; Sir William Fitzwilliams and Sir Henry
Nevil to Berkshire ; Sir William Drury and Sir Henry Ben-
lingfield to Suffolk, etc. But though some counties only
received this species of conge d'elire from the king ; the rec-
ommendations from the privy council and the counsellors, we
nay fairly presume, would extend to the greater part, if not
the whole of the kingdom.
* Slrype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. pi 304.
A. D. \ 553.] edward vi. 379
It is remarkable, that this attempt was made during the
reign of a minor king, when the royal authority is usually
weakest; that it was patiently submitted to; and that it gave
bo little umbrage as scarcely to be taken notice of by any
historian. The painful and laborious collector above cited,
who never omits the most trivial matter, is the only person
that has thought this memorable letter worthy of being trans-
mitted to posterity.
[1553.] The parliament answered Northumberland's ex-
pectations. As Tonstal had been in the interval deprived of
his bishopric in an arbitrary manner, by the sentence of lay
commissioners appointed to try him, the see of Durham was,
by act of parliament, divided into two bishoprics, which had
certain portions of the revenue assigned them. The regalities
of the see, which included the jurisdiction of a count palatine,
were given by the king to Northumberland ; nor is it to be
doubted but that nobleman had also purposed to make rich
plunder of the revenue, as was then usual with the courtiers
whenever a bishopric became vacant.
The commons gave the ministry another mark of attach-
ment, which was at that time the most sincere of any, the most
cordial, and the most difficult to be obtained : they granted a
supply of two subsidies and two fifteenths. To render this
present the more acceptable, they voted a preamble, containing
a long accusation of Somerset, "for involving the king in wars,
wasting his treasure, engaging him in much debt, embasing the
coin, and giving occasion for a most terrible rebellion." *
The debts of the crown were at this time considerable.
The king had received from France four hundred thousand
crowns on delivering Boulogne ; he had reaped profit from
the sale of some chantry lands; 'he churches had been
spoiled of all their plate and rich ornaments, which, by a
decree of council, without any pretence of law or equity, had
been converted to the king's use:t yet such had been the
rapacity of the courtiers, that the crown owed about thi'ee
hundred thousand pounds:! anc ^ great dilapidations were at
the same time made of the royal demesnes. The young
prince showed, among other virtues, a disposition to frugality,
which, had he lived, would soon have retrieved these losses ;
but as his health was declining very fast, the present emptiness
* 7 Edward VI. cap. 12. t Heylin, p. 95, 132.
J Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. p. 344.
380 HISTOKY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. \ '5%
of the exchequer was a sensible obstacle to the execution of
those projects which the ambition of Northumberland had
founded on the prospect of Edward's approaching end.
That nobleman represented to the prince, "whom youth and
an infirm state of health made susceptible of any impression,
that his two sisters, Mary and Elizabeth, had both of theru
been declared illegitimate by act of parliament ; and though
Henry by his will had restored them to a place in the succcs
sion, the nation would never submit to see the throne of Eng-
land filled by a bastard : that they were the king's sisters by
the half blood only ; and even if they were legitimate, could
not enjoy the crown as his heirs and successors : that the
queen of Scots stood excluded by the late king's will ; aud
being an alien, had lost by law all right of inheriting ; not to
mention that, as she was betrothed to the dauphin, she would,
by her succession, render England, as she had already dene
Scotland, a province to France : that the certain consequence
of his sister Mary's succession, or that of the queen of Scots.
was the abolition of the Protestant religion, and the repeal of
the laws enacted in favor of the reformation, and the reestab-
lishment of the usurpation and idolatry of the church of Ron? :
that, fortunately for England, the same order of succession
which justice required, was also the most conformable to pub-
lic interest ; and there was not on any side any just ground
for doubt or deliberation : and when these three priiicensea
were excluded by such solid reasons, the succession devolved
on the marchioness of Dorset, elder daughter of the French
queen and the duke of Suffolk : that the next heir of the
marchioness was the lady Jane Gray, a lady of the most ami-
able character, accomplished by the best education, both in
literature and religion, and every way worthy of a crown ;
and that even if her title by blood were doubtful, which there
was no just reason to pretend, the king was possessed of the
same power that his father enjoyed, and might leave her the
crown by letters patent. These reasonings made impression
on the young prince ; and above all, his zealous attachment
to the Protestant religion made him apprehend the conse-
quences, if so bigoted a Catholic as his sister Mary should
succeed to the throne. And though he bore a tender affection
to the lady Elizabeth, who was liable to no such objection,
mp.ans were found to persuade him, that he coald net exciude
the one sister, on account of illegitimacy, without giving disc
an exclusion io the other
A..D. 1553.1 edward vi. 3S1
Northumberland, finding that his arguments were likely to
operate on the king, began to prepare the other parts of his
scheme. Two sons of the duke of Suffolk by a second venter
having died this season of the sweating sickness, that title was
extinct ; and Northumberland engaged the king to bestow it
on the marquis of Dorset. By means of this favor, and of
others which he conferred upon him, he persuaded the new
duke of Suffolk and the duchess, to give their daughter, the
lady Jane, in marriage to his fourth son, the Lord Guildford
Dudley. In order to fortify himself by further alliances, he
negotiated a marriage between the lady Catharine Gray,
second daughter of Suffolk, and Lord Herbert, eldest son of
the earl of Pembroke. He also married his own daughter to
Lord Hastings, eldest son of the earl of Huntingdon.* These
marriages were solemnized with great pomp and festivity ;
and the people, who hated Northumberland, could not forbear
expressing their indignation at seeing such public demonstra-
tions of joy during the languishing state of the young prince's
health.
Edward had been seized in the foregoing year, first with
the measles, then with the small-pox ; but having perfectly
recovered from both these distempers, the nation entertained
hopes that they would only serve to confirm his health ; and
he had afterwards made a progress through some parts of the
kingdom. It was suspected that he had there overheated him-
self in exercise ; he was seized with a cough, which proved
obstinate, and gave way neither to regimen nor medicines :
several fatal symptoms of consumption appeared ; and though
it was hoped that, as the season advanced, his youth and tem-
perance might get the better of the malady, men saw with
great concern his bloom and vigor insensibly decay. The
general attachment to the young prince, joined to the hatred
^ome the Dudleys, made it be remarked, that Edward had
every moment declined in health, from the time that Lord
Robert Dudley had been put about him in quality of gentle-
man of the bedchamber.
The languishing state of Edward's health made Northum
kwrland the more intent on the execution of his project. Ho
removed all, except his own emissaries, from about the king ,
ho himself attended him with the greatest assiduity : he pre
tended the most anxious concern for his health and welfare
* Heylin, p. 199 Slow?, n * '):)
382 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D 1553.
and by all these artifices he prevailed on the young prince to
give his final consent to the settlement projected. Sir Edward
Montague, chief justice of the common pleas, Sir John Baker,
and Sir Thomas Bromley, two judges, with the attorney ana
solicitor-general, were summoned to the council, where, after
the minutes of the intended deed were read to them, the king
required them to draw them up in the form of letters patent.
They hesitated to obey, and desired time to consider of it.
The more they reflected the greater danger they found in
compliance. The settlement of the crown by Henry VIII.
had been made in consequence of an act of parliament ; and
by another act, passed in the beginning of this reign, it was
declared treason in any of the heirs, their aiders or abettors,
to attempt on the right of another, or change the order of
succession. The judges pleaded these reasons before the
council. They urged, that such a patent as was intended
would be entirely invalid ; that it would subject, not only the
judges who drew it, but every counsellor who signed it, to the
pains of treason ; and that the only proper expedient, both for
giving sanction to the new settlement, and freeing its partisans
from danger, was to summon a parliament, and to obtain the
consent of that assembly. The king said, that he intended
afterwards to follow that method, and would call a parliament,
in which he purposed to have his settlement ratified ; but in
the mean time he required the judges, on their allegiance, to
draw the patent in the form required. The council told the
judges, that their refusal would subject all of them to the pains
of treason. Northumberland gave to Montague the appella-
tion of traitor ; and said that he would in his shirt fight amy
man in so just a cause as that of Lady Jane's succession
The judges were reduced to great difficulties between tht
dangers from the law, and those which arose from the vio-
lence of present power and authority.*
The arguments were canvassed in several different meet-
ings between the council and the judges, and no solution could
be found of the difficulties. At last, Montague proposed an
expedient, which satisfied both his brethren and the counsel-
lors. Hit desired that a special commission should be passed
by the king and council, requiring the judges to draw a
patent for the new settlement of the crown; and that a par-
don should immediately after be granted them for any offence
Fuller, book viii. p. 2.
A 7) 1553.1 edward v:, 383
which they might have incurred by their comr. hance. When
the patent was drawn, and brought to the bishop of Ely, chan-
cellor, in order to have the great seal affixed to it, this prelate
required that all the judges should previously sign it. Gosnald
at first refused, and it was with much difficulty that he wass
prevailed on, by the violent menaces of Northumberland, to
comply ; but the constancy of Sir James Hales, who, though
a zealous Protestant, preferred justice on this occasion to the
prejudices of his party, could not be shaken by any expedient.
The chancellor next required, for his greater security, that all
the privy counsellors should set their hands to the patent : the
intrigues of Northumberland, or the fears of his violence, were
so prevalent, that the counsellors complied with this demand.
Cranmer alone hesitated during some time, but at last yielded
to the earnest and pathetic entreaties of the king.* Cecil, at
that time secretary of state, pretended afterwards, that he only
signed as witness to the king's subscription. And thus, by the
king's letters patent, the two princesses, Mary and Elizabeth,
were set aside ; and the crown was settled on the heirs of the
duchess of Suffolk ; for the duchess herself was content to give
place to her daughters.
After this settlement was made, with so many inauspicious
circumstances, Edward visibly declined every day, and small
hopes were entertained of his recovery. To make matters
worse, his physicians were dismissed by Northumberland's
advice, and by an order of council ; and he was put into
the hands of an ignorant woman, who undertook in a little
time to restore him to his former state of health. After the
use of her medicines, all the bad symptoms increased to the
most violent degree : he felt a difficulty of speech and breath
ing ; his pulse failed, his legs swelled, his color became livid ;
and many other symptoms appeared of his approaching end.
He expired at Greenwich, in the sixteenth year of his age, and
the seventh of his reign.
All the English historians dwell with pleasure on the excel-
lent qualities of this young prince ; whom the flattering prom-
ises of hope, joined to many real virtues, had made an object
of tender affection to the public. He possessed mildness of
disposition, application to study and business, a capacity to
learn and judge, and an attachment to equity and justice. Hu
eeems only to have contracted, from his education, and nom
* Cranm. Mem. p. 29a
384 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1 553
the genius of the age in which he lived, too much of a narrow
prepossession in matters of religion, which made him incline
Eomewhat to bigotry and persecution : but as the bigotry of
Protestants, less governed by priesta, lies under more restraints
than that of Catholics, the enecta of this malignant quality
were the less to be apprehends. C a longer life had been
granted to young Edward.
A. D 1553.1 mart- 5«a
CHAPTER XXXVI,
MARY.
CONTEMPORARY MONARCHS.
Bmp. or Germ.
Charles V 1553
Verdinanc? I.
K. or France.
K. or Spain.
a. or Scotland.
Pens.
Henry 1 1.
Charles V.
resigns . . . 15o5
Philip II.
Mary.
Julius III. .. 16M
Msrcellus II. 1554
Paul IV.
[1553.] The title of the princess Mary, after the demise
of her brother, was not exposed to any considerable difficulty ;
and the objections started by the lady Jane's partisans were
new and unheard of by the nation. Though all the Protest-
ants, and even many of the Catholics, believed the marriage
of Henry VIII. with Catharine of Arragon to be unlawful and
invalid ; yet, as it had been contracted by the parties without
any criminal intention, had been avowed by their parents, rec-
ognized by the nation, and seemingly founded on those prin-
ciples of law and religion which then prevailed, few imagined
that their issue ought on that account to be regarded as ille
gitimate. A declaration to that purpose had indeed been ex-
torted from parliament by the usual violence and caprice of
Henry ; but as that monarch had afterwards been induced tc
restore his daughter to the right of succession, her title was
now become as legal and parliamentary as it was ever esteem-
ed just and natural The public had long been familiarized
to these sentiments : during all the reign of Edward, the
princess was regarded as his lawful successor ; and though the
Protestants dreaded the effects of her prejudices, the extreme
hatred universally entertained against the Dudleys,* who, men
foresaw, would, under the name of Jane, be the real sover-
eigns, was more than sufficient to counterbalance, even with
that party, the attachment to religion. This last attempt to
violate the order of succession had displayed Northumberland's
ambition and injustice in a full light ; and when the people
reflected on the long train of fraud, iniquity, and cruelty, by
* Sleidan, lib. xxv.
vol. in. — u
3 s -' HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [ A. D. 1553.
which that project had been conducted ; that the lives of the
two Seymours, as well as the title of the princesses, had been
sacrificed to it ; they were moved by indignation to exert them
selves in opposition to such criminal enterprises. The general
veneration also paid to the memory of Henry VIII. prompted
the nation to defend the rights of his posterity ; and the mis-
eries of the ancient civil wars were not so entirely forgotten,
that men were willing, by a departure from the lawful heir,
to incur the danger of like bloodshed and confusion.
Northumberland, sensible of the opposition which he must
sxpcct, had carefully concealed the destination made by the
king ; and in order to bring the two princesses into his power,
he had had the precaution to engage the council, before Ed-
ward's death, to write to them in that prince's name, desiring
iheir attendance, on pretence that his infirm state of health
required the assistance of their counsel and the consolation of
iheir company.* Edward expired before their arrival ; but
Northumberland, in order to make the princesses fall into the
snare, kept the king's death still secret ; and the lady Marj
had already reached Hoddesden, within half a day's journey
of the court. Happily, the earl of Arundel sent her private
intelligence, both of her brother's death, and of the conspiracy
ibrmed against her ; t she immediately made haste to retire ;
and she arrived, by quick journeys, first at Kenning Hall in
Norfolk, then at Framlingham in Suffolk ; where she purposed
to embark and escape to Flanders, in case she should find it
impossible to defend her right of succession. She wrote letters
to the nobility and most considerable gentry in every county
in England ; commanding them to assist her in the defence of
her crown and person. And she despatched a message to the
council ; by which she notified to them, that her brother's
death was no longer a secret to her, promised them pardon for
past ollences, and required them ; mmediately to give orders
lor proclaiming her in London. \
Northumberland found that further dissimulation was fruit-
less : he went to Sion House, $ accompanied by the duke of
Suffolk, the earl of Pembroke, and others of the nobility; and
he approached the lady Jane, who resided there, with all the
respect usually paid to the sovereign. Jane was in a great
measure ignorant of these transactions , and it was with equal
* Heylin, p. 154. t Burnet, vol. ii. p. 233.
X Fox, vol. iii. p. 14. $ Thuanus, lib. xiii. c. 10
A. D. 1553.] mary. 387
frief and surprise that she received intelligence of them.*
She was a lady of an amiable person, an engaging disposition,
accomplished parts ; and being of an equal age with the lata
king, she had received all her education with him, and seemed
even to possess greater facility in acquiring every part of
manly and polite literature. She had attained a familiar
knowledge of the Roman and Greek languages, besides mod-
ern tongues ; had passed most of her time in an application to
learning ; and expressed a great indifference for other occupa-
tions and amusements usual with her sex and station. Roger
Ascham, tutor to the lady Elizabeth, having one day paid her
a visit, found her employed in reading Plato, while the rest of
the family were engaged in a party of hunting in the park ;
and on his admiring the singularity of her choice, she told him,
that she received more pleasure from that author than the
others could reap from all their sport and gayety.t Her heart,
full of this passion for literature and the elegant arts, and of
tenderness towards her husband, who was deserving of her
affections, had never opened itself to the flattering allurements
of ambition ; and the intelligence of her elevation to the throne
was nowise agreeable to her. She even refused to accept of
the present ; pleaded the preferable title of the two princesses ,
expressed her dread of the consequences attending an enterprise
so dangerous, not to say so criminal ; and desired to remain ir
the private station in which she was born. Overcome at last
by the entreaties, rather than the reasons, of her father and
father-in-law, and above all of her husband, she submitted to
their will, and was prevailed on to relinquish her own judg-
ment. It was then usual for the kings of England, after their
accession, to pass the first days in the Tower ; and Northumber-
land immediately conveyed thither the new sovereign. All
the counsellors were obliged to attend her to that fortress ; and
ry this means became, in reality, prisoners in the hands of
Northumberland, v/hose will they were necessitated to obey.
Orders were given by the council to proclaim Jane throughout
the kingdom ; but these orders were executed only in London
and the neighborhood. No applause ensued : the people heard
the proclamation with silence and concern : some even ex-
pressed their scorn and contempt ; and one Pot, a vintner'*
apprentice, was severely punished for this offence. The Prot-
* Godwih in Kennet, p. 329. Heylin. p 140 Buriet,
t Ascham's Works, p. 222, 223.
vol i : . p. 234
388 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. A.D.I 553
estant teachers themselves, who were employed to convince
the people of Jane's title, found their eloquence fruitless ; and
Ridley, bishop of London, who preached a sermon to that
purpose, wrought no effect upon his audience.
The people of Suffolk, meanwhile, paid their attendance on
Mary. As they were much attached to the reformed com-
munion, they could not forbear, amidst their tenders of duty,
expressing apprehensions for their religion ; but when she
assured them that she never meant to change the laws of Ed-
ward, they enlisted themselves in her cause with zeal and
'iffection. The nobility and gentry daily flocked to her, and
brought her reenforcement. The earls of Bath and Sussex,
the eldest sons of Lord Wharton and Lord Mordaunt, Sir Wil-
liam Drury, Sir Henry Benningfield, Sir Hemy Jernegan,
persons whose interest lay in the neighborhood, appeared at
the head of their tenants and retainers.* Sir Edward Has-
tings, brother to the earl of Huntingdon, having received a
commission from the council to make levies for the lady Jane
in Buckinghamshire, carried over his troops, which amounted
to four thousand men, and joined Mary. Even a fleet which
had been sent by Northumberland to lie off the coast of Suf-
folk, being forced into Yarmouth by a storm, was engaged to
declare for that princess.
Northumberland, hitherto blinded by ambition, saw at last
the danger gather round him, and knew not to what hand to
turn himself. He had levied forces, which were assembled at
London ; but dreading the cabals of the courtiers and counsel-
lors, Avhose compliance, he knew, had been entirely the result
of fear or artifice, he was resolved to keep near the person of
the lady Jane, and send Suffolk to command the army. But
the counsellors, who wished to remove him,t working on the
filial tenderness of Jane, magnified to her the danger to which
her father would be exposed ; and represented that Northum-
berland, who had gained reputation by formerly suppressing a
rebellion in those parts, was more proper to command in that
enterprise. The duke himself, Avho knew the slender capacity
of Suffolk, began to think that none but himself was able to
encounter the present danger ; and he agreed to take on him
the command of the troops. The counsellors attended on him
* Heylin, p. 160. "Burnet, vol. ii. p. 237.
t Godwin, p. 330. Heylin, p. 159. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 239. Fox
roi. iii. p. 15.
A. D. 1553.] MARY. 389
at his departure With the highest protestations of attachment,
and none more than Arundel, his mortal enemy.* As he
went along, he remarked the disaffection of the people, which
foreboded a fatal issue to his ambitious hopes. " Many," said
he to Lord Gray, ,: come out to look at us, but I find not one
who cries, God speed you ! " t
The duke had no sooner reached St. Edmondsbury, than he
found his army, which did not exceed six thousand men, too
weak to encounter the queen's, $ which amounted to double
the number. He wrote to the council, desiring them to send
him a reenforcement ; and the counsellors immediately laid
hold of the opportunity to free themselves from confinement.
They left the Tower, as if they meant to execute Northum-
berland's commands ; but being assembled in Baynard's Castle,
a house belonging to Pembroke, they deliberated concerning the
method of shaking off his usurped tyranny. Arundel began
the conference, by representing the injustice and cruelty of
Northumberland, the exorbitancy of his ambition, the criminal
enterprise which he had projected, and the guilt in which he
had involved the whole council ; and he affirmed, that the
only method of making atonement for their past offences, was
by a speedy return to the duty which they owed to their law-
ful sovereign. $ This motion was seconded by Pembroke, who.
clapping his hand to his sword, swore he was ready to fight
any man that expressed himself of a contrary sentiment. The
mayor and aldermen of London were immediately sent for,
who discovered great alacrity in obeying the orders they re-
ceived to proclaim Mary. The people expressed their appro-
bation by shouts of applause. Even Suffolk, who commanded
in the Tower, finding resistance fruitless, opened the gates,
and declared for the queen. The lady Jane, after the vain
pageantry of wearing a crown during ten days, returned to a
private life Avith more satisfaction than she felt when the roy-
alty was tendered to her : || and the messengers who were
sent to Northumberland with orders to lay down his arms,
found that he had despaired of success, was deserted by all hia
followers, and had already proclaimed the queen, with exterior
marks of joy and satisfaction. H The people every where, on
* Heylin, p. 161. Baker, p. 315. Holingshed, p. 108G.
1 Speed, p. S16. t Godwin, p. 331.
§ Godwin, p. 331, 332. Thuaaus, lib. xiii.
|| Godwin, p. 332. Thuanus, lib. xiii. c. i,
^ Stowe, p. 612.
390 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. f A. D. 1553.
the queen's approach to London, gave sensible expressions of
their loyalty and attachment ; and the lady Elizabeth met her
at the head of a thousand horse, which that princess had levied
in order to support their joint title against the usurper.*
The queen gave orders for taking into custody the duke of
Northumberland, who fell on his knees to the earl of Arundel,
that arrested him, and abjectly begged his life.t At the same
time were committed the earl of Warwick, his eldest son,
Lord Ambrose and Lord Henry Dudley, two of his younger
sons, Sir Andrew Dudley, his brother, the marquis of North-
ampton, the earl of Huntingdon, Sir Thomas Palmer, and
Sir John Gates. The queen afterwards confined the duke
of Suffolk, Lady Jane Gray, and Lord Guildford Dudley.
But Mary was desirous, in the beginning of her reign, to ac-
quire popularity by the appearance of clemency ; and because
the counsellors pleaded constraint as an excuse for their trea-
son, she extended her pardon to most of them. Suffolk him-
self recovered his liberty ; and he owed this indulgence, in a
great measure, to the contempt entertained of his capacity.
But the guilt of Northumberland was too great, as well as his
ambition and courage too dangerous, to permit him to entertain
any reasonable hopes of life. When brought to his trial, he
only desired permission to ask two questions of the peers ap-
pointed to sit on his jury ; whether a man could be guilty of
treason that obeyed orders given him by the council under the
great seal ; and whether those who were involved in the same
guilt with himself could sit as his judges. Being told that
the great seal of a usurper was no authority, and that persons
not lying under any sentence of attainder were still innocent
in the eye of the law, and might be admitted on any jury, £
he acquiesced, and pleaded guilty. At his execution, he made
profession of the Catholic religion, and told the people that they
never would enjoy tranquillity till they returned to the faith
of their ancestors : whether that such were his real sentiments,
which he had formerly disguised, from interest and ambition,
or that he hoped by this declaration to render the queen more
avorable to his family. § Sir Thomas Palmer and Sir John
Gates suffered with him ; and this was all the blood spilled on
* Burnet- vol. ii. p. 240. Heylia, p. 19. Stowe, p. 613.
t Buinet, vol. ii. p. 239. Stbwe, p. 612 Baker, p. 315. Holing,
shed, p. 10S8.
J Burnet, vol. ii. p. 243. Heylin, p. 18. Baker, p. 316. Holing
shed, p. 10S9.
4 Heylin, p. 19. Burnet vol. iii. p. 243. Stowe, p. 614
A.D 1 553. J mary. 3in
account of so dangerous and criminal an enterprise against the
rights of the sovereign. Sentence was pronounced against the
lady Jane and Lord Guildford, but without any present inten-
tion of putting it in execution. The youth and innocence of
the persons, neither of whom had reached their seventeenth
year, pleaded sufficiently in their favor.
When Mary first arrived in the Tower, the duke of Norfolk,
who had been detained prisoner during all the last reign ;
Courtney, son of the marquis of Exeter, who, without being
charged with any crime, had been subjected to the same pun
ishment ever since his father's attainder; Gardiner, Tonstal,
and Bonner, who had been confined for their adhering to the
Catholic cause, appeared before her, and implored her clem-
ency and protection.* They were all of them restored to their
liberty, and immediately admitted to her confidence and favor.
Norfolk's attainder, notwithstanding that it had passed in par-
liament, was represented as null and invalid ; because, among
other informalities, no special matter had been alleged against
him, except wearing a coat of arms which he and his ances-
tors, without giving any offence, had always made use of, in
the face of the court and of the whole nation. Courtney soon
after received the title of earl of Devonshire ; and though
educated in such close confinement that he was altogether
unacquainted with the world, he soon acquired all the accom-
plishments of a courtier and a gentleman, and made a con-
siderable figure during the few years which he lived after he
recovered his liberty. t Besides performing all thos« popular
acts, which, though they only affected individuals, were very
acceptable to the nation, the queen endeavored to ingratiate
herself with the public by granting a general pardon, though
with some exceptions, and by remitting the subsidy voted to
her brother by the last varliament. $
The joy arising from the succession of the lawful heir, and
from the gracious demeanor of the sovereign, hindered not the
people from being agitated with great anxiety concerning the
etate of religion ; and us the bulk of the nation inclined to the
Protestant communion, the apprehensions entertained concern-
ing the principles and prejudices of the new queen were pretty
general. The legitimacy of Mary's birth had appeared to be
* Heylin, p. 20. Stowe, p. 013. Holinofshed, p. 1088.
t D£peches de Noailles, v., I. ii. p. 246, 217.
t Stovvc. p. (116.
WH HISTORY OF ENGLAND [A. IX 1653
somewhat connected with the papal authority ; and that princess,
being educated with her mother, had imbibed the strongest
attachment to the Catholic communion, and the highest aver-
sion to those new tenets, whence, she believed, all the misfor-
tunes of her family had originally sprung. The discourage-
ments which she lay under from her father, though at last the}
brought her to comply with his will, tended still more to in-
crease her disgust to the reformers ; and the vexations which
the protector and the council gave her during Edward's reign,
had no other effect than to confirm her further in her preju-
dices. Naturally of a sour and obstinate temper, and irritated
by contradiction and misfortunes, she possessed all the quali-
ties fitted to compose a bigot ; and her extreme ignorance
rendered her utterly incapable of doubt in her own belief, oi
of indulgence to the opinions of others. The nation, therefore,
had great reason to dread, not only the abolition, but the per-
secution of the established religion from the zeal of Mary ; and
it was not long ere she discovered her intentions.
Gardiner, Bonner, Tonstal, Day, Heath, and Vesey, were
reinstated in their sees, either by a direct act of power, or
what is nearly the same, by the sentence of commissioners
appointed to review their trial and condemnation. Though
the bishopric of Durham had been dissolved by authority of
parliament, the queen erected it anew by letters patent, and
replaced Tonstal in his regalities as well as in his revenue.
On pretence of discouraging controversy, she silenced, by an
act of prerogative, all the preachers throughout England, except
such as should obtain a particular license ; and it was easy to
foresee, that none but Catholics would be favored with this
privilege. Holgate, archbishop of York, Coverdale, bishop of
Exeter, Ridley of London, and Hooper of Glocester, were
thrown into prison ; whither old Latimer also was sent soon
after. The zealous bishops and priests were encouraged in
their forwardness to revive the mass, though contrary to the
present laws. Judge Hales, who had discovered such con-
stancy in defending the queen's title, lost all his merit by an
opposition to those illegal practices ; and being committed to
custody, was treated with such severity, that he fell into frenzy,
and killed himself. The men of Suffolk were browbeaten
because they presumed to plead the promise which the queen
when they enlisted themselves in her service, had given them
of maintaining the reformed religion : one in particular was
Bet in the pillory, because he had been too peremptoiy in
A.D. 1553.] mary. 393
recalling to her memory the engagements which &lv- i^d taken
on that occasion. And though the queen still premised in a
public declaration belbre the council, to tolerate those who
differed from her ; men foresaw that this engagement, like the
former, would prove but a feeble security when set in opposi-
tion to religious prejudices.
The merits of Cranmer towards the queen during the reign
of Henry had been considerable ; and he had successfully
employed his good offices in mitigating the severe prejudices
which that monarch had entertained against her. But the
active part which he had borne in promoting her mother's
divorce, as well as in conducting the reformation, had made
him the object of her hatred ; and though Gardiner had been
equally forward in soliciting and defending the divorce, he
had afterwards made sufficient atonement, by his sufferings
in defence of the Catholic cause. The primate, therefore,
had reason to expect little favor during the present reign ;
but it was by his own indiscreet zeal, that he brought on
himself the first violence and persecution. A report being
spread that Cranmer, in order to pay court to the queen, had
promised to officiate in the Latin service, the archbishop, to
wipe off this aspersion, published a manifesto in his own
defence. Among other expressions, he there said, that as the
devil was a liar from the beginning, and the father of lies, he
had at this time stirred up his servants to persecute Christ
and his true religion : that this infernal spirit now endeavored
to restore the Latin satisfactory masses, a thing of his own
invention and device ; and in order to effect his purpose, had
falsely made use of Cranmer's name and authority ; and that
the mass is not only without foundation, either in the Scriptures
or in the practice of the primitive church, but likewise discovers
a plain contradiction to antiquity and the inspired writings, and
is besides replete with many horrid blasphemies.* On the
publication of this inflammatory paper Cranmer' was thrown
into prison, and was tried for the part which he had acted in
concurring with the lady Jane, and opposing the queen's ac-
cession. Sentence of high treason was pronounced against
him ; and though his guilt was shared with the whole privy
council, and was even less than that of the greater part of
them, this sentence; however severe, must be allowed entire!)
* Fox, vol. iii p. 94. Heylir., p. 25. Godwin, p. 336. Burnet, vol
i. Coll No. S Cranni Mem. \>. 305. Thuanus, lib. xiii. c. 3
394 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1553
legal. The execution of it, however, did not follow ; and
Cranmer was reserved for a more cruel punishment.
Peter Martyr, seeing a persecution gathering against the
reformers, desired leave to withdraw ; * and while some zealous
Catholics moved for his commitment, Gardiner hoth pleaded
that he had come over by an invitation from the government,
and generously furnished him with supplies for his journey : but
as bigoted zeal still increased, his wife's body, which had been
interred at Oxford, was afterwards dug up by public orders, and
buried in a dunghill. t The bones of Bucer and Fagius, two
foreign reformers, were about the same time committed to the
flames at Cambridge. J John A-Lasco was first silenced, then
ordered to depart the kingdom with his congregation. The
greater part of the foreign Protestants followed him ; and the
nation thereby lost many useful hands for arts and manufactures.
Several English Protestants also took shelter in foreign parts ;
and every thing bore a dismal aspect for the reformation.
During this revolution of the court, no protection was ex-
pected by Protestants from the parliament which was sum-
moned to assemble. A zealous reformer § pretends, that great
violence and iniquity were used in the elections ; but. besides
that the authority of this writer is inconsiderable, that practice
as the necessities of government seldom required it, had nc.
hitherto been often employed in England. There still re-
mained such numbers devoted by opinion or affection to many
piinciples of the ancient religion, that the authority of the
crown was able to give such candidates the preference in most
elections ; and all those who hesitated to comply with the
court religion, rather declined taking a seat, which, while it
rendered them obnoxious to the queen, could afterwards afford
them no protection against the violence of prerogative. It soon
appeared, therefore, that a majority of the commons would be
obsequious to Mary's designs ; and as the peers were mostly
attached to the court from interest or expectations, little op-
position was expected from that quarter.
In opening the parliament, the court showed a contempt of
the laws, by celebrating, before the two houses, a mass of the
Holy Ghost in the Latin tongue, attended with all the ancient
* Heylin, p. 2G. Godwin, p. 336. Cranm. Mem. p. 317.
t Heylin, p. 26. t Saunders de Schism. Anglic.
$ Beale. But Fox, who lived at the time, and is very minute in his
narratives, says nothing of the matter. See vol. iii p. 16.
A.D. lOOo.j M.UlT. 3 l J£
rites and ceremonies, though abolished by act of parliament.*
Taylor, bishop of Lincoln, having refused to kneel at this ser-
vice, was severely handled, and was violently thrust out cf
the house.! The queen, however, still retained the title of
supreme head of the church of England ; and it was generally
pretended, that the intention of the court was only to restore
religion to the same condition in which it had been left by
Henry ; but that the other abuses of popery, which were the
most grievous to the nation, would never be revived.
The first bill passed by the parliament was of a populai
nature, and abolished every species of treason not contained
in the statute of Edward III., and every species of felony
that did not subsist before the first of Henry VIII. $ The
parliament next declared the queen to be legitimate, ratified
the marriage of Henry with Catharine of Arragon, and an-
nulled the divorce pronounced by Cranmer, § whom they
greatly blamed on that account. No mention, however, is
made of the pope's authority, as any ground of the marriage.
, All the statutes of King Edward with regard to religion were
repealed by one vote. || The attainder of the duke of Norfolk
was reversed ; and this act of justice was more reasonable
than the declaring of that attainder invalid without further
authority. Many clauses of the riot act, passed in the late
reign, were revived : a step which eluded in a great measure
the popular statute enacted at the first meeting of parlia-
ment.
Notwithstanding the compliance of the two houses with
the queen's inclinations, they had still a reserve in certain
articles ; and her choice of a husband, in particular, was of
such importance to national interest, that they were determined
not to submit tamely, in that respect, to her v/ill and pleasure.
There were three marriages T[ concerning which it was sup-
posed that Mary had deliberated after her accession. The
first person proposed to her was Courtney, earl of Devonshire,
who, being an Englishman nearly allied to the crown, could
not fail of being acceptable to the nation ; and as he was of
* Fox, vol. iii. p. 19. f Burnet, vol. ii. p. 252.
t Marias, sess. i. cap. i. By this repeal, though it was in geneial
popular, the clause of 5 and 6 Edward VI. cap. 11, was lost, which
required the confronting of two witnesses in order to prove an)
treason.
§ Marias, sess. ii. cap. 1. 11 Marias, sess. ii. cap. 1
1 Thuan. lib. ii. cap. 3.
896 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. fA. D. 1553.
an engaging person and address, he had visibly gained on ihfl
queen's affections,* and hints were dropped him of her favor-
able dispositions towards him * But that nobleman neglected
these overtures ; and seemed rather to attach himself to the
lady Elizabeth, whose youth and agreeable conversation he
preferred to all the power and grandeur of her sister. Thia
choice occasioned a great coldness in Mary towards Devon-
shire ; and make her break out in a declared animosity against
Elizabeth. The ancient quarrel between their mothers had
sunk deep into the malignant heart of the queen ; and after
the declaration made by parliament in favor of Catharine's
marriage, she wanted not a pretence for representing the birth
of her sister as illegitimate. The attachment of Elizabeth to
the reformed religion offended Mary's bigotry ; and as the
young princess had made some difficulty in disguising her sen-
timents, violent menaces had been employed to bring her to
compliance. $ But when the queen found that Elizabeth had
obstructed her views in a point which, perhaps, touched her
still more nearly, her resentment, excited by pride, uo longer
knew any bounds, and the princess was visibly exposed to tho
greatest danger. $
Cardinal Pole, who had never taken priest's orders, was
another party proposed to the queen; and theie appeared
many reasons to induce her to make choice of this prelate.
The high character of Pole for virtue and humanity ; the
great regard paid him by the Catholic church, of which he
had nearly reached the highest dignity on the death of Paul
III. ; || the queen's affection for the countess of Salisbury, his
mother, who had once been her governess ; the violent animos-
ity to which he had been exposed on account of his attachment
to the Romish communion ; all these considerations had a
powerful influence on Mary. But the cardinal was now in
the decline of liie ; and having contracted habits of study and
retirement, he was represented to her as unqualified for the
bustle of a court and the hurry of business. H The queen,
therefore, dropped all thoughts of that alliance : but as she
entertained a great regard for Pole's wisdom and virtue, she
still intended to reap the benefit of his counsel in the admin-
* Depeches de Noailles, vol. ii. p. 147, 163, 214, 2lv5 ; vol. iii. p. 27
t Godwin, p. 339. t Dep- de Noailles, vol. ii. passim.
$ Heylin. p. 31. Burnet, vo ii. p. 255
i! Father Paul, book iii. H Heylin, p bi.
A. D. 1553.| mary. 'J97
istration of her government. She secre ily entered into a
negotiation with Commendoue, an agent of Cardinal Dandino,
legate at Brussels ; she sent assurances to the pope, then
Julius III., of her earnest desire to reconcile herself and her
kingdoms to the holy see ; and she desired that Pole might be
appointed legate for the performance of that pious office.*
These two marriages being rejected, the queen cast her
eye towards the emperor's family, from which her mothei
was descended, and which, during her own distresses, had
always afforded her countenance and protection. Charles V.,
who a few years before was almost absolute master of Ger
many, had exercised his power in such an arbitrary manner,
that he gave extreme disgust to the nation, who apprehended
the total extinction of their liberties from the encroachments
of that monarch.! Religion had served him as a pretence
for his usurpations ; and from the same principle he met with
that opposition which overthrew his grandeur, and dashed all
his ambitious hopes. Maurice, elector of Saxony, enraged
that the landgrave of Hesse, who, by his advice, and on his
assurances, had put himself into the emperor's hands, should
be unjustly detained a prisoner, formed a secret conspiracy
among the Protestant princes ; and, covering his intentions
with the most artful disguises, he suddenly marched his forces
against Charles, and narrowly missed becoming master of his
person. The Protestants flew to arms in every quarter ; and
their insurrection, aided by an invasion from France, reduced
the emperor to such difficulties, that he was obliged to submit
to terms of peace which insured the independency of Ger-
many. To retrieve his honor, he made an attack on France ,
and laying siege to Metz with an army of a hundred thousand
men, he conducted the enterprise in person, and seemed
determined, at all hazards, to succeed in an undertaking
which had fixed the attention of Europe. But the duke of
Guise, who defended Metz with a garrison composed of the
bravest nobility of France, exerted such vigilance, conduct,
and valor, that the siege was protracted to the depth of
winter ; and the emperor found it dangerous to persevere
any longer. He retired with the remains of his army into
the Low Countries, much dejected with that reverse of for-
tune which in his declining years, had so fatally overtaker.
him.
* Furnet, vol. ii. p. 258. t Thuanus, lib. iv. e. 17
398 HISTORY OF ENGIAND. f A. D. 1553.
No sooner did Charles hear of the death of Edward, and
the accession of his kinswoman Mary to the crown of Eng-
land, than he formed the scheme of acquiring that kingdom
to his family ; and he hoped by this incident to balance all
the losses which he had sustained in Germany. His son
Philip was a widower ; and though he was only twenty-seven
years of age, eleven years younger than the queen, this
objection, it was thought, would be overlooked, and there was
no reason to despair of her still having a numerous issue.
The emperor, therefore, immediately sent over an agent to
signify his intentions to Mary ; who, pleased with the support
of so powerful an alliance, and glad to unite herself more
closely with her mother's family, to which she was ever
strongly attached, readily embraced the proposal. Norfolk,
Arundel, and Paget, gave their advice for the match : and
Gardiner, who was become prime minister, and who had been
promoted to the office of chancellor, finding how Mary's in-
clinations lay, seconded the project of the Spanish alliance.
At the same time he represented, both to her and the emperor,
the necessity of stopping all further innovations in religion,
till the completion of the marriage. He observed, that the
parliament amidst all their compliances had discovered evi-
dent symptoms of jealousy, and seemed at present determined
to grant no further concessions in favor of the Catholic
religion : that though they might make a sacrifice to their
sovereign of some speculative principles which they did not
well comprehend, or of some rites which seemed not of any
great moment, they had imbibed such strong prejudices
against the pretended usurpations and exactions of the court
of Rome, that they would with great difficulty be again
brought to submit to its authority : that the danger of resuming
the abbey lands would alarm the nobility and gentry, and
induce them to encourage the prepossessions, which were but
too general among the people, against the doctrine and worship
of the Catholic church : that much pains had been taken to
prejudice the nation against the Spanish alliance ; and if that
point were urged at the same time with further changes in
religion, it would hazard a general revolt and insurrection:
Uiat the marriage being once completed would give authority
to the queen's measures, and enable her afterwards to forward
the pious work in which she was engaged : and that it was
even necessary previously to reconcile the people to the mar-
riage, by rendering the conditions extremely favorable to the
A. U. 1555. j mary. 399
English, aud such as would seem to insure to them their in-
dependency, and the entire possession of their ancient laws and
privileges. *
The emperor, well acquainted with the prudence and ex-
perience of Gardiner, assented to all these reasons, and he
endeavored to temper the zeal of Mary, by representing the
necessity of proceeding gradually in the great work of con-
•ferting the nation. Hearing that Cardinal Pole, more sincere
in his religious opinions, and less guided by the maxims of
human policy, after having sent contrary advice to the queen,
had set out on his journey to England, where he was to exer-
cise his legatine commission, he thought proper to stop him at
Dillinghen, a town on the Danube ; and he afterwards obtain-
ed Mary's consent for this detention. The negotiation for the
marriage meanwhile proceeded apace ; and Mary's intentions
of espousing Philip became generally known to the nation.
The commons, who hoped that they had gained the queen by
the concessions which they had already made, were alarmed
to hear that she was resolved to contract a foreign alliance ;
and they sent a committee to remonstrate in strong terms
against that dangerous measure. To prevent further appli-
cations of the same kind, she thought proper to dissolve the
parliament.
A convocation had been summoned at the same time with
the parliament ; and the majority here also appeared to be of
the court religion. An ofler was very frankly made by the
Romanists, to dispute concerning the points controverted
between the two communions ; and as transubstantiation was
the article which of all others they deemed the clearest, and
founded on the most irresistible arguments, they chose to try
their strength by defending it. The Protestants pushed the
dispute as far as the clamor and noise of their antagonists
would permit ; and they fondly imagined that they had ob-
tained some advantage, when, in the course of the debate, they
obliged the Catholics to avow that, according to their doctrine,
Christ had in his last cupper held himself in his hand, and
had swallowed and eaten himselft This triumph, however,
was confined only to their own party : the Romanists main-
tained, that their champions had clearly the better of the day ;
that their adversaries were blind and obstinate heretics ; thai
* Burnet, vol. ii. p. 2(51.
+ Collier, vol. ii. p. 356. Fcx, vol. iii. p. 2'2.
400 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D.I 55 1
nothing but the most extreme depravity of heart could induce
men to contest such self-evident principles ; and that the
severest punishments were due to their perverse Avickedness.
So pleased were they with their superiority in this favorite
point, that they soon after renewed the dispute at Oxford ;
and, to show that they feared no force of learning or abilities,
where reason was so evident on their side, they sent thithei
3ranmer, Latimer, and Ridley, under a guard, to try whethei
hese renowned controversialists could find any appearanct,
f argument to defend their baffled principles.* The issue ol
the debate was very different from what it appeared to be a fe\*
years before, in a famous conference held at the same place
during the reign of Edward.
[1551.] After the parliament and convocation were dis-
missed, the new laws with regard to religion, though they had
been anticipated in most places by the zeal of the Catholics,
countenanced by government, were still more openly put
in execution : the mass was everywhere reestablished ; and
marriage was declared to be incompatible with any spiritual
office. It has been asserted by some writers, that three fourths
of the clergy were at this time deprived of their livings ; though
other historians, more accurate, t have estimated the number of
sufferers to be far short of this proportion. A visitation was
appointed, in order to restore more perfectly the mass and tho
ancient rites. Among other articles, the commissioners were
enjoined to forbid the oath of supremacy to be taken by the
clergy on their receiving any benefice. $ It is to be observed,
that this oath had been established by the laws of Henry VIII.,
which were still in force.
This violent and sudden change of religion inspired the-
Protestants with great discontent ; and even affected indiffer-
ent spectators with concern, by the hardships to which so
many individuals were on that account exposed. But the
Spanish match was a point of more general concern, and dif-
fused universal apprehension for the liberty and independence
of the nation. To obviate all clamor, the articles of marriage
were drawn as favorable as possible for the interests and
security, and even grandeur of England. It was agreed, that,
though Philip should have the title of king, the administration
* Mem. Cranm. p. 354. Heylin, p. 50.
t Harmer, p. 138.
j Collier, vol. ii. p. 361. Fox, vol iii. p. 38. Heylin, p. 35 Si«i
den, lib xxv.
A.D. ]551j Mary. 401
should be entirely in the queen ; that no foreigner should be
capable of enjoying any office in the kingdom ; that no inno-
vation should be made in the English laws, customs, and priv-
ileges : that Philip should not carry the queen abroad without
her consent, nor any of her children without the consent oi
the nobility; that sixty thousand pounds a year should bo
settled as her jointure ; that the male issue of this marriage
should inherit, together with England, both Burgundy and the
Low Countries ; and that if Don Carlos, Philip's son by his
former marriage, should die, and his line be extinct, the
queen's issue, whether male or female, should inherit Spain,
Sicily, Milan, and all the other dominions of Philip.* Such
was the treaty of marriage signed by Count Egmont and three
other ambassadors sent over to England by the emperor. t
These articles, when published, gave no satisfaction to the
nation. It was universally said, that the emperor, in order to
get possession of England, would verbally agree to any terms ;
and the greater advantage there appeared in the conditions
which he granted, the more certainly might it be concluded
that he had no serious intention of observing them : that the
usual fraud and ambition of that monarch might assure the
nation of such a conduct : and his son Philip, while he inherited
these vices from his father, added to them tyranny, sullenness,
pride, and barbarity, more dangerous vices of his own : that
England would become a province, and a province to a king-
dom which usually exercised the most violent authority over
all her dependent dominions : that the Netherlands, Milan,
Sicily, Naples, groaned under the burden of Spanish tyranny ;
and throughout all the new conquests in America there had
been displayed scenes of unrelenting cruelty, hitherto unknown
in the history of mankind : that the inquisition was a tribunal
invented by that tyrannical nation, and would infallibly, with
all their other laws and institutions, be introduced into Eng-
land : and that the divider sentiments of the people with
regard to religion would subject multitudes to this iniquitous
tribunal, and would reduce the whole nation to the most abject
cervitude.J
These complaints being diffused every where, prepared the
^«eople for a rebellion ; and had any foreign power given
* Rymer, vol. xv. p. 377.
t Depeches de Noailles, vol. ii. p. 299.
t H«ylin, p. 32. Burnet. v)l. ii. p. 2GS„ Godwin, p. 339.
402 HISTORY OP ENGLAND. [A. D. 1554
them encouragement, or any great man appeared to head
them, the consequence might have proved fatal to the queen's
authority But the king of France, though engaged in hostili-
ties with the emperor, refused to concur in any proposal for
in insurrection, lest he should afford Mary a pretence for
declaring war against him.'* And the more prudent part of
the nobility thought that, as the evils of the Spanish alliance
were only dreaded at a distance, matters were not yet fully
prepared for a general revolt. Some persons, however, more
turbulent than the rest, believed that it would be safer to
prevent than to redress grievances ; and they formed a con-
spiracy to rise in arms, and declare against the queen's mar-
riage with Philip. Sir Thomas Wiat purposed to raise Kent ;
Sir Peter Carew, Devonshire ; and they engaged the duke of
Suffolk, by the hopes of recovering the crown for the lady
Jane, to attempt raising the midland counties. t Carew's im-
patience or apprehensions engaged him to break the concert,
and to rise in arms before the day appointed. He was soon
suppressed by the earl of Bedford, and constrained to fly into
France. On this intelligence, Suffolk, dreading an arrest,
suddenly left the town with his brothers, Lord Thomas and
Lord Leonard Gray, and endeavored to raise the people in
the counties of Warwick and Leicester, where his interest lay ;.
but he was so closely pursued by the earl of Huntingdon, at
the head of three hundred horse, that he was obliged to dis-
perse his followers, and being discovered in his concealment,
he was carried prisoner to London. J Wiat was at first more
successful in his attempt ; and having published a declaration,
at Maidstone in Kent, against the queen's evil counsellors, and
against the Spanish match, without any mention of religion,
the people began to flock to his standard. The duke of Nor-
folk, with Sir Henry Jernegan, was sent against him, at the
head of the guards and some other troops, reenfbrced with
five hundred Londoners commanded by Bret : and he came
within sight of the rebels at Rochester, where they had fixed
their head-quarters. Sir George Harper here pretended to
desert from them ; but having secretly gained Bret, these two
malecontents so wrought on the Londoners, that the whole
body deserted to Wiat, and declared that they would not con-
* Depeches de Noailles, vd ii. p. 249; vol. iii. p. 17, A8.
t Heylin, p. 33. Godwin, p. 340.
J Fox, vol. iii. p. 30.
A. D. 1554.] mary. 4U3
tribute to enslave their native country. Norfolk, dreading tho
contagion of the example, immediately retreated with hifl
troops, and took shelter in the city.*
After this pnxf of the disposition of the people, especially
of the Londoners, who were mostly Protestants, Wiat was en-
couraged to proceed; he led his ibrces to Southwark, where
he required of the queen that she should put the Tower into
his hands, should deliver four counsellors as hostages, and in
order to insure the liberty of the nation, should immediately
marry an Englishman. Finding that the bridge was secured
against him, and that the city was overawed, he marched up
to Kingston, where he passed the river with four thousand
men ; and returning towards London, hoped to encourage his
partisans who had engaged to declare for him. He had im-
prudently wasted so much time at Southwark, and in his
march from Kingston, that the critical season, on which all
popular commotions depend, was entirely lost : though he
entered Westminster without resistance, his followers, finding
tbat no person of note joined him, insensibly fell off, and he
was at last seized near Temple Bar by Sir Maurice Berkeley. t
Four hundred persons are said to have suffered for this rebel-
lion : t four hundred more were conducted before the queen
with ropes about their necks : and falling on their knees,
received a pardon, and were dismissed. Wiat was condemned
and executed : as it had been reported that, on his examina-
tion, he had accused the lady Elizabeth and the earl of Devon-
shire as accomplices, he took care, on the scaffold, before the
whole people, fully to acquit thern of having any share in his
rebellion.
The lady Elizabeth had been, during some time, treated
with great harshness by her sister ; and many studied instan-
ces of discouragement and disrespect had been practised
against her. She was ordered to take place at court after the
countess of Lenox and the duchess of Suffolk, as if she were
not legitimate : § her friends were discountenanced on every
occasion : and while her virtues, which were now become
eminent, drew to her the attendance of all the young nobility,
* Heylin, p. 33. Godwin, p. 341. Stowe, p. 610. Baker, p. 318
IJoh.gshed, p. 1004.
1 Fox, vol. iii. p. 31. Heylin, p. 34. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 870
Stowe, p. 021.
} Depeches de Noailles. vol. iii. p. 124.
§ Depeches de Noaillesj vol. ii. p. 273, 288.
404 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1554
and rendered her the favorite of the nation ; * the malevolence
of the queen still discovered itself every day by fresh symp-
toms, and obliged the princess to retire into the country.
Mary seized the opportunity of this rebellion ; and hoping tc
involve her sister in some appearance of guilt, sent for her
under a strong guard, committed her to the Tower, and ordered
her to be strictly examined by the council. But the public
declaration made by Wiat rendered it impracticable to employ
against her any false evidence which might have offered ; and
the princess made so good a defence, that the queen found
herself under a necessity of releasing her.t In order to send
her out of the kingdom, a marriage was offered her with the
duke of Savoy ; and when she declined the proposal, she was
committed to custody under a strong guard at Wodestoke. X
The earl of Devonshire, though equally innocent, was con-
fined in Fotheringay Castle.
But this rebellion proved still more fatal to the lady Jane
Gray, as well as to her husband ; the duke of Suffolk's guilt
was imputed to her ; and though the rebels and malecontents
seemed chiefly to rest their hopes on the lady Elizabeth and
the earl of Devonshhe, the queen, incapable of generosity or
clemency, determined to remove every person from whom the
least danger could be apprehended. Warning was given the
lady Jane to prepare lor death ; a doom which she had long
expected, and which the innocence of her life, as well as the
misfortunes to which she had been exposed, rendered nowise
unwelcome to her. The queen's zeal, under color of tender
mercy to the prisoner's soul, induced her to send divines, who
harassed her with perpetual disputation ; and even a reprieve
for three days was granted her, in hopes that she would be per-
suaded during that time to pay, by a timely conversion, some
regard to her eternal welfare. The lady Jane had presence
of mind, in those melancholy circumstances, not only to de-
fend her religion by all the topics then in use, but also to write
a letter to her sister $ in the Greek language ; in which, besides
sending her a copy of the Scriptures in that tongue, she ex-
horted her to maintain, in every fortune, a like steady perse-
verance. On the day of her execution her husband, Lord
'* Depcches de Noailles, vol. iii. p. 273.
t Godwin, p. 343. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 273. Fox, vol iii. p. 99, 10S
Strypes Mem. vol. iii. p. 85.
t Depcches de Noailles, vi I. iii. p. 226-
$ Fox, vol. iii. p. 35. Heylin, p. 166.
A. D. 1554.] mary. 405
Guildford, desired permission to see her ; but she refused het
consent, and informed him by a message, that the tenderness
of their parting would overcome the fortitude of both, and would
too much unbend their minds from that constancy which their
approaching end required of them : their separation, she said,
would be only for a moment; and they would soon rejoin each
other in a scene where their affections would be forever united,
md where death, disappointment, and misfortunes, could no
•onger have access to them, or disturb their eternal felicity.*
It had been intended to execute the lady Jane and Lord
Guildford together on the same scaffold at. Tower Hill ; but the
council, dreading the compassion of the people for their youth,
beauty, innocence, and noble birth, changed their orders, and
gave directions that she should be beheaded within the verge
of the Tower. She saw her husband led to execution ; and
having given him from the window some token of her remem-
brance, she waited with tranquillity till her own appointed
hour should bring her a like fate. She even saw his head-
less body carried back in a cart ; and found herself more con-
firmed by the reports which she heard of the constancy of his
end, than shaken by so tender and melancholy a spectacle.
Sir John Gage, constable of the Tower, when he led her to
execution, desired her to bestow on him some small present,
which he might keep as a perpetual memorial of her : she
gave him her table-book, on which she had just written three
sentences on seeing her husband's dead body; one in Greek,
another in Latin, a third in English.'!" The purport of them
was, that human justice was against his body, but divine mercy
would be favorable to his soul ; that if her fault deserved pun
ishment, her youth at least, and her imprudence, were worthy
of excuse ; and that God and posterity, she trusted, would
show her favor. On the scaffold she made a speech to the
bystanders ; in which the mildness of her disposition led her
to take the blame wholly on herself, without uttering one com-
plaint against the severity with which she had been treated
She said, that her offence was not the having laid her hand
upon the crown, but the not rejecting it with sufficient con-
stancy ; that she had less erred through ambition than
through reverence to her parents, whom she had been taught
to respect and obey : that she willingly received death, as the
only satisfaction which she could now make to the injured
* HeylLn, p. 167 Faker, p. 319. t Heyliu, p. 161
400 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [ A. D 1554.
state ; and though her infringement of the laws had heen con-
strained, she would show, by her voluntary submission to their
sentence, that she was desirous to atone for that disobedience
into which too much filial piety had betrayed her : that she
had justly deserved this punishment for being made the instru-
ment, though the unwilling instrument, of the ambition of
others ; and that the story of her life, she hoped, might at
least be useful, by proving that innocence excuses not great
misdeeds, if they tend anywise to the destruction of the com
monvvealth. After uttering these words, she caused herself to
be disrobed by her women ; and with a steady, serene counte-
nance submitted herself to the executioner.*
The duke of Suffolk was tried, condemned, and executed
soon after ; and would have met with more compassion, had
not his temerity been the cause of his daughter's untimely
end. Lord Thomas Gray lost his life for the same crime.
Sir Nicholas Throgmorton was tried in Guildhall ; but there
appearing no satisfactory evidence against him, he was able,
by making an admirable defence, to obtain a verdict of the
jury in his favor. The queen was so enraged at this disap-
pointment, that, instead of releasing him as the law required,
she recommitted him to the Tower, and kept him in close con-
finement during some time. But her resentment stopped not
here : the jury, being summoned before the council, were all
sent to prison, and afterwards fined, some of them a thousand
pounds, others two thousand apiece, t This violence proved
fatal to several ; among others to Sir John Throgmorton,
brother to Sir Nicholas, who was condemned on no better
evidence than had formerly been rejected. The queen filled
the Tower and all the prisons with nobility and gentry, whom
their interest with the nation, rather than any appearance of
guilt, had made the object of her suspicion ; and finding that,
she was universally hated, she determined to disable the peo-
ple from resistance, by ordering general musters, and directing
the commissioners to seize their arms, and lay them up in
forts and castles. J
Though the government labored under so general an odium,
the queen's authority had received such an increase from thfl
•* Heylin, p. 167. Fox, vol. iii. p. 36, 37. Holingshed, p. 1099.
f Fox, vol. iii. p. 99. Stowe, p. 624. Baker, p. 32J. Holingshed
p. 1104, 1121. Strype, vol. iii. p. 120. Dep. do Noaille.s, vcl. iii
p 173.
} Dep. de Noaille?, vol. iii. p. 98.
A.D.J 554.] mary. 407
suppression of Wiat's rebellion, that the ministry hoped to find
a. compliant disposition in the new parliament which was sum-
moned to assemble. The emperor also, in order to facilitate
the same end, had borrowed no less a sum than four hundred
thousand crowns, which he had sent over to England to be
distributed in bribes and pensions among the members : a per-
nicious practice, of which there had not hitherto been any
instance in England. And not to give the public any alarm
with regard to the church lands, the queen, notwithstanding
her bigotry, resumed her title of supreme head of the church,
which she had dropped three months before. Gardiner, the
chancellor, opened the session by a speech ; in which he
asserted the queen's hereditary title to the crown ; maintained
her right of choosing a husband for herself; observed how
proper a use she had made of that right, by giving the prefer-
ence to an old ally, descended from the house of Burgundy ;
and remarked the failure of Henry VIIL's posterity, of whom
there now remained none but the queen and the lady Eliza-
beth. He added, that, in order to obviate the inconveniencies
which might arise from different pretenders, it was necessary
to invest the queen, by law, with a power of disposing of the
crown, and of appointing her successor : a power, he said,
which was not to be thought unprecedented in England, since
it had formerly been conferred on Henry VIII.*
The parliament was much disposed to gratify the queen in
all her desires ; but when the liberty, independency, and
very being of the nation were in such visible danger, they
could not by any means be brought to compliance. They
knew both the inveterate hatred which she bore to the lady
Elizabeth, and her devoted attachment to the house of Austria :
they were acquainted with her extreme bigotry, which would
lead her to postpone all considerations of justice or national
interest to the establishment of the Catholic religion : they
remarked, that Gardiner had carefully avoided in his speech
the giving to Elizabeth the appellation of the queen's sister ;
and they thence concluded that a design was formed of ex-
cluding her as illegitimate : they expected that Mary, if invested
with such a power as she required, would make a will in her
husband's favor, and thereby render England forever a prov-
ince to the Spanish monarchy ; and they were the more alarmed
with these projects, as they heard that Phi lip's descent from
p— r ...
* Dcpechc i de Nciailles.
408 HISTOE.T! )F ENGLAND. [A, D. 1554
the house of Lancaster was carefully insisted on, and that he
was publicly represented as the true and only heir by right of
inheritance.
The parliament, therefore, aware of their danger, were
determined to keep at a distance from the precipice which
lay before them. They could not avoid ratifying the articles
of marriage,* which were drawn veiy favorable for England ;
but they declined the passing of any such law as the chancel-
lor pointed out to them: they would not so much as declare
it treason to imagine or attempt the death of the queen's hus-
band while she was alive ; and a bill introduced for that pur-
pose was laid aside after the first reading. The more effectu-
ally to cut off Philip's hopes of possessing any authority in
England, they passed a law in which they declared, " that her
majesty, as their only queen, should solely, and as a sole
queen, enjoy the crown and sovereignty of her realms, with
all the preeminences, dignities, and rights thereto belonging,
in as large and ample a manner after her marriage as before,
without any title or claim accruing to the prince of Spain,
either as tenant by courtesy of the realm, or by any other
means, "t
A law passed in this parliament for reelecting the bishopric
of Durham, which had been dissolved by the last parliament
of Edward. t The queen had already, by an exertion of her
power, put Tonstal in possession of that see : but though it
was usual at that time for the crown to assume authority which
might seem entirely legislative, it was always deemed more
safe and satisfactory to procure the sanction of parliament.
Bills were introduced for suppressing heterodox opinions con-
tained in books, and for reviving the law of the six articles,
together with those against the Lollards, and against heresy
and erroneous preaching ; but none of these laws could pass
the two houses : a proof that the parliament had reserves even
in their concessions with regard to religion ; about which they
seem to have been less scrupulous. The queen, therefore,
finding that they would not serve all her purposes, finished the
session by dissolving them.
Mary's thoughts were now entirely employed about receiv-
ing Don Philip, whose arrival she hourly expected. This prin-
sess, who had lived so many years in a very reserved and
* 1 Mar. Pari. 2, cap. 2. r 1 Mar. Par) 2, cap. 1.
} 1 Mar. Pari. 2. cap. 3.
A. D. 1554.] mary. 409
private manner, without any prospect or hopes of a husband,
was so smitten with affection for her young consort, whom
she had never seen, that she waited with the utmost impatience
for the completion of the marriage ; and every obstacle was
to her a source of anxiety and discontent.* She complained
of Philip's delays as affected ; and she could not conceal her
vexation, that, though she brought him a' kingdom as her
dowry, he treated her with such neglect, that he had never
vet favored her with a single letter.f Her fondness was but
the more increased by this supercilious treatment ; and when
she found that her subjects had entertained the greatest aver-
sion for the event to which she directed her fondest wishes,
she made the whole English nation the object of her resent-
ment. A squadron, under the command of Lord Effingham,
had been fitted out to convoy Philip from Spain, where he
then resided ; but the admiral informing her, that the discon-
tents ran very high among the seamen, and that it was not
safe for Philip to intrust himself in their hands, she gave
orders to dismiss them. J She then dreaded, lest the French
fleet, being masters of the sea, might intercept her husband ;
and every rumor of danger, every blast of wind, threw her
into panics and convulsions. Her health, and even her under-
standing, were visibly hurt by this extreme impatience ; and
she was struck with a new apprehension lest her person,
impaired by time, and blasted by sickness, should prove dis-
agreeable to her future consort. Her glass discovered to her
how haggard she was become ; and when she remarked the
decay of her beauty, she knew not whether she ought more
tc desire or apprehend the arrival of Philip. $
At last came the moment so impatiently expected ; and
n.iws was brought the queen of Philip's arrival at Southamp-
ton. || A few days after, they were married at Westminster ;
and having made a pompous entry into London, where Philip
displayed his wealth with great ostentation, she carried him to
* Strype, vol. iii. p. 125.
t Depeches tie Noailles, vol. iii. p. 248.
t Depeches de Noailles, vol. iii. p. 220.
\ Depeches de Noailles. vol. iii. p. 222, 252, 253
il Fox. vol. iii. p. 99. Heylin, p. 39. Burnet, vol. iii. p. 392. God-
win, p. 345. We are told by Sir William Monson, p. 225, that the*
admiral of England tired at the Spanish navy when Philip was on
board, because they had not lowered their topsails, as a mark of def-
erence to the English navy in the narrow seas : a very spirited be-
havior, and very unlike those times. %
Vx>I.. III. — S
410 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1504
Windsor, the palace in which they afterwards resided. The
prince's behavior was ill calculated to remove the prejudices
which the English nation had entertained against him. He
was distant and reserved in his address ; took no notice of the
salutes even of the most considerable noblemen ; and so
intrenched himself in form and ceremony, that he was in
a manner inaccessible : * but this circumstance rendered him
the more acceptable to the queen, who desired to have no
company but her husband's, and who was impatient when
she met with any interruption to her fondness. The shortest
absence gave her vexation ; and when he showed civilities to
any other woman, she could not conceal her jealousy and re-
sentment.
Mary soon found that Philip's ruling passion was ambition ;
and that the only method of gratifying him and securing his.
affections, was to render him master of England. The inter-
est and liberty of her people were considerations of small
moment, in comparison of her obtaining this favorite point.
She summoned a new parliament, in hopes of finding them
entirely compliant ; and that she might acquire the greater
authority over them, she imitated the precedent of the former
reign, and wrote circular letters, directing a px^oper choice of
members. t The zeal of the Catholics, the influence of Span-
ish gold, the powers of prerogative, the discouragement of
the gentry, particularly of the Protestants ; all these causes.,
seconding the intrigues of Gardiner, had procured her a house
of commons which was in a great measure to her satisfaction ,
and it was thought, from the disposition of the nation, thai
she might now safely omit, on her assembling the parliament
the title of "supreme head of the church," though inseparably
annexed by law to the crown of England. $ Cardinal Pole
had arrived in Flanders, invested with lcgatine powers from
the pope : in order to prepaie the way for his arrival in Eng-
land, the parliament passed an act reversing his attainder, and
restoring his blood ; and the queen, dispensing with the old
statute of provisors, granted him permission to act as legate.
The cardinal came over ; and after being introduced to the
king and queen, he invited the parliament to reconcile them-
selves and the kingdom to the apostolic see, from which thej
* Baker, p. 320.
+ Mem. ol'Cramm. p. 314. Strype's Eccl. Mem. vol. iii. p. 1-W, 1 3i.
» Burnet, vol. ii. p. 291. Strype, vol. iii. p. 150.
A.D. 1554.] mars. 4U
Had been so long and so unhappily diviued. This message
was taken in good part ; and both houses voted an address to
Philip and Mary, acknowledging that they had been guilt}
of a most horrible defection from the true church ; professing
a sincere repentance of their past transgressions ; declaring
their resolution to repeal all laws enacted in prejudice of the
church of Rome ; and praying their majesties, that since they
were happily uninfected with that criminal schism, they would
intercede with the holy father for the absolution and forgiveness
of their penitent subjects.* The request was easily granted.
The legate, in the name of his holiness, gave the parliament
and kingdom absolution, freed them from all censures, and
eceived them again into the bosom of the church. The
pope, then Julius III., being informed of these transactions,
said that it was an unexampled ..instance of his felicity, to
receive thanks from the English, for allowing them to do what
he ought to give them thanks for performing.!
Notwithstanding the extreme zeal of those times for and
against popery, the object always uppermost with the nobility
and gentry was their money and estates : they were not brought
to make these concessions in favor of Rome, till they had re-
ceived repeated assurances, from the pope as well as the queen,
that the plunder which they had made on the ecclesiastics
should never be inquired into ; and that the abbey and church
lands should remain with the present possessors. J But not
trusting altogether to these promises, the parliament took care,
in the law itself § by which they repealed the former statutes
enacted against the pope's authority, to insert a clause, in which
besides bestowing validity on all marriages celebrated during
the schism, and fixing the right of incumbents to their benefices,
they gave security to the possessors of church lands, and freed
them from all danger of ecclesiastical censures. The convoca-
tion also, in order to remove apprehensions on that head, were
induced to present a petition to the same purpose ; || and the
legate, in his master's name, ratified all these transactions. It
now appeared that, notwithstanding the eflbrts of the queen
and king, the power of the papacy was effectually suppressed
* Fox, vol. iii. p. 3. Heylin, p. 42. Burnet, vcl. ii. p. 293. God
win, p. 247. f Father Pau.', lib. iv.
t Heylin, p. 41. § 1 and 2 Phil and Mar. c. S.
II Hevlin, p. 43. 1 and 2 Phil, and Mar. c. 8 Strvpe. vol. iii
p. 159.
IV2 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D, 1554
ui England, and invincible barriers fixed against its reestablish
ment. For though the jurisdiction of the ecclesiastics was for
the present restored, their property, on which their power much
depended, was irretrievably lost, and no hopes remained of
recovering it. Even these arbitrary, powerful, and bigoted
princes, while the transactions were yet recent, could not re-
gain to the church her possessions so lately ravished from her ;
and no expedients were left to the clergy for enriching them-
selves, but those which they had at first practised, and Avhich
had required many ages of ignorance, barbarism, and supersti-
tion, to produce their effect on mankind.*
The parliament, having secured their own possessions, were
more indifferent with regard to religion, or even to the lives
of their fellow-citizens : they revived the old sanguinary laws
against heretics,! which had been rejected in the former par-
liament : they also enacted several statutes against seditious
words and rumors; J and they made it treason to imagine or
attempt the death of Philip during his marriage with the
queen. $ Each parliament hitherto had been induced to go a
Etep farther than their predecessors ; but none of them had
entirely lost all regard to national interests. Their hatred
against the Spaniards, as well as their suspicion of Philip's
pretensions, still prevailed ; and though the queen attempted
to get her husband declared presumptive heir of the crown,
and to have the administration put into his hands, she failed
in all her endeavors, and could not so much as procure the
parliament's consent to his coronation. || All attempts like-
wise to obtain subsidies from the commons, in order to support
the emperor in his war against France, proved fruitless : the
usual animosity and jealousy of the English against that king-
dom seemed to have given place, for the present, to like pas-
sions against Spain. Philip, sensible of the prepossessions
entertained against him, endeavored to acquire popularity by
procuring the release of several prisoners of distinction ; Lord
Henry Dudley, Sir George Harper, Sir Nicholas Throgmor-
ton, Sir Edmond Warner, Sir William St. Lo, Sir Nicholas
Arnold, Harrington, Tremaine, who had been confined from
* See note U, at the end of the vo ume.
t 1 and 2 Phil, and Mar. c. 6.
j 1 and 2 Phil, and Mar. c. 3, 9.
§ 1 and 2 Phil, and Mar. c. 10.
I! Godwin, p. 348. Bake.', p. 322.
A..D. 1555.J mary. 413
the suspicions or resentment of the court.* But nothing was
more agreeable to the nation than his protecting the lady
Elizabeth from the spite and malice of the queen, and restor-
ing her to liberty. This measure was not the effect of any
generosity in Philip, a sentiment of which he was wholly
destitute ; but of a refined policy, which made him foresee
that, if that princess were put to death, the next lawful heir
was the queen of Scots, whose succession would forever annex
England to the crown of France. The earl of Devonshire
also reaped some benefit from Philip's affectation of popularity,
and recovered his liberty : but that nobleman, finding himself
exposed to suspicion, begged permission to travel;! and he
soon after died at Padua,* from poison, as is pretended, given
him by the imperialists. He was the eleventh and last earl
of Devonshire of that noble family, one of the most illustrious
in Europe.
The queen's extreme desire of having issue had made her
fondly give credit to any appearance of pregnancy ; and when
the legate was introduced to her, she fancied that she felt
the embryo stir in her womb, t Her flatterers compared
this motion of the infant to that of John the Baptist, who
leaped in his mother's belly at the salutation of the Virgin. $
Despatches were immediately sent to inform foreign courts of
this event : orders were issued to give public thanks : great
rejoicings were made ; the family of the young prince was
already settled ; II for the Catholics held themselves assured
that the child was to be a male : and Bonner, bishop of Lon-
don, made public prayers be said, that heaven would please
to render him beautiful, vigorous, and witty. But the nation
still remained somewhat incredulous ; and men were per-
suaded that the queen labored under infirmities which ren-
dered her incapable of having children. Her infant proved
only the commencement of a dropsy, which the disoidered
state of her health had brought upon her. The belief, how-
ever, of her pregnancy was upheld with all possible care ; and
was one artifice by which Philip endeavored to support hia
authority in the kingdom. [1555.] The parliament passed
a law, which, in case of the queen's demise, appointed hirn
* Heylin, p. 39. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 2S7. Stowe, p. 626. Depeches
it Noailles, vol. iv. p. 146, 147.
t Heylin, p. 40. Godwin, p. 349.
t Depeches de Noailles, vol. iv. p. 25.
§ Burnet, vol. ii. p. 292. Godwin, p. 348. Jj Heylin, p. 46
814 HISTORY OF ENGLANP. [A. D. 1555
protector during the minority ; and the king and queen, find-
ing they could obtain no further concessions, came unexpect-
edly to Westminster, and dissolved them.
There happened an incident this session which must not ba
passed over in silence. Several members of the lower house,
dissatisfied with the measures of the parliament, but finding
themselves unable to prevent them, made a secession, in order
to show their disapprobation, and refused any longer to attend
the house.* For this instance of contumacy they were indicted
in the king's bench, after the dissolution of parliament : six
of them submitted to the mercy of the court, and paid their
fines : the rest traversed ; and the queen died before the affair
was brought to an issue. Judging of the matter by the sub-
sequent claims of the house of commons, and, indeed, by the
true principles of free government, this attempt of the queen's
ministers must be regarded as a breach of privilege ; but it
gave little umbrage at the time, and was never called in ques
tion by any house of commons which afterwards sat during
this reign. The count of Noailles, the French ambassador,
says that the queen threw several members into prison foi
their freedom of speech. t
* Coke's Institutes, part iv. p. 17. Strype's Memor. vol. i. p. 185
| VoL*. p. 286.
a L> 1653-1 arAEY. 410
CHAPTER XXXVII
MARY.
[1555.] The success which Gardiner, from his cautious
and prudent conduct, had met with in governing the parlia-
ment, and engaging them to concur both in the Spanish match
and in the reestablishment of the ancient religion, — two points
to which, it was believed, they bore an extreme aversion, — had
so raised his character for wisdom and policy, that his opinion
was received as an oracle in the council ; and his authority, as
it was always great in his own party, no longer suffered any
opposition or control. Cardinal Pole himself, though more
beloved on account of his virtue and candor, and though su-
perior in birth and station, had not equal weight in public
deliberations ; and while his learning, piety, and humanity
were extremely respected, he was represented more as a good
man than a great minister. A very important question was
frequently debated before the queen and council by these two
ecclesiastics ; whether the laws lately revived against heretics
should be put hi execution, or should only be employed to re-
strain by terror the bold attempts of these zealots. Pole was
very sincere in his religious principles ; and though his modera-
tion had made him be suspected at Pwome of a tendency to-
wards Lutheranism, he was seriously persuaded of the CathoUc
doctrines, and thought that no consideration of human policy
ought ever to come in competition with such important inter-
ests. Gardiner, on the contrary, had always made his religion
subservient to his schemes of safety or advancement ; and
by his unlimited complaisance to Henry, he had shown that,
had he not been pushed to extremity under the late minority,
he was sufficiently disposed to make a sacrifice of his princi-
ples to the established theology. This was the well-known
character of these two great counsellors ; yet such is the prev-
alence of temper above system, that the benevolent disposition
of Pole led him to advise a toleration of the heretical tenets,
which he highly blamed ; while the severe manners of Gar-
diner inclined him to support by persecution tha". religion
5H" HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A D. 1555
which, at the bottom, he regarded with great indifference.*
This circumstance of public conduct was of the highest im-
portance ; and from being the object of deliberation in the
council, it soon became the subject of discourse throughout the
nation. We shall relate, in a few words, the topics by which
each side supported, or might have supported, their scheme of
policy ; and shall display the opposite reasons which have been
employed, with regard to an argument that ever has been, and
ever will be, so much" canvassed.
The practice of persecution, said the defenders of Pole's
opinion, is the scandal of all religion ; and the theological
animosity, so fierce and violent, far from being an argument of
men's conviction in their opposite sects, is a certain proof that
they have never reached any serious persuasion with regard
to these remote and sublime subjects. Even those who are
the most impatient of contradiction in other controversies, are
mild and moderate in comparison of polemical divines ; and
wherever a man's knowledge and experience give him a Bei;-
fect assurance in his own opinion, he regards with contempt,
rather than anger, the opposition and mistakes of others, liut
while men zealously maintain what they neither clearly com-
prehend nor entirely believe, they are shaken in their inw/jined
faith by the opposite persuasion, or even doubts, of other men ;
and vent on their antagonists that impatience which is the
natural result of so disagreeable a state of the undersl ending.
They then easily embrace any pretence for representing oppo-
nents as impious and profane ; and if they can also find a
color for connecting this violence with the interest j of civil
government, they can no longer be restrained from giving un-
controlled scope to vengeance and resentment, /jut surely
never enterprise was more unfortunate than that of founding
persecution upon policy, or endeavoring, for the sake of peace,
to settle an entire uniformity of opinion in questions which, of
all others, are least subjected to the criterion of human reason.
The universal and uncontradicted prevalence of one opinion in
religious subjects, can be owing at first to the stupid ignorance
alone and barbarism of the people, who never indulge them-
selves in any speculation or inquiry ; and there is no expe-
dient for maintaining that uniformity so fondly sought after,
but by banishing forever all mriosity, and all improve-
ment in science and cultivation. It may not indeed appear
* Heylin, p. 47.
A. D. 1555.] mary. 417
difficult to check, by a steady severity, the first beginnings of
controversy ; but besides that this policy exposes forever the
people to all the abject terrors of superstition, and the magis-
trate to the endless encroachments of ecclesiastics, it also
renders men so delicate that they can never endure to hear
of opposition ; and they will some time pay dearly for that
false tranquillity in which they have been so long indulged.
As healthful bodies are ruined by too nice a regimen, and are
thereby rendered incapable of bearing the unavoidable inci-
dents of human liie, a people who never were allowed to
imagine that their principles could be contested, fly out into
the most outrageous violence when any event (and such events
are common) produces a faction among their clergy, and gives
rise to any difference in tenet or opinion. But whatever may
be said in favor of suppressing, by persecution, the first begin-
nings of heresy, no solid argument can be alleged for extend-
ing severity towards multitudes, or endeavoring, by capital
punishments, to extirpate an opinion which has diffused itself
among men of every rank and station. Besides the extreme
barbarity of such an attempt, it commonly proves ineffectual
to the purpose intended, and serves only to make men more
obstinate in their persuasion, and to increase the number of
their proselytes. The melancholy with which the fear of
death, torture, and persecution inspires the sectaries, is the
proper disposition for fostering religious zeal : the prospect of
eternal rewards, when brought near, overpowers the dread of
temporal punishments : the glory of martyrdom stimulates all
the more furious zealofe, especially the leaders and preachers •
where a violent animosity is excited by oppression, men natu
rally pass from hating the persons of their tyrants to a more
violent abhorrence of their doctrines : and the spectators,
moved with pity toward the supposed martyrs, are easily
seduced to embrace those principles which can inspire met 1
with a constancy that appears almost supernatural. Open the
door to toleration, mutual hatred relaxes among the sectaries ;
their attachment to their particular modes of religion decays ;
the common occupations and pleasures of life succeed to the
acrimony of disputation ; and the same man who, in other cir-
cumstances, would have braved flames and tortures, is induced
to change his sect from the smallest prospect of favor and
advancement, or even from the frivolous hope of becoming
more fashionable in his principles. If any exception can be
admitted to this maxin of toleration, it will only be where a
4)8 HISIORY OF ENGLAND. f A. D. 1555
theology altogether new, nowise connected with the ancient
religion of the state, is imported from foreign countries, and
may easily, at one hlow, be eradicated, without leaving the
seeds of future innovation. But as this exception would imply
some apology for the ancient pagan persecutions, or for the
extirpation of Christianity in China and Japan, it ought surely,
on account of this detested consequence, to be rather buried in
eternal silence and oblivion.
Though these arguments appear entirely satisfactory, yet
such is the subtlety of human wit, that Gardiner and the other
enemies to toleration were not reduced to silence ; and they
still found topics on which to maintain the controversy. The
doctrine, said they, of liberty of conscience, is founded on the
most flagrant impiety, and supposes such an indifference
among all religions, such an obscurity in theological doctrines,
as to render the church and magistrate incapable of distinguish-
ing with certainty the dictates of Heaven from the mere fictions
of human imagination. If the Divinity reveals principles to
mankind, he will surely give a criterion by which they may
be ascertained ; and a prince who knowingly allows these
principles to be perverted or adulterated, is infinitely more
criminal than if he gave permission for the vending of poison,
under the shape of food, to all his subjects. Persecution may.
indeed, seem better calculated to make hypocrites than con-
certs ; but experience teaches us, that the habits of hypocrisy
Jten turn into reality ; and the children, at least, ignorant of
the dissimulation of their parents, may happily be educated in
more orthodox tenets. It is absurd, ir^opposition to considera-
tions of such unspeakable importance, to plead the temporal
and frivolous interests of civil society ; and if matters be
thoroughly examined, even that topic will not appear so uni-
versally certain in favor of toleration as by some it is repre-
sented. Where sects arise whose fundamental principle on
all sides is to execrate, and abhor, and damn, and extirpate
each other, what choice has the magistrate left but to take
part, and by rendering one sect entirely prevalent, restore, at
least for a time, the public tranquillity ? The political body,
being here sickly, must not be treated as if it were in a state
of sound health ; and an affected neutrality in the prince, or
even a cool preference, may serve only to encourage the
hopes of all the sects, and keep alive their animosity. The
Protestants, far from tolerating the religion of their ancestors,
regard it as an impious and detestable idolatry ; and during
A.D. 1555. j
4'S
the late minority, when they were entirely masters, they enact
ed very severe, though not capital punishments against all ex
ercise of the Catholic worship, and even against such as barely
abstained from their profane rites and sacraments. Nor are
instances wanting of their endeavors to secure an imagined
orthodoxy by the most rigorous executions : Calvin has burned
Servetus at Geneva ; Cranmer brought Arians and Anabap-
tists to the stake ; and if persecution of any kind be admitted,
the most bloody and violent will surely be allowed the most
justifiable, as the most effectual. Imprisonments, fines, con-
fiscations, whippings, serve only to irritate the sects, without
disabling them from resistance : but the stake, the wheel, and
the gibbet, must soon terminate in the extirpation or banish-
ment of all the heretics inclined to give disturbance, and in the
entire silence and submission of the rest.
The arguments of Gardiner, being more agreeable to the
cruel bigotry of Mary and Philip, were better received ; and
though Pole pleaded, as is affirmed,* the advice of the em-
peror, who recommended it to his daughter-in-law not to exer-
cise violence against the Protestants, and desired her to con-
sider his own example, who, after endeavoring through his
whole life to extirpate heresy, had in the end reaped nothing
but confusion and disappointment, the scheme of toleration
was entirely rejected. It was determined to let loose the laws
in their full vigor against the reformed religion ; and England
was soon filled with scenes of horror, which have ever since
rendered the Catholic religion the object of general detestation,
and which prove, that no human depravity can equal revenge
and cruelty covered with the mantle of religion.
The persecutors began with Rogers, prebendary of St.
Paul's, a man eminent in his party for virtue as well as for
learning. Gardiner's plan was first to attack men of that
character, whom, he hoped, terror would bend to submission,
and whose example, either of punishment or recantation, would
naturally have influence on the multitude : but he found a per-
severance and courage in Rogers, which it may seem strange
to find in human uature, and of which all ages and all secta
do nevertheless furnish many examples. Rogers, beside the
P^" , **»"WWB|
* Burnet, vol. i : . Heylin, p. 47.
Charles gave any eu«h advice; for Ik
proceeding with great violence in pei
Jcrs. Ber.uvo^lio, iiart i. lib. i.
!r is not likely, however, that
himself was, at this very time,
■renting the reformed in Flan
420 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1555
care of Vis own preservation, lay under other powerful tempta*
♦ions tc compliance : he had a wife whom he tenderly loved
and ten children ; yet such was his serenity after his condem-
nation that the jailers, it is said, waked him from a sound sleep
when the hour of his execution approached. He had desired
to see his wife before he died ; but Gardiner told him that he
was a priest, and could not possibly have a wife ; thus joining
nsult to cruelty. Hogers was burnt in Smithfield.*
Hooper, bishop of Gloceste r , had been tried at the same
time with Rogers ; but was sent to his own diocese to tie
executed. This circumstance was contrived to strike the
greater terror into his flock ; but it was a source of consola-
tion to Hooper, who rejoiced in giving testimony, by his death,
to that doctrine which he had formerly preached among them.
When he was tied to the stake, a stool was set before him,
and the queen's pardon laid upon it, which it was still in his
power to merit by a recantation ; but he ordered it to be re-
moved, and cheerfully prepared himself for that dreadful pun-
ishment to which he was sentenced. He suffered it in its full
severity : the wind, which was violent, blew the flame of the
reeds from his body : the fagots were green, and did not kindle
easily : all his lower parts were consumed before his vitals
were attacked : one of his hands dropped off: with the other
he continued to beat his breast : he was heard to pray, and to
exhort the people ; till his tongue, swollen with the violence
of his agony, could no longer permit him utterance. He was
three quarters of an hour in torture, which he bore with in
flexible constancy .1
Sanders was burned at Coventry : a pardon was also offei-
ed him ; but he rejected it, and embraced the stake, saying,
" Welcome the cross of Christ ; welcome everlasting life."
Taylor, parson of Hadley, was punished by fire in that place,
surrounded by his ancient friends and parishioners. When
tied to the stake, he rehearsed a psalm in English : one of his
guards struck him on the mouth, and bade him speak Latin :
another, in a rage, gave him a blow on the head with his
halbert, which happily put an end to his torments.
There was one Philpot, archdeacon of Winchester, inflamed
with such zeal for orthodoxy, that having been engaged in
* Fox, vol. iii. p. 119. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 302.
t Fox, vol. iii. p. 145, etc. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 302. .Heylin. o. 48
49 Godwin, p. 349.
A D. 1555 j mary. 42.
dispute with an Arian, he spit in his adversary's face, to shew
the great detestation which he had entertained against that
heresy. lie afterwards wrote a treatise to j ustify this unman-
nerly expression of zeal : he said, that he was led to it in
order to relieve the sorrow conceived from such horrid
blasphemy, and to signify how unworthy such a miscreant was
of being admitted into the society of any Christian.* Philpot
was a Protestant ; and falling now into the hands of people as
zealous as himself, but more powerful, he was condemned to
the flames, and suffered at Smithheld. It seems to be almost
a general rule, that in all religions, except the true, no man
will suffer martyrdom who would not also inflict it willingly
on all that differ from him. The same zeal for speculative
opinions is the cause of both.
The crime for which almost all the Protestants were con-
demned, was their refusal to acknowledge the real presence.
Gardiner, who had vainly expected that a few examples would
strike a terror into the reformers, finding the work daily multi-
ply upon him, devolved the invidious office on others, cbf.efly
on Bonner, a man of profligate manners, and of a brutal char
acter, who seemed to rejoice in the torments of the unhappy
sufferers. t He sometimes whipped the prisoners with his own
hands, till he was tired with the violence of the exercise : he
tore out the beard of a weaver who refused to relinquish hia
religion ; and that he might give him a specimen of burning,
he held his hand to the candle till the sinews and veins shrank
and burst, t
It is needless to be particular in enumerating all the cruel-
ties practised in England during the course of three years that
these persecutions lasted : the savage barbarity on the one
hand, and the patient constancy on the other, are so similar in
all those martyrdoms, that the narrative, little agreeable in
itself, would never be relieved by any variety. Human nature
appears not on any occasion so detestable, and at the same
time so absurd, as in these religious persecutions, which sink
men below infernal spirits in wickedness, and below the beasts
in folly. A few instances only may be worth preserving, in
order, if possible, to warn zealous bigots forever to avoid such
odious and such fruitless barbarity.
Ferrar, bishop of St. David's was burned in his own diocese ;
* Strype, vol. iii. p. 2C1, and Coll. No. 58.
t Heylin,p. 47 48. J Fox, vol. iii. p. 187.
A'£a HISTORY OF ENGLAND [A. D. 1555
and his appeal to Cardinal Pole was not attended to.* Ki«l
ley, bishop of London, and Latimer, formerly bishop of Wor-
cester, two prelates celebrated for learning and virtue, perished
together in the same flames at Oxford, and supported eae^
other's constancy by their mutual exhortations. Latimer
when tied to the stake, called to his companion, " Be of good
cheer, brother ; we shall this day kindle such a torch in Eng-
land, as, I trust in God, shall never be extinguished." The
executioners had been so merciful (for that clemency may more
naturally be ascribed to them than to the religious zealots) as
to tie bags of gunpowder about these prelates, in order to put
a speedy period to their tortures : the explosion immediately
killed Latimer, who was in extreme old age ; Ridley continued
alive during some time in the midst of the flames.f
One Hunter, a young man of nineteen, an apprentice, hav
ing been seduced by a priest into a dispute, had unwarily de-
nied the real presence. Sensible of his danger, he immediately
absconded ; but Bonner, laying hold of his father, threatened
him with the greatest severities if he did not produce the young
man to stand his trial. Hunter, hearing of the vexations to
which his father was exposed, voluntarily surrendered himself
to Bonner, and was condemned to the flames by that barbar-
ous prelate.
Thomas Haukes, when conducted to the stake, agreed with
his friends, that, if he found the torture tolerable, he would
make them a signal to that purpose in the midst of the flames.
His zeal for the cause in which he suffered so supported him,
that he stretched out his arms, the signal agreed on ; and in
that posture he expired. + This example, with many others
of like constancy, encouraged multitudes not only to suffer, bu.
even to court and aspire to martyrdom.
The tender sex itself, as they have commonly greater pro-
pensity to religion, produced many examples of the most in-
flexible courage in supporting the profession of it against all
the fury of the persecutors. One execution in particular was
attended with circumstances which, even at that time, excited
astonishment by reason of their unusual barbarity. A woman
in Guernsey, being near the time of her labor when brought
to the stake, was thrown into such agitation by the torture, thai
* Fox, vol. iii. pi 216.
t Burnet, vol. ii p. 318. He> lin, p. 52.
t Fox, vol. iii. ]i 165.
A. 1). 1555. J makt. 423
her oelly burst, and she was delivered in the midst of the
flames. One of the guards immediately snatched the infant
from the fire, and attempted to save it ; but a magistrate who
stood by ordered it to be thrown back ; being determined, he
said, that nothing should survive which sprang from so obsti-
nate and heretical a parent.*
The persons condemned to these punishments were not
convicted of teaching, or dogmatizing, contrary to the estab-
lished religion : they were seized merely on suspicion ; and
articles being offered them to subscribe, they were immedi-
ately, upon their refusal, condemned to the flames. t These
instances of barbarity, so unusual in the nation, excited hor-
ror ; the constancy of the martyrs was the object of admira-
tion ; and as men have a principle of equity engraven in their
minds, which even false religion is not able totally to obliter-
ate, they were shocked to see persons of probity, of honor, of
pious dispositions, exposed to punishments more severe than
were inflicted on the greatest ruffians for crimes subversive of
civil society. To exterminate the whole Protestant party was
known to be impossible ; and nothing could appear more in-
iquitous, than to subject to torture the most conscientious and
courageous among them, and allow the cowards and hypo-
crites to escape. Each martyrdom, therefore, was equivalent
to a hundred sermons against Popery ; and men either avoided
such horrid spectacles, or returned from them full of a violent,
though secret indignation against the persecutors. Repeated
orders were sent from the council to quicken the diligence
of the magistrates in searching out heretics ; and in some
places the gentry were constrained to countenance by their
presence those barbarous executions. These acts of violence
tended only to render the Spanish government daily more
adious ; and Philip, sensible of the hatred which he incurred,
endeavored to remove the reproach from himself by a very
gross artifice : he ordered his confessor to deliver, in his pres-
ence, a sermon in favor of toleration ; a doctrine somewhat
extraordinary in the mouth of a Spanish friar. % But the court,
finding that Bonner, however shameless and savage, would
not bear alone the whole infamy, soon threw oft' the mask ;
and the unrelenting temper of the queen, as well as of the
king, appeared without control. A bold step was even taken
* Fox, vol. iii. p. 747. Heylin, p. 57. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 337.
t Burnet, vol. ii. p. 806 t Heylin, p. 56.
424 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1555
towards introducing the inquisition into Englaad. As the
bishop's courts, though extremely arbitrary, and not confined
by any ordinary forms of law, appeared not to be invested
with sufficient power, a commission was appointed, \>y author-
ity of the queen's prerogative, more effectually to extirpate
heresy. Twenty-one persons were named ; but any three
were armed with the powers of the whole. The commission
runs in these terms : " That since many false rumors were
published among the subjects, and many heretical opinions
were also spread among them, the commissioners were to
inquire into those, either by presentments, by witnesses, or any
other political way they could devise, and to search after all
heresies ; the bringers in, the sellers, the readers of all heret-
ical books : they were to examine and punish all misbehaviors
or negligences in any church or chapel ; and to try all priests
that did not preach the sacrament of the altar ; all persons
that did not hear mass, or come to their parish church to
service, that would not go in processions, or did not take holy
bread or holy water ; and if they found any that did obstinately
persist in such heresies, they were to put them into the hands
of their ordinaries, to be punished according to the spiritual
laws ; giving the commissioners full power to proceed as their
discretions and consciences should direct them, and to use all
such means as they would invent for the searching of the prem-
ises ; empowering them also to call before them such witnesses
as they pleased, and to force them to make oath of such things
as might discover what they sought after." * Some civil pow
ers were also given the commissioners to punish vagabonds
and quarrelsome persons.
To bring the methods of proceeding in England still nearer
to the practice of the inquisition, letters were written to Lord
North and others, enjoining them " to put to the torture such
obstinate persons as would not confess, and there to order
them at their discretion." t Secret spies, also, and informers
were employed, according to the practice of that iniquitous
tribunal. Instructions were given to the justices of peace,
" that they should call secretly before them one or two hon-
est persons within their limits, or more, at their discretion, and
oommand them by oath, or otherwise, that the) shall secretly
learn and search out such persons as shall evil behave them-
selves in church, or idly, or shall despise openly by words the
* Burnet, vol. ii, Coll. 32. t Burnet, vol iii. p. 243
A.D. 1555.) mary. 425
king's or queen's proceedings, or go about to make any com-
motion, or tell any seditious tales or news. And als;> that the
same persons, so to be appointed, shall declare to Lhe same
justices of peace the ill behavior of lewd disordered persons,
whether it shall be for using unlawful games, and such other
light behavior of such suspected persons ; and that the same
iuibrmation shall be given secretly to the justices ; and the
same justices shall call such accused persons before them, and
examine them, without declaring by whom they were accused.
And that the same justices shall, upon their examination, pun-
ish the offenders according as their offences shall appear, upon
the accusement and examination, by their discretion, either by
open punishment or by good abearing." * In some respects
this tyrannical edict even exceeded the oppression of the inqui-
sition, by introducing into every part of government the same
iniquities which that tribunal practises for the extirpation of
heresy only, and which are in some measure necessary, wher-
ever that end is earnestly pursued.
But the court had devised a more expeditious and summary
method of supporting orthodoxy than even the inquisition
itself. They issued a proclamation against books of heresy,
treason, and sedition, and declared, " that whosoever had any
of these books, and did not presently burn them, without read-
ing them or showing them to any other person, should be
esteemed rebels, and without any further delay be executed by
martial law."t From the state of the English government
during that period, it is not so much the illegality of these
proceedings, as their violence and their pernicious tendency,
which ought to be the object of our censure.
We have thrown together almost all the proceedings agair..st
heretics, though carried on during a course of three years, that
we may be obliged as little as possible to return to such shock-
ing violences and barbarities. It is computed that in that time
two hundred and seventy-seven persons were brought to the
stake, besides those who were punished by imprisonment, fines,
and confiscations. Am 3iig those who suffered by fire were five
bishops, twenty-one clergymen, eight lay gentlemen, eighty-
lour tradesmen, one hundred husbandmen, servants, and labor-
ers, fifty-five women, and four children. This persevering
cruelty appears astonishing ; yet is it much inferior to what
* Burnet, vol. iii. p. 246, 247.
t Burnet, vol. ii. p. 363. Heylin. p. 79.
426 HUTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1 55f>,
ms been practiced in other countries. A great author* com-
putes that, in the Netherlands alone, from the time that the
edict of Charles V. was promulgated against the reformers,
there had been fifty thousand persons hanged, beheaded, buried
alive, or burnt, on account of religion ; and that in France the
number had also been considerable. Yet in both countries, as
the same author subjoins, the progress of the new opinions,
instead of being checked, was rather forwarded by these per
secutious.
The burning of heretics was a very natural method of
reconciling the kingdom to the Romish communion ; and
little solicitation was requisite to engage the pope to receive
the strayed flock, from which he reaped such considerable
profit ; yet was there a solemn embassy sent to Rome, con-
sisting of Sir Anthony Brown, created Viscount Montacute,
the bishop of Ely, and Sir Edward Carne, in order to carry
the submissions of England, and beg to be readmitted into the
bosom of the Catholic church. t Paul IV., after a short inter-
val, now filled the papal chair ; the most haughty pontiff that
during several ages had been elevated to that dignity. He
was offended that Mary still retained among her titles that of
queen of Ireland ; and he affirmed that it belonged to him
alone, as he saw cause, either to erect new kingdoms or abol-
ish the old : but to avoid all dispute with the new converts,
he thought proper to erect Ireland into a kingdom, and he
then admitted the title, as if it had been assumed from his con-
cession. This was a usual artifice of the popes, to give allow-
ance to what they could not prevent, $ and afterwards pretend
that princes, while they exercised their own powers, were only
acting by authority from the papacy. And though Paul had
at first intended to oblige Mary formally to recede from this
title before he would bestow it upon her, he found it prudent
to proceed in a less haughty manner. $
Another point in discussion between the pope and the Eng-
lish ambassadors was not so easily terminated. Paul insisted
that the property and possessions of the church should be
restored to the uttermost farthing ; that whatever belonged to
God could never, by any law, be converted to profane uses ;
and every person who detained such possessions was in a stats
* Father Paul, lib. v. t Heylin, p. 45.
X Heylin, p. 45. Father Paul, lib. v.
i Father Paul, lib. v.
MARY 4J77
r.f eternal damnation ; that he would willingly, in considera-
tion of the humble submissions of the English, make them a
present of these ecclesiastical revenues ; but such a concession
exceeded his power, and the people might be certain thai
go great a profanation of holy things would be a perpetual
anathema upon them, and would blast all their future felicity ;
that if they would truly show their filial piety, they must
restore all the privileges and emoluments of the liomish
church, and Peter's pence among the rest ; nor could they
expect that this apostle would open to them the gates of para-
dise, while they detained from him his patrimony on earth.*
These earnest remonstrances being transmitted to England,
though they had little influence on the nation, operated power-
fully on the queen, who 'was determined, in order to ease her
conscience, to restore all the church lands which were still in
the possession of the crown ; and the more to display her zeal,
she erected anew some convents and monasteries, notwith-
standing the low condition of the exchequer.! When this
measure was debated in council, some members objected, that
if such a considerable part of the revenue were dismembered,
the dignity of the crown would fall to decay ; but the queen
replied, that she preferred the salvation of her soul to ten such
kingdoms as England. $ These imprudent measures would
not probably have taken place so easily, had it not been for
the death of Gardiner, which happened about this time ; the
great seal was given to Heath, archbishop of York, that an
ecclesiastic might still be possessed of that high office, and be
better enabled by his authority to forward the persecutions
against the reformed.
These persecutions were now become extremely odious to
the nation ; and the effects of the public discontent appeared
in the new parliament, summoned to meet at Westminster. $
A bill | j was passed restoring to the church the tenths and
first-fruits, and all the impropriations which remained in the
hands of the crown ; but though this matter directly concerned
none but the queen herself, great opposition was made to the
bill in the house of commons. An application being made for
a subsidy during two years, and lor two fifteenths, the latter
* Father Paul, lib. v. Heylin, p. 45.
1 Depeches de Noaillcs, vol. iv. p. 312.
j: Heylin, p. 53, 65. Holingshed. p. 1127. Speed, p 826,
$ Burnet, vol. ii. p. 322. || 2 and 3 Phil, and Mar. cap.
428 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A.D. 1555
was refused by the commons ; and many members said, thai
while the crown was thus despoiling itself of its revenue, it
was in vain to bestow riches upon it. The parliament reject-
ed a bill for obliging the exiles to return under certain penal-
ties, and another for incapacitating such as were remiss in
the prosecution of heresy from being justices of peace. The
i[ueen, finding the intractable humor of the commons, thought
oroper to dissolve the parliament.
The spirit of opposition which began to prevail in parlia-
ment was the more likely to be vexatious to Mary, as she was
otherwise in very bad humor on account of her husband's
absence, who, tired of her importunate love and jealousy, and
finding his authority extremely limited in England, had laid
hold of the first opportunity to leave her, and had gone over
last summer to the emperor in Flanders. The indifference
and neglect of Philip, added to the disappointment in her
imagined pregnancy, threw her into deep melancholy ; and
she gave vent to her spleen by daily enforcing the persecu-
tions against the Protestants, and even by expressions of rage
against all her subjects ; by whom she knew herself to be
hated, and whose opposition, in refusing an entire compliance
with Philip was the cause, she believed, why he had alienated
his affections from her, and afforded her so little of his com-
pany.* The less return her love met with, the more it in-
creased ; and she passed most of her time in solitude, where
she gave vent to her passion, either in tears, or in writing
fond epistles to Philip, who seldom returned her any answer,
and scarcely deigned to pretend any sentiment of love or
even of gratitude towards her. The chief part of government
to which she attended, was the extorting of money from her
people, in order to satisfy his demands ; and as the parliament
had granted her but a scanty supply, she had recourse to
expedients very violent and irregular. She levied a loan of
sixty thousand pounds upon a thousand persons, of whose
compliance, either on account of their riches or their affections
to her, she held herself best assured : but that sum not suf-
ficing, she exacted a general loan on every one who possessed
twenty pounds a year. This imposition lay heavy on the
gentry, who were obliged, many of them, to retrench theii
expenses and dismiss their servants, in order to enable them tc
comply with her demands : and as these sorvants, accustom? i
* Depeches de Noailles. vol. v. p. 370, 562
A. D. 1555.] mart. 429
to idleness, and having no means of subsistence, commonly
oetook themselves to theft and robbery, the queen published a
proclamation, by which she obliged their former masters to
take them back to their service. She levied sixty thousand
marks on seven thousand yeomen who had not contributed to
the former loan ; and she exacted thirty-six thousand pounds
more from the merchants. In order to engage some Londoners
to comply more willingly with her multiplied extortions, she
passed an edict prohibiting for four months the exporting of
any English cloths or kerseys to the Netherlands ; an expedient
which procured a good market for such a; bad already sent
any quantity of cloth thither. Her rapaciousness engaged
her to give endless disturbance and interruption to commerce.
The English company settled in Antwerp having refused her
a loan of forty thousand pounds, she dissembled her resent-
ment till she found that they had bought and shipped great
quantities of cloth for Antwerp fair, which was approach-
ing : she then laid an embargo on the ships, and obliged the
merchants to grant her a loan of the forty thousand pounds
at first demanded, to engage for the payment of twenty
thousand pounds more at a limited time, and to submit to an
arbitrary imposition of twenty shillings on each piece. Some
time after, she was informed that the Italian merchants had
shipped above forty thousand pieces of cloth for the Levant,
for which they were to pay her a crown a piece, the usual
imposition : she struck a bargain with the merchant adven-
turers in London ; prohibited the foreigners from making any
exportation ; and received from the English merchants, in
sonsideration of this iniquity, the sum of fifty thousand pounds,
and an imposition of four crowns on each piece of cloth
which they should export. She attempted to borrow great
sums abroad ; but her credit was so low, that though she
offered fourteen per cent, to the city of Antwerp for a loan
o{ thirty thousand pounds, she could not obtain it till she
compelled the city of London to be surety for her.* All
these violent expedients were employed while she herself was
jk profound peace with all the world, and had visibly no
occasion for money but to supply the demands of a husband,
who gave attention only to his own convenience, and showed
aimself entirely indifferent about her interests.
* Godwin, p. 359. Cowper's Chronicle. Burnet, vol. ii
Carte, p. 330, 333. 337, 341. Strype's Memor. vol. iij p. 4
Annals, vol. «. p. 15.
p. 35S
428, 55<S
430 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D 1550,
Philip was now become master of all the wealth of the
new world, and. of the richest and most extensive dominions
in Europe, by the voluntary resignation of the emperoi
Charles V. ; who, though still in the vigor of his ag(!, had
taken a disgust to the world, and was determined to seek, in
the tranquillity of retreat, for that happiness which he had. in
vain pursued amidst the tumults of war and the restless projects
of ambition. He summoned the states of the Low Countries ;
and seating himself on the throne for the last time, explained
to his subjects the reasons of his resignation, absolved them
from ail oaths of allegiance, and, devolving his authority on
Philip, told him, that his paternal tenderness made him weep
when he reflected on the burden which he imposed upon
him.* He inculcated on him the great and only duty of a
prince, the study of his people's happiness ; and represented
how much preferable it was to govern by affection, rather
than by fear, the nations subjected to his dominion. The
cool reflections of age now discovered to him the emptiness
of his former pursuits ; and he found that the vain schemes
of extending his empire had been the source of endless
opposition and disappointment, and kept himself, his neighbors,
and his subjects, in perpetual inquietude, and had frustrated
the sole end of government, the felicity of the nations com-
mitted to his care ; an object which meets with less opposi-
tion, and which, if steadily pursued, can alone convey a last-
ing and solid satisfaction.
[1556.] A few months after, he resigned to Philip his
other dominions ; and embarking on board a fleet, sailed to
Spain, and took his journey to St. Just, a monastery in
Zstremadura, which, being situated in a happy climate, and
amidst the greatest beauties of nature, he lad chosen for the
place of his retreat. When he arrived at Burgos, he found
by the thinness of his court, and the negligent attendance
of the Spanish grandees, that he was no longer emperor
and though this observation might convince him still more of
the vanity of the world, and make him more heartily despise
what he had renounced, he sighed to find that all forme)
adulation and obeisance had been paid to his fortune, not tc
his person. With better reason was he struck with thu
ingratitude of his son Philip, who obliged him to wait a lon£
time for the payment of the small pension which he had
* Thuan. lib. xvi. c. 20-
A. D. 1556.1 mary. 431
reserved ; and this disappointment in his domestic enjoyment
gave him a sensible concern. He pursued, however, his reso-
lution with inflexible constancy ; and shutting himself up in
his retreat, he exerted such self-command, that he restrained
even his curiosity from any inquiry concerning the transactions
of the world which he had entirely abandoned. The fencing
against the pains and infirmities under which he labored occu
pied a great part of his time ; and during the intervals he
employed his leisure, either in examining the controversies of
theology, with which his age had been so much agitated, and
which he had hitherto considered only in a political light, or
in imitating the works of renowned artists, particularly in
mechanics, of which he had always been a great admirer and
encourager. He is said to have here discovered a propensity
to the new doctrines, and to have frequently dropped hints of
this unexpected alteration in his sentiments. Having amused
himself with the construction of clocks and watches, he thence
remarked, how impracticable the object was in which he had
so much employed himself during his grandeur ; and how im-
possible that he, who never could frame two machines that
would go exactly alike, could ever be able to make all mankind
concur in the same belief and opinion. He survived his retreat
two years.
The emperor Charles had very early in the beginning of his
reign found the difficulty of governing such distant dominions ,
and he had made his brother Ferdinand be elected king of the.
Romans, with a view to his inheriting the imperial dignity,
as well as his German dominions. But having afterwards
enlai-ged his schemes, and formed plans of aggrandizing his
family, he regretted that he must dismember such considerable
states ; and he endeavored to engage Ferdinand, by the most
tempting offers, and most earnest solicitations, to yield up hi.»
pretensions in favor of Philip. Finding his attempts fruitless-
he had resigned the imperial crown with his other dignities
and Ferdinand, according to common form, applied to the
pope for his coronation. The arrogant pontiff refused the
dernand ; and pretended that, though on the death of ai>
emperor he was obliged to crown the prince elected, yet.
in the case of a resignation, the right devolved to the holv
see, and it belonged to the pope alone to appoint an emperor
Tke conduct of Paul was in every thing conformable to thes?
lofty pretensions. He thundered always in the ears of al«
ambassadors, that he stood in no need of the assistance oi
132 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [ A. D. 1556
any prince ; that he was above all potentates of the earth ;
that he would not accustom monarchs to pretend to a
familiarity or equality with him ; that it belonged to him tc
alter and regulate kingdoms ; that he was successor of those
who had deposed kings and emperors ; and that, rather than
submit to any thing below his dignity, he would set fire to
the four corners of the world. He went so far as, at table, in
the presence of many persons, and even openly, in a public
consistory, to say, that he would not admit any kings for his
companions; they were all his subjects, and he would hold
them under these feet : so saying, he stamped on the ground
with his old and infirm limbs : lor he was now past fourscore
years of age.*
The world could not forbear making a comparison between
Charles V., a prince who, though educated amidst wars and
intrigues of state, had prevented the decline of age, and had
descended from the throne, in order to set apart an interval
for thought and reflection ; and a priest who, in the extremity
of old age, exulted in his dominion, and from restless ambition
and revenge was throwing all nations into combustion. Paul
had entertained the most inA r eterate animosity against the
house of Austria ; and though a truce of five years had been
concluded between France and Spain, he excited Henry by
his solicitations to break it, and promised to assist him in
recovering Naples, and the dominions to which he laid claim
in Italy ; a project which had ever proved hurtful to the
predecessors of that monarch. He himself engaged in hostili-
ties with the duke of Alva, viceroy of Naples ; and Guise
being sent with forces to support him, the renewal of war
between the two crowns seemed almost inevitable. Philip,
though less warlike than his father, was no less ambitious ;
and he trusted that, by the intrigues of the cabinet, where, he
believed, his caution, and secrecy, and prudence gave him the
superiority, he should be able to subdue all his enemies, and
extend his authority and dominion. For this reason, as well
as from the desire of settling his new empire, he wished to
maintain peace with France ; but when he found that, with-
out sacrificing his honor, it was impossible for him to overlook
the hostile attempts of He:iry, he prepared for war with great
industry. In order to give himself the more advantage, he
was desirous of embarking England in the quarrel ; am 1 .
Father Paul lib. v.
A. T>. 1WHL J mary. 433
though the queen was of herself extremely averse to that
measure,, he hoped that the devoted fondness which, notwith-
standing repeated instances of his indifference, she still bore to
him, would effectually second his applications. Had the mat-
ter indeed depended solely on her, she was incapable of resist-
ing her husband's commands ; but she had little weight with
her council, still less with her people ; and her government,
which was every day becoming more odious, seemed unable
to maintain itself, even during the most profound tranquillity,
much more if a war were kindled with France, and, what
seemed an inevitable consequence, with Scotland, supported
by that powerful kingdom.
An act of barbarity was this year exercised in England,
which, added to many other instances of the same kind, tend-
ed to render the government extremely unpopular. Cranmer
had long been detained prisoner ; but the queen now de-
termined to bring him to punishment ; and in order the more
fully to satiate her vengeance, she resolved to punish him for
heresy, rather than for treason. He was cited by the pope to
stand his trial at Rome ; and though he was known to be kept
in close custody at Oxford, he was, upon his not appearing,
condemned as contumacious. Bonner, bishop of London, and
Thirleby of Ely, were sent to degrade him ; and the former
executed the melancholy ceremony with all the joy and exult-
ation which suited his savage nature.* The implacable spirit
of the queen, not satisfied with the eternal damnation of Cran-
mer, which she believed inevitable, and with the execution o/'
that dreadful sentence to which he was condemned, prompto^
her also to seek the ruin of his honor and the infamy of hi
name. Persons were employed to attack him, not in the
way of disputation, against which he was sufficiently armed,
out by flattery, insinuation, aud address, by representing the
dignities to which his character still entitled him, if he would
merit them by a recantation ; by giving hopes of long enjoying
those powerful friends, whom his beneficent disposition had
attached to him during the course of his prosperity.f Over-
come by the fond love of life, terrified by the prospect of
those tortures which awaited him, he allowed, in an un-
guarded hour, the sentiments of nature to prevail over hjs
JCBolution, and he agreed to subscribe the doctrines of tin.
* Mem. of Cranra. p. 375.
I Heylin, p 55. Mem. p. 383.
TOL, HI. — T
4i<» KISTOr. Y IF ENGLAND. j A. D. 1556
papal supremacy and of the real presence The court
equally perfidious and cruel, were determined that this re-
cantation should avail him nothing ; and they sent orders
that he should be required to acknowledge his errors m
church before the whole people, and that he should thence ba
immediately carried to execution. Craumer, whether that he
had received a secret intimation of their design, or had re-
pented of his weakness, surprised the audience by a contrary
declaration. He said, that he was well apprised of the obe-
dience which he owed to his sovereign and the laws ; but this
duty extended no further than to submit patiently to their
commands, and to bear without resistance whatever hardships
they should impose upon him: that a superior duty, the diuy
which he owed to his Maker, obliged him to speak truth on
all occasions, and not to relinquish, by a base denial, the holy
doctrine which the Supreme Being had revealed to mankind :
that there was one miscarriage in his life, of which, above all
others, he severely repented ; the insincere declaration of faith,
to which he had the weakness to consent, and which the fear
of death alone had extorted from him: that he took this op-
portunity of atoning for his error by a sincere and open recant-
ation; and was willing to seal Avith his blood that doctrine
which he firmly believed to be communicated from Heaven ;
and that as his hand had erred by betraying his heart, it should
first be punished by a severe but just doom, and should first
pay the forfeit of its offences. He was thence led to the stake
amidst the insults of the Catholics ; and having now sum-
moned up all the force of his mind, he bore their scorn, as
well as the torture of his punishment, with singular fortitude.
He stretched out his hand, and without betraying, either by
his countenance or motions, the least sign of weakness, or even
of feeling, he held it in the flames till it was entirely con-
sumed. His thoughts seemed wholly occupied with reflections
on his former fault; and he called aloud several times, " This
hand has offended." Satisfied with that atonement, he then
discovered a serenity in his countenance ; and when the fire
attacked his body, he seemed to be quite insensible of hia
outward sufferings, and by the force of hope and resolution to
have collected his mind altogether within itself, and to repel
the fury of the flame. It is pretended, that after his body
was consumed, his heart was found entire and untouched
amidst the ashes ; an event which, as it was the emblem of
his constancy, was fondly believed by the zealous Protest-mis
A.I/ 1557.] mary. 435
He was undoubtedly a man of merit , possessed ot learning
and capacity, and adorned with candor, sincerity, and benefi-
cence, and all those virtues which were fitted to render him
useful and amiable in society. His moral qualities procured
him universal respect ; and the courage of his martyrdom,
though he fell short of the rigid inflexibility observed in many,
made him the hero of the Protestant party.*
After Cranmer's death. Cardinal Pole, who had now taken
priest's orders, was installed in the see of Canterbury ; and
was thus, by this office, as well as by his commission of legate,
placed at the head of the church of England. But though
he was averse to all sanguinary methods of converting her-
etics, and deemed the reformation of the clergy the more
effectual, as the more laudable expedient for that purpose, t
he found his authority too weak to oppose the barbarous and
bigoted disposition of the queen and of her counsellors. He
himself, he knew, had been suspected of Lutheranism ; and
as Paul, the reigning pope, was a furious persecutor, and his
personal enemy, lie was prompted, by the modesty of his dis-
position, to reserve his credit for other occasions, in which he
had a greater probability of success. $
[1557.] The great object of the queen was to engage the
nation in the war which was kindled between France and Spain ;
and Cardinal Pole, with many other counsellors, openly and zeal-
ously opposed this measure. Besides insisting on the marriage
articles, which provided against such an attempt, they repre-
sented the violence of the domestic factions in England, and
the disordered state oi the finances ; and they foreboded,
that the tendency of all these measures was to reduce the
kingdom to a total dependence on Spanish counsels. Philip
had come to London, in order to support his partisans ; and he
told the queen that, if he were not gratified in so reasonable a
request, he never more would set foot in England. This
declaration extremely heightened her zeal for promoting his
interests, and overcoming the inflexibility of her council.
After employing other menaces of a more violent nature, she
threatened to dismiss all of them, and to appoint counsellora
more obsequious ; yet could she not procure a vote for declar-
ing war with France. At length, one Stafford, and some
* Burnet, vol. ii. p. 331, 332, etc. Godwin, p. 351
t Burnet, vol. ii. p. 324, 325.
t Heylin, p. 63 09. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 327-
436 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. 1). 1557
other conspirators, were detected in a design of surprising
Scarborough;* and a confession being extorted from them,
that they had been encouraged by Henry in the attempt, the
queen's importunity prevailed ; and it was determined to make
this act of hostility, with others of a like secret and doubtful
nature, the ground of the quarrel. War was accordingly
declared against France ; and preparations were every where
made for attacking that kingdom.
The revenue of England at that time little exceeded three
hundred thousand pounds. f Any considerable supplies could
scarcely be expected from parliament, considering the present
disposition of the nation ; and as the war would sensibly
diminish that branch arising from the customs, the finances,
it was foreseen, would fall short even of the ordinary charges
of government, and must still more prove unequal to the
expenses of war. But though the queen owed great arrears
to all her servants, besides the loans extorted from her subjects,
these considerations had no influence with her ; and in order
to support her warlike preparations, she continued to levy
money in the same arbitrary and violent manner which sho
had formerly practised. She obliged the city of London to
supply her with sixty thousand pounds on her husband's entry ;
she levied before the legal time the second year's subsidy
voted by parliament ; she issued anew many privy seals, by
which she procured loans from her people ; and having
equipped a fleet, which she could not victual by reason of the
dearness of provisions, she seized all the corn she could find
in Suffolk and Norfolk, without paying any price to the owners.
By all these expedients, assisted by the power of pressing
she levied an army of ten thousand men, which she sent over
to the Low Countries, under the command of the earl of
Pembroke. Meanwhile, in order to prevent any disturbance
at home, many of the most considerable gentry were thrown
into the Tower ; and lest they should be known, the Spanish
practice was followed : they either were carried thither in the
night-time, or were hoodwinked and muffled by the guards
who conducted them. X
The king of Spain had assembled an army, which, aftor
* Heylin, p. 72. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 351. Sir James Melvil'*
Memoirs.
t Rossi, Successi d'Inghilterra.
X Strype's Eecles. Memorials, vol. iii. 3~7.
A.D. 1557.J mary 4?"
the junction of the English, amounted to about sixty thousand
men, conducted by Philibert, duke of Savoy, one of the great
est captains of the age. The constable Montmorency, who
commanded the French army, had not half the number to
oppose him. The duke of Savoy, after menacing Mariem-
bourgh and Rocroy, suddenly sat down before St. Quinu.. .
and as the place was weak, and ill provided with a garrison,
he expected in a lew days to become master of it. But
Admiral Coligny, governor of the province, thinking his honor
interested to save so important a fortress, threw himself into
St. Quintin, with some troops of French and Scottish gens-
darmery ; and by his exhortations and example animated the
soldiers to a vigorous defence. He despatched a messenger to
his uncle Montmorency, desiring a supply of men ; and the
constable approached the place with his whole army, in order
to facilitate the entry of these succors. But the duke of Savoy,
falling on the reenforcement, did such execution upon them,
that not above five hundred got into the place. He next
made an attack on the French army, and put them to total
rout, killing four thousand men, and dispersing the remainder.
In this unfortunate action many of the chief nobility of France
were either slain or taken prisoners : among the latter was
the old constable himself, who, fighting valiantly, and resolute
to die rather than survive his defeat, was surrounded by the
enemy, and thus fell alive into their hands. The whole king-
dom of France was thrown into consternation : Paris was
attempted to be fortified in a hurry : and had the Spaniards
jresently marched thither, it could not have failed to fall inta
their hands. But Philip was of a cautious temper ; and he
determined first to take St. Quintin, in order to secure a com-
munication with his own dominions. A very little time, it
was expected, wojull finish this enterprise ; but the bravery of
Coligny still prolonged the siege seventeen days, which proved
the safety of France. Some troops were levied and assembled
Couriers were sent to recall the duke of Guise and his army
from Italy : and the French, having recovered from their first
panic, put themselves in a posture of defence. Philip, afteT
taking Ham and Catelet, found the season so far advanced,
that he could attempt no other enterprise : he broke up his
camp, and retired to winter quarters.
But the vigilant activity of Guise, not satisfied with securing
the frontiers, prompted him, in the depth of winter, to plan an
enterprise which France, during l ar gi latest successes, had
438 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. f A. D. 155*3
always regarded as impracticable, and had never thought of
undertaking. Calais was in that age deemed an impregnable
fortress ; and as it was known to be the favorite of the English
nation, by whom it could easily be succored, the recovery of
that place by France was considered as totally desperate.
But Coligny had remarked, that as the town of Calais was
surrounded with marshes, which during the winter were im-
passable, except over a dike guarded by two castles, St. Agatha
and Newman Bridge, the English were of late accustomed,
on account of the lowness of their finances, to dismiss a great
part of the garrison at the end of autumn, and to recall them
in the spring, at which time alone they judged their attendance
necessary. On this circumstance he had founded the design
of making a sudden attack on Calais ; he had caused the
place to be secretly viewed by some engineers ; and a plan of
the whole enterprise being found among his papers, it served,
though he himself was made prisoner on the taking of St.
Quintin, to suggest the project of that undertaking, and to direct
the measures of the duke of Guise.
Several bodies of troops defiled towards the frontiers on
various pretences ; and the whole, being suddenly assembled,
formed an army, with which Guise made an unexpected
march towards Calais. At the same time, a great number
of French ships, being ordered into the Channel, under color
of cruising on the English, composed a fleet which made an
attack by sea on the fortifications. The French assaulted St.
Agatha with three thousand arquebusiers ; and the garrison,
though they made a vigorous defence, were soon obliged to
abandon the place, and retreat to Newman Bridge. The siege
of this latter place was immediately undertaken, and at the
same time the fleet battered the risbauk, which guarded the
entrance of the harbor ; and both these castles seemed exposed
to imminent danger. The Governor, Lord Wentworth, was a
brave officer ; but finding that the greater part of his weak
garrison was enclosed in the castle of Newman Bridge and the
risbank, he ordered them to capitulate, and to join him in Calais,
which, without their assistance, he was utterly unable to defend.
The garrison of Newman Bridge was so happy as to effect
this purpose ; but that of the risbank could not obtain such
favorable conditions, and were obliged to surrender at dis
oretion.
[1558.] The duke of Guise, now holding Calais blockaded
by sea and land, thought himself secure of succeeding in his
A. D. 1558.1 mart. 43'J
enterprise ; but in oruer to prevent all accident, he delayed
lot a moment the attack of the place. He plained his bat'
teries against the castle, where he made a large breach ; and
having ordered Andelot, Coligny's brother, to drain the fossee.
lie commanded an assault, which succeeded ; and the Frencn
made a lodgement in the castle. On the night following,
Wentworth attempted to recover this post ; but having lost
two hundred men in a furious attack which he made upon it,*
he found his garrison so weak, that he was obliged to capitu-
late. Ham and Guisnes fell soon after ; and thus the duke
of Guise, in eight days, during the depth of winter, made
himself master of this strong fortress, that had cost Edward
III. a siege of eleven months, at the head of a numerous
army, which had that very year been victorious in the battle
of Crecy. The English had held it above two hundred
years ; and as it gave them an easy entrance into France, it
was regarded as the most important possession belonging to
the crown. The joy of the French was extreme, as well as
the glory acquired by Guise ; who, at the time when all Eu-
rope imagined France to be sunk by the unfortunate battle of
St. Quintin, had, in opposition to the English, and their allies
the Spaniards, acquired possession of a place which no iormer
king of France, even during the distractions of the civil wars
between the houses of York and Lancaster, had ever ventured
to attempt. The English, on the other hand, bereaved of this
valuable fortress, murmured loudly against the improvidence
of the queen and her council ; who, after engaging in a fruit-
less war for the sake of foreign interests, had thus exposed
the nation to so severe a disgrace. A treasury exhausted by
expenses, and burdened with debts ; a people divided and
dejected ; a sovereign negligent of her people's welfare ;
were circumstances which, notwithstanding the fair offers and
promises of Philip, gave them small hopes of recovering
Calais. And as the Scots, instigated by French counsels,
began to move on the borders, they were now necessitated
rather to look to their defence at home, than to think of foreign
conquests.
After the peace which, in consequence of King Edward's
treaty with Henry, took place between Scotland and England,
the queen dowager, on pretence of visiting her daughter and
her relations, made a journey to France ; and she carried
Thuan. lib. xx cap. 2.
440 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. |A. I). l5f)'^
along with her the earls of Huntley, Sutherland, ManschaL
and many of the principal nobility. Her secret design was,
to take measures for engaging the earl of Arran to resign to
her the government of the kingdom ; and as her brothers, the
duke of Guise, the cardinal of Lorraine, and the duke of
Aumale, had uncontrolled influence in the court of France,
she easily persuaded Henry, and by his authority the Scottish
nobles, to enter into her measures. Having also gained
Carnegy of Kinnaird, Panter, bishop of Ross, and Gavin
Hamilton, commendator of Kilwinning, three creatures of the
governor's, she persuaded him, by their means, to consent to
thu resignation;* and when every thing was thus prepared
for her purpose, she took a journey to Scotland, and passed
through England in her way thither. Edward received her
with great respect and civility ; though he could not forbear
attempting to renew the old treaty for his marriage with her
daughter ; a marriage, he said, so happily calculated for the
tranquillity, interest, and security of both kingdoms, and the
only means of insuring a durable peace between them. For
his part, he added, he never could entertain a cordial amity
for any other husband whom she should choose ; nor was it
easy for him to forgive a man who, at the same time that he
disappointed so natural an alliance, had bereaved him of a
bride to whom his affections, from his earliest infancy, had
been entirely engaged. The queen dowager eluded these
applications, by telling him, that if any measures had been
taken disagreeable to him, they were entirely owing to the
imprudence of the duke of Somerset, who, instead of employing
courtesy, caresses, and gentle offices, the proper means of
gaining a young princess, had had recourse to arms and vio-
lence, and had constrained the Scottish nobility to send their
sovereign into France, in order to interest that kingdom in
protecting their liberty and independence. t
When the queen dowager arrived in Scotland, she found
the governor very unwilling to fulfil his engagements ; and
it was not till after many delays that he could he persuaded to
resign his authority. But finding that the majority of the
young princess was approaching, and that the queen dowager-
had gamed the affections of all the principal nobility, he
thought it more prudent to submit ; and having stipulated that
* Buchanan, lib. xiv. Keith p. 5C. Spotswood, p. 92.
t Keith, p. 59.
A.D. 1553.J mary. 44 1
he should be ueclh.red Lsxt heir to the crown, and should he
freed from giving any account of his past administration, he
placed her in possession of the power, and she thenceforth
assumed the name of regent.* It was a usual saying of this
princess, that, provided she could render her friends happy,
and could insure to herself a good reputation, she was entirely
indifferent what befell her ; and though this sentiment is
greatly censured by the zealous reformers,! as being founded
wholly on secular motives, it discovers a mind well calcu-
lated for the government of kingdoms. D'Oisel, a French-
man, celebrated ibr capacity, had attended her as ambassador
from Henry, but in reality to assist her with his counsels in
so delicate an undertaking as the administration of Scotland ;
and this man had formed a scheme for laying a general tax
on the kingdom, in order to support a standing military force,
which might at once repel the inroads of foreign enemies, and
check the turbulence of the Scottish nobles. But though some
of the courtiers were gained over to this project, it gave great
and general discontent to the nation ; and the queen regent,
after ingenuously confessing that it would prove pernicious to
the kingdom, had the prudence to desist from it, and to trust
entirely for her security to the good will and affections of her
subjects. |
This laudable purpose seemed to be the chief object of her
administration ; yet was she sometimes drawn from it by her
connections with France, and by the influence which her
brothers had acquired over her. When Mary commenced
hostilities against that kingdom, Henry required the queen
regent to take part in the quarrel ; and she summoned a con-
vention of states at Newbottle, and requested them to concur
in a declaration of war against England. The Scottish nobles,
who were become as jealous of French as the English were
of Spanish influence, refused their assent ; and the queen was
obliged to have recourse to stratagem in order to effect her
purpose. She ordered D'Oisel to begin some fortifications at
Eyemouth, a place which had been dismantled by the last
treaty with Edward ; and when the garrison of Berwick, as
she foresaw, made an inroad to prevent the undertaking, she
effectually employed th;s pretence to inflame the Scottish
nation, and to engage them in hostilities against England. §
* 12th April, 1554. t Knox, p. 89.
t Keith, p. 70. Buchanan, lib. xvi.
4 Buchanan, lib. xvi. Thnan. lib. xix. 3. 7
*42 HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1558
The enterprises, however, of the Scots proceeded no farthei
than some inroads on the borders : when D'Ois3l of himself
conducted artillery and troops to besiege the castle of Werke.
he was recalled, and sharply rebuked by the council.*
In order to connect Scotland more closely with France, and
to increase the influence of the latter kingdom, it was thought
proper by Henry to celebrate the marriage between tbe young
queen and the dauphin ; and a deputation was sent by the
Scottish parliament to assist at the ceremony, and to settle
the terms of the contract.
The close alliance between France and Scotland threatened
very nearly the repose and security of Mary ; and it was
foreseen, that though the factions and disorders which might
naturally be expected in the Scottish government during the
absence of the sovereign, would make its power less formid-
able, that kingdom would at least afford to the French a
means of invading England. The queen, therefore, found it
necessary to summon a parliament, and to demand of them
«ome supplies to her exhausted exchequer. As such an
emergency usually gives great advantage to the people ; and
as the parliaments during this reign had shown that, where
the liberty and independency of the kingdom were menaced
with imminent danger, they were not entirely overawed by
the court ; we shall naturally expect that the late arbitrary
methods of extorting money should at least be censured, and
perhaps some remedy be for the future provided against them.
The commons, however, without making any reflections on
the past, voted, besides a fifteenth, a subsidy of four shillings
in the pound on land, and two shillings and eightpence on
(roods. The clergy granted eight shillings in the pound, pay-
able, as was also the subsidy of the laity, in four years by
equal portions.
The parliament also passed an act, confirming all the sales
and grants of crown lands, which either were already made
by the queen, or should be made during the seven ensuing
years. It was easy to foresee that, in Mary's present disposi-
tion and situation, this power would be followed by a great
alienation of the royal demesnes ; and nothing could be more
contrary to the principles of good government, than to estab-
luw« a prince with very extensive authority, yet permit him to
W* -educed to beggary. This act met with opposition in the
* Knox, p 9.3.
A. D. 1558.] mary. 443
house of commons. One Copely exposed his fears lest tha
queen, under color of the power there granted, might alter the
succession, and alienate the crown from the lawful heir ; but
his words were thought " irreverent" to her majesty : he was
committed to the custody of the serjeant at arms, and though
he expressed sorrow for his offence, he was not released till the
queen was applied to for his pardon.
The English nation, during this whole reign, were under
great apprehensions with regard not only to the succession,
but the life of the lady Elizabeth. The violent hatred which
the queen bore to her broke out on every occasion; and ii
required all the authority of Philip, as well as her own great
prudence, to prevent the fatal effects of it. The princes.-;
retired into the country, and knowing that she was surrounded
with spies, she passed her time wholly in reading and study,
intermeddled in no business, and saw very little company.
While she remained in this situation, which ibr the present M'as
melancholy, but which prepared her mind for those great actions
by which her life was afterwards so much distinguished, pro-
posals of marriage were made to her by the Swedish ambas-
sador, in his master's name. As her first question was, whether
the queen had been informed of these proposals, the ambas-
sador told her, that his master thought, as he was a gentleman,
it was his duty first to make his addresses to herself, and
having obtained her consent, he would next, as a king, apply
to her sister. But the princess would allow him to proceed no
further ; and the queen, after thanking her for this instance
of duty, desired to know how she stood affected to the Swe-
dish proposals. Elizabeth, though exposed to many present
dangers and mortifications, had the magnanimity to reserve
herself for better fortune; and she covered her refusal with
professions of a passionate attachment to a single life, which,
she said, she infinitely preferred before any other.* The
princess showed like prudence in concealing her sentiments
of religion, in complying with the present modes of worship,
and in eluding all questions with regard to that dclicata
subject. t
* Burnet, vol. ii. ColL No. 37.
t The common net at that time, says Sir Richard Biker, for catch
ing of Protestants, was the real presence; and this net v/as used to
catch the lady Elizabeth ; lor being asked, one time, what she though;
of the words of Christ, " Tins is my bodv," whether she rhought it tha
«44 HISTORY OF ENGLAND [A. D. 1558
The money granted by parliament enabled the queen to fit
out a fleet of a hundred and forty sail, which, being joined by
thirty Flemish ships, and carrying six thousand land forces on
board, was sent to make an attempt on the coast of Brittany.
The fleet was commanded by Lord Clinton ; the land forces
by the earls of Huntingdon and Rutland. But the equipment
of the fleet and army was ?*j dilatory, that the French got
intelligence of the design, and were prepared to receive them.
The English found Brest so well guarded as to render an
attempt on that place impracticable ; but landing at Conquet,
they plundered and burnt the town, with some adjacent villages,
and were proceeding to commit greater disorders, when Ker-
simon, a Breton gentleman, at the head of some militia, fell
upon them, put them to rout, and drove them to their ships
with considerable loss. But a small squadron of ten English
ships had an opportunity of amply revenging this disgrace
upon the French. The mareschal de Thermes, governor of
Calais, had made an irruption into Flanders, with an army of
fourteen thousand men, and having forced a passage over the
River Aa, had taken Dunkirk and Berg St. Winoc, and had
advanced as far as Newport ; but Count Egmont coming sud
denly upon him with superior forces, he was obliged to re-
treat ; and being overtaken by the Spaniards near Gravelines
and finding a battle inevitable, he chose very skilfully his
ground ibr the engagement. He fortified his left wing with
all the precautions possible ; and posted his right along the
River A a, which, he reasonably thought, gave him full security
from that quarter. But the English ships, which were acci-
dentally on the coast, being drawn by the noise of the firing,
sailed up the river, and flanking the French, did such execu-
tion by their artillery, that they put them to flight, and the
Spaniards gained a complete victory.*
true body of Christ that was in the sacrament, it is said that, after soma
pausing, she thus answered : —
" Christ was the word that spake it ;
He took the bread and brake it :
And what the word did riake it,
That I believe, and take hv'
Which, though it may seem but a slight expression, yet hath it mon
solidness than at lirst sight appears; at least, it served her turn, ht
that time, to escape the net, which, by a direct answer, she could aan
have done. Baker's Chronicle, p. 320.
* Halingshed, p. 11-50.
A D. 1558.| MART. Ut
Meanwhile the principal army of France under the duke
of Guise, and that of Spain under the duke of Savoy, ap-
proached each other on the frontiers of Picardy ; and as the
two kings had come into their respective camps, attended by
the flower of their nobility, men expected that some great ancf
important event would ibllow from the emulation of these
warlike nations. But Philip, though actuated by the ambi-
tion, possessed not the enterprising genius of a conqueror ; and
ha was willing, notwithstanding the superiority of his num-
bers, and the two great victories which he had gained at St.
Quintin and Gravelines, to put a period to the war by treaty.
Negotiations were entered into for that purpose ; and as the
terms offered by the two monarchs were somewhat wide of
each other, the armies were put into winter quarters till the
princes could come to better agreement. Among other condi-
tions, Henry demanded the restitution of Navarre to its lawful
owner ; Philip, that of Calais and its territory to England ; but
in the midst of these negotiations, news arrived of the death
of Mary ; and Philip, no longer connected with England, be-
gan to relax in his firmness on that capital article. This was
the only circumstance that could have made the death of that
princess be regretted by the nation.
Mary had long been in a declining state of health ; and
having mistaken her dropsy for a pregnancy, she had made
use of an improper regimen, and her malady daily augmented.
Every reflection now tormented her. The consciousness of
being hated by her subjects, the prospect of Elizabeth's suc-
cession, apprehensions of the danger to which the Catholii
religion stood exposed, dejection for the loss of Calais, concert
for the ill state of her affairs, and, above all, anxiety for the
absence of her husband, who, she knew, intended soon to de-
part for Spain, and to settle there during the remainder of his
life, — all these melancholy reflections preyed upon her mind,
and threw her into a lingering fever, of which she died, after
a short and unfortunate reign of five years four months and
eleven days.
It is not necessary to employ many words in drawing the
character of this princess. She possessed few qualities either
estimable or amiable ; and her person was as little engaging
as her behavior and address. Obstinacy, bigotry, violence,
cruelty, malignity, revenge, tyranny ; every circumstance of
her character took a tincture from her bad temper and narrow
understanding. And amidst that complication of vice* which
44G HISTORY OF ENGLAND. [A. D. 1553
entered into her composition, we shall scarcely find any virtue
but sincerity ; a quality which she seems to have maintained
throughout her whole life ; except in the beginning of hei
reign, when the necessity of her affairs obliged her to make
6ome promises to the Protestants, which she certainly nevei
intended to perform. But in these cases, a weak, bigoted
woman, under the government of priests, easily finds casuistry
sufficient to justify to herself the violation of a promise. She
appears, also, as well as her father, to have been susceptible
cf some attachments of friendship ; and that without the ca-
price and inconstancy which were so remarkable in the con-
duct of that monarch. To which we may add, that in many
circumstances of her life she gave indications of resolution and
vigor of mind, a quality which seems to have been inherent in
her family.
Cardinal Pole had long been sickly from an intermitting
fever ; and he died the same day with the queen, about six-
teen hours after her. The benign character of this prelate,
the modesty and humanity of his deportment, made him be
universally beloved ; insomuch that in a nation where the most
furious persecution was carried on, and where the most violent
religious factions prevailed, entire justice, even by most of the
reformers, has been done to his merit. The haughty pontifE
Paul IV., had entertained some prejudices against him ; and
when England declared war against Henry, the ally of that
pope, he seized the opportunity of revenge ; and revoking
Pole's legatine commission, appointed in his room Cardinal
Peyto, an Observantine friar, and confessor to the queen. But
Mary would never permit the new legate to act upon the com-
mission ; and Paul was afterwards obliged to restore Cardinal
Pole to his authority.
There occur few general remarks, besides what have al-
ready been made in the course of our narration, with regard
to the general state of the kingdom during this reign. The
naval power of England was then so inconsiderable, that four-
teen thousand pounds being ordered to be applied to the fleet,
both for repairing and victualling it, it was computed that ten
thousand pounds a year would afterwards answer all necessary
••hanres.* The arbitrary proceedings of the queen above men-
Honed, joined to many monopolies pranted by this princess
as well as by her father, checked the growth of commerce ;
* Burnet, vol. iii. p 2f-'i-
&.D. loiS.] :,ur.v. 44?
and so much the more, as ail other princes in Europe either
were not permitted, or did not find it necessary, to proceed in
bo tyrannical a manner. Acts of parliament, both in the last
reign and in the beginning of the present, had laid the same
impositions on the merchants of the still-yard as on other
aliens ; yet the queen, immediately after her marriage, com-
plied with the solicitations of the emperor, and by her prerog-
ative suspended those laws.* Nobody hi that age pretended
to question this exercise of prerogative. The historians are
entirely silent with regard to it ; and it is only by the collec-
tion of public papers that it is handed down to us.
An absurd law had been made in the preceding reign, by
which every one was prohibited from making cloth unless he
had served an apprenticeship of seven years. The law was
repealed in the first year of the queen ; and this plain reason
given, that it had occasioned the decay of the woollen manu-
facture, and had ruined several towns. f It is strange that
Edwards law should have been revived during the reign of
Elizabeth ; and still more strange that it should still subsist.
A passage to Archangel had been discovered by the Eng-
lish during the last reign ; and a beneficial trade with Muscovy
had been established. A solemn embassy was sent by the czar
to Queen Mary. The ambassadors were shipwrecked on the
coast of Scotland , but being hospitably entertained there,
they proceeded on the journey, and were received at London
with e;reat pomp and solemnity, t This seems to have been
the first intercourse which that empire had with any of the
western potentates of Europe.
A 1a.w was passed in this reign, $ by which the number of
horses arms and furniture, was fixed which each person,
according to the extent of his property, should be provided
with for the defence of the kingdom. A man of a thousand
pounds a year, lor instance, was obliged to maintain at his
own charge six horses lit for demi-lances, of which three at
least to be furnished with sufficient harness, steel saddles, and
weapons proper for the demi-lances ; and ten horses fit
for light horsemen, with furniture and weapons proper for
them : he was obliged to have forty corselets furnished ; fifty
almaiu revets, or, instead of them, forty coats of plate, corselets
* F /mcr, vol. xv, p. 3G4. t 1 Mar, Par], 2, cap. 7,
| F"->lingshed ; p. 732. Heylin, p. 71.
6 ■) \i'A 6 Phi!, and Mar. cap. 'L
448 HISTORY UF ENGLAND. (A.D. 1553
or brigandincs i'urnished ; forty pikes, thirty long bows, thirty
sheafs of arrows, thirty steel caps or skulls, twenty black bills
or halberts, twenty harquebuts, and twenty morions or sallets.
We may remark that a man of a thousand marks of stock was
rated equal to one of two hundred pounds a year ; a proof
that few or none at that time lived on their stock in money,
and that great profits were made by the merchants in the
course of trade. There is no class above a thousand pounds
a year.
We may form a notion of the little progress made in arts
and refinement about this time, from one circumstance ; a
man of no less rank than the comptroller of Edward VI. 's
household paid only thirty shillings a year of our present
money for his house in Channel Row ; * yet labor and provis-
ions, and consequently houses, were only about a third of the
present price. Erasmus ascribes the frequent plagues in
England to the nastiness, and dirt, and slovenly habits among
the people. " The floors," says he, " are commonly of clay,
strewed with rushes, under which lies unmolested an ancient
collection of beer, grease, fragments, bones, spittle, excrements
of dogs and cats, and every thing that is nasty." t
Holiugshed, who lived in Queen Elizabeth's reign, gives a
very curious account of the plain, or rather rude way of living
of the preceding generation. There scarcely was a chimney
to the houses, even in considerable towns ; the fire was kin-
dled by the wall, and the smoke sought its way out at the
roof, or door, or windows : the houses were nothing but wat*
ling plastered over with clay ; the people slept on straw pal-
lets, and had a good round log under their head for a pillow ;
and almost all the furniture and utensils were of wood, t
In this reign x.e find the first general law with regard to
highways, which were appointed to be repaired by parish duty
all over England. §
* Nicholson's Historical Library,
t Erasm. Epist. 432.
J See note V, at the end of the volume.
| 2 and 3 Phil, and Mar. cap. 8.
NOTES.
Note A, p. 58.
Stowe, Baker, Speed, Biondi, Holingshed, Bacon. Some late
writers, particularly Mr. Carte, have doubted whether Terkin weie an
mipostor, and have even asserted him to be the true Plantagenet. But
to refute this opinion, we need only reflect on the following parti-
culars : (1.) Though the circumstances of the wars between the two
roses be in general involved in great obscurity, yet is there a most
luminous ray thrown on all the transactions during the usurpation of
Richard, and the murder of the two young princes, by the narrative
of Sir Thomas More, whose singular magnanimity, probity, and judg-
ment, make him an evidence beyond all exception. No historian,
either of ancient or modern times, can possibly have more weight : he
may also be justly esteemed a contemporary with regard to the mur-
der of the two princes ; for though he was but five years of age when
that event happened, he lived and was educated among the chief
actors during the period of Richard ; and it is plain from this narrative
itself, which is often extremely circumstantial, that he had the par-
ticulars from the eyewitnesses themselves. His authority, therefore,
is irresistible, and sufficient to overbalance a hundred little doubfts,
and scruples, and objections. For in reality his narrative is liable to
no solid objection, nor is there any mistake detected in it. He says,
indeed, that the protector's partisans, particularly Dr. Shaw, spread
abroad rumors of Edward IV. 's pre-contract with Elizabeth Lucy ;
whereas it now appears from record, that the parliament afterwards
declared the king's children illegitimate, on pretence of his pre-con-
tract with Lady Eleanor Talbot. But it must be remarked, that
neither of these pre-contracts was ever so much as attempted to be
proved ; and why might not the protector's flatterers and partisans
have made use sometimes of one false rumor, sometimes of another?
Sir Thomas More mentions the one rumor as well as the other, and
treats them both lightly, as they deserved. It is also thought incred-
ible by Mr. Carte, that Dr. Shaw should have been encouraged by
Richard to calumniate openly his mother the duchess of York, with
whom that prince lived in good terms. But if there be any difficulty
in this supposition, we need only suppose, that Dr. Shaw might have
concerted in general his sermon with the protector or his ministers,
and yet have chosen himself the particular topics, and chosen them
very foolishly. This appears, indeed, to have been the case, by the
disgrace into which he fell afterwards, and by the protector's neglee<
$#3 NOTES.
of bun. (2.) If Sir Thomas's quality or contemporary be dispute
with regard to the duke of Glocester's protectorate, it cannot possibly
be disputed with regard to Perkin's imposture: he was then a man,
and had a full opportunity of knowing and examining and judging
of the truth. In asserting that the duke of York was murdered by his
ancle, he certainly asserts, in the most express terms, that Perkin,
wLci personated him, was an impostor. (3.) There is another great
genius who has carefully treated this point of history; so great a
genius, as to be esteemed with justice one of the chief ornaments of
the nation, and indeed one of the most sublime writers that any ag<_-
or nation has produced. It is Lord Bacon I mean, who has related at
full length, and without the least doubt or hesitation, all the impos-
tures of Perkin Warbeck. If it be objected, that Lord Bacon was nc
contemporary, and that we have the same materials as he upon which
to form our judgment ; it must be remarked, that Lord Bacon plainly
composed his elaborate and exact history from many records and
papers which are now lost, and that consequently he is always to be
cited as an original historian. It were very strange, if Mr. Carte's
opinion were just, that, among all the papers which Lord Bacon
perused, he never found any reason to suspect Perkin to be the true
Plantacenet. There was at that time no interest in defaming Richard
III. Bacon, besides, is a very unbiased historian, nowise partial to
Hcnrv : we know the detail of that prince's oppressive government
from "him alone. It may only be thought that, in summing up his
character, he has laid the colors of blame more faintly than the very
facts he mentions seem to require. Let me remark, in passing, as a
singularity, how much English history has been beholden to four
great men who have possessed the highest dignity in the law, More
Bacon, Clarendon, and Whitiocke. (4.) But if contemporary evidence
be so much sought after, there may in this case be produced the
strongest and most undeniable in the world. The queen dowager,
her son the marquis of Dorset, a man of excellent understanding,
Sir Edward Woodville, her brother, Sir Thomas St. Leger, who had
married the king's sister, Sir John Bourchier, Sir Robert Willoughby,
Sir Giles Daubeney, Sir Thomas Arundel, the Courtneys. the Chey-
neys, the Talbots, the Stanleys, and, in a word, all the partisans of the
house of York, that is, the men of chief dignity in the nation ; all
these srreat persons were so assured of the murder of the two princes,
that thev applied to the earl of Richmond, the mortal enemy of their
party and family; they projected to set him on the throne, which
must have been utter ruin to them if the princes were alive ,• and thev
stipulated to marry him to the princess Elizabeth, as heir no the
crown, who in that case was no heir at all. Had each of those
persons written the memoirs of his own times, would he not have said
that Richard murdered his nephews ? Or would their pen be a better
declaration than their actions, of their real sentiments ? (5.) But we
have another contemporary authority, still better than even those
great persons, so much interested to know the truth : it is that of
Richard himself. He projected to marry his niece, a very unusua
alliance in England, in order to unite her title with his own. He
knew, therefore, her title to be good: for as to the declaration of her
illegitimacy, as it went t.pon no proof, or even pretence of proof, it
w.ts always regarded with the utmost contempt by the nation, and i'
noti:s 451
v/as considered as one of tnose parliamentary transactions, so frequent
in that, period, which were scandalous in themselves, and had no man-
ner of authority. It was even so much despised, as not to be reversed
»y parliament alter Henry and Elizabeth were on the throne. (6.) We
have also, as contemporary evidence, the universal established opinion
c.t the age, both abroad and at home. This point was regarded as so
uncontroverteu, that when Richard notified his accession to the court
of France, that court was struck with horror at his abominable parri-
cide, in murdering both his nephews, as Philip de Comines tells us ;
and this sentiment w^nt to such an unusual height, that, as we learn
from the same author, the court would not make the least reply to
him. (7.) The same reasons which convinced that age of the parri-
cide still subsist, and ought to carry the most undoubted evidence to
us ; namely, the very circumstance of the sudden disappearnee of
the princes from the Tower, and their appearance nowhere else.
Every one said, "They have not escaped from their uncle, for he
makes no search after them : he has not conveyed them elsewhere ;
for it is his business to declare so, in order to remove the imputation
of murder from himself. He never would needlessly subject himself
to the infamy and danger of being esteemed a parricide, without
acquiring the security attending that crime. They were in his cus-
tody. He is answerable for them. If he gives no account of them,
as he has a plain interest in their death, he must, by every rule of
common sense, be regarded as the murderer. His flagrant usurpation,
as well as his other treacherous and cruel actions, makes no better be
expected from him. He could not say, with Cain, that he was not nis
nephews' keeper." This reasoning, which was irrefragable at the
very first, became every clay stronger from Richard's continued
bilence, and the general and total ignorance of the place of these
princes' abode. Richard's reign lasted about two years beyond this
period ; and surely he could not have found a better expedient for
disappointing the earl of Richmond's projects, as well as justifying his
own character, than the producing of his nephews. (8.) If it were
necessary, amidst this blaze of evidence, to produce proofs which,
in any other case, would have been regarded as considerable, and
would have carried great validity with them, I might mention Dighton
aad Tyrrel's account of the murder. This last gentleman especially
was not likely to subject himself to the reproach of so great a crime,
by an imposture which, it appears, did not acquire him the favor of
Henry. (9.) The duke of York, being a boy of nine years of age,
could not have made his escape without the assistance of some elder
persons. Would it not have been their chief concern instantly to
convey intelligence of so great an event to his mother, the queen
dowager, to his aunt, the duchess of Burgundy, and to the other
friends of the family ? The duchess protected Simnel ; a project
which, had it been successful, must have ended in the crowning of
Warwick and the exclusion of the duke of York. This, among many
oilier proofs, evinces that she was ignorant of the escape of that
prince, which is impossible had it been real (10.) The total silence
with regard to the. persons who aided him in his escape, as also with
regard to the place of his abode during more than eight years, is a
Eutlieient proof of the imposture. (11.) Perkin's own account of his
•"scape is incredible and absurd. He said, that murderers were em.
452 NOTES
ployed »r. b uncle to hill him and his brother; they perpetrated th«
crime against nis brother, but took compassion on him, and allowed
him to escape. This account is contained in all the historians of that
age. (12.) Perkin himself made a full confession of his imposture
no less than three times; once when he surrendered himself prisoner,
a second time when he was set in the stocks at Cheapside and West-
minster, and a third time, which carries undoubted evidence, at the
foot of the gibbet on which he was hanged. Not the least surmise
that the confession had ever been procured by torture: and surely the
last time he had nothing further to fear. (13.) Had not Henry been
assured that Perkin was a ridiculous impostor, disavowed by the
whole nation, he never would have allowed him to live an hour after
he came into his power; much less would he have twice pardoned
him. His treatment of the innocent earl of Warwick, who, in reality,
had no title to the crown, is a sufficient confirmation of this reasoning.
(14.) We know with certainty whence the whole imposture came,
namely, from the intrigues of the duchess of Burgundy. She had
before acknowledged and supported Lambert Simnel. an avowed
impostor. It is remarkable that Mr. Carte, in order to preserve the
weight of the duchess's testimony in favor of Perkin, suppresses
entirely this material fact : a strong effect of party prejudices, and
this author's desire of blackening Henry VII., whose hereditary title
to the crown was defective. (15.) There never was, at that time, any
evidence or shadow of evidence produced of Perkin's identity with
Richard Plantagenet. Richard had disappeared when near nine years
of age, and Perkin did not appear till he was a man. Could any one
from his aspect pretend then to be sure of the identity ? He had got
some stories concerning Richard's childhood, and the court of Eng-
land ; but all that it was necessary for a boy of nine to remark or re-
member, was easily suggested to him by the duchess of Burgundy, or
Frion, Henry's secretary, or by any body that had ever lived at court.
It is true, many persons of note were at first deceived ; but the dis-
contents against Henry's government, and the general enthusiasm for
the house of York, account sufficiently for this temporary delusion.
Everybody's eyes were opened long before Perkin's death. (16.) The
circumstance of finding the two dead bodies in the reign of Charles II.
is not surely indifferent. They were found in the very place which
More, Bacon, and other ancient authors, had assigned as the place
of interment of the young princes ; the bones corresponded by their
size to the age of the princes ; the secret and irregular place of their
interment, not being in holy ground, proves that the boys had been
secretly murdered ; and in the Tower no boys but those who are very
nearly related to the crown can be exposed to a violent death. If we
compare all these circumstances, we shall find that the inference is just
and strong, that they were the bodies of Edward V. and his brother,
the very inference that was drawn at the time of the discovery.
Since the publication of this History, Mr. Walpolc has published his
Historic Doubts concerning Richard III. Nothing can be a stronger
proof how ingenious and agreeable that gentleman's pen is, than his
being able to make an inquiry concerning a remote point of English
history, en object of general conversation. The foregoing uote ha*
been enlai ged on account of ttwt performance
NOTES 453
Note B. p. 69.
Rot. Pari. 3 Henry VII. n. 17. The preamble is remarkable, and
shows the state of the nation at that time. "The king, our sovereign
lord, remembereth how, by our unlawful maintenances, giving of
liveries, signs, and tokens, retainders by indentures, promises, oaths,
writings, and other embraceries of his subjects, untrue demeanings
of sheriffs in making panels, and untrue returns by taking money,
by juries, etc. the policy of this nation is most subdued. 1 ' It must
indeed be confessed, that such a state of the country required great
discretionary power in the sovereign ; nor will the same maxims of
government suit such a rude people, that may be proper in a more
advanced stage of society. The establishment of the star-chambeiv
or the enlargement of its power, in the reign of Henry VII., might
have been as wise as the abolition of it in that of Charles I.
Note C, p. 72.
The duke of Northumberland has lately printed a household book
of an old earl of that family, who lived at this time. The author has
been favored with the perusal of it ; and it contains many curious
particulars, which mark the manners and way of living in that rude,
Qot to say barbarous, age ; as well as the prices of commodities. ]
have extracted a few of them from that piece, which gives a true pic-
ture of ancient manners, and is one of the most singular monuments
that English antiquity affords us ; for we may be confident, however
rude the strokes, that no baron's family was on a nobler or more
splendid footing. The family consists of one hundred and sixty-six
persons, masters and servants. Fifty-seven strangers are reckoned
upon every day; on the whole, two hundred and twenty-three. Two-
pence halfpenny are supposed to be the daily expense of each for
meat, drink, and firing. This would make a groat of our present
money. Supposing provisions between three and four times cheaper,
.t would be equivalent to fourteenpence : no great sum for a noble-
man's housekeeping ; especially considering that the chief expense
of a family at that time consisted in meat and drink ; for the sum
allotted by the earl for his whole annual expense is one thousand one
hundred and eighteen pounds seventeen shillings and eightpence ;
meat, drink, and firing cost seven hundred and ninety-six pounds
elf Ten shillings and twopence, more than two thirds of the whole ; in
a modern family it is not above a third, (p. 157, 158, 159.) The whole
expense of the earl's family is managed with an exactness that is very
rigid, and, if we make no allowance for ancient manners, such as
may seem to border on an extreme ; insomuch that the number of
pieces which must be cut out of every quarter of beef, mutton, pork,
veal, nay, stock-fish and salmon, are determined, and must be entered
and accounted for by the different clerks appointed for that purpose.
If a servant be absent a day, his mess is struck off. If he go on my
lord's business, board-wages are allowed him, eightpence a day for his
journey in winter, fivepence in sumrr er. When he stays in any place,
twopence a day are allowed him bes'.des the maintenance of hi*
454 NOTES.
horse. Somewhat above a quarter of wheat is allowed for everj
mouth throughout the year; and the wheat is esteemed at five shib
lings and eightpence a quarter. Two hundred and fifty quarters of
malt are allowed, at four shillings a quarter. Two hogsheads are la
be made of a quarter, which amounts to about a bottle and a third of
beer a day to each person, (p. 4,) and the beer will not be very strong.
One hundred and nine fat beeves are to be bought at Allhallow-tide.
at thirteen shillings and fourpence apiece ; and twenty-four lean
oeeves to be bought at St. Helen's, at eight shillings apiece. These
fire to be put into the pastures to feed : and are to serve from Mid-
summer to Michaelmas ; which is consequently the only time that the
family eats fresh beef. During all the rest of the year they live on
salted meat. (p. 5.) One hundred and sixty gallons of mustard are
allowed in a year, which seems indeed requisite for the salt beef.
(p. IS.) Six hundred and forty-seven sheep are allowed, at twenty-
pence apiece ; and these seem also to be all eat salted, except between
Lammas and Michaelmas, (p. 5.) Only twenty-five hogs are allowed,
at two shillings apiece ; twenty-eight veals, at twentypence ; forty
lambs, at tenpence or a shilling, (p. 7.) These seem to be reserved
for my lord's table, or that of the upper servants, called the knights'
table. The other servants, as they eat salted meat almost through
the whole year, and with few or no vegetables, had a very bad and
unhealthy dot: so that there cannot be any thing more erroneous
than the magnificent ideas formed of "the roast beef of old England/'
We must entertain as mean an idea of its cleanliness. Only seventy
ells of linen, at eightpence an ell, are annually allowed for this grea.
family. Ko sheets were used. This linen was made into eight table-
cloths for my lord's table, and one table-cloth for the knights, (p. 16.)
This last, 1 suppose, was washed only once a month. Only forty
shillings are allowed for washing throughout the whole year ; and
most oi it seems expended on the iinen belonging to the chapel. The
drinking, however, was tolerable, namely, ten tuns and two hogsheads
of Gascogny wine, at the rate of four pounds thirteen shillings anf 1
fourpence a tun. (p. 6.) Only ninety-one dozen of candles for the
whole year. (p. 14.) The family rose at six in the morning, dined at
ten, and supped at four in the afternoon. The gates were all shut at
nine, and no further ingress or egress permitted, (p. 314, 318.) My
lord and lady have set on their table for breakfast at seven o'clock in
,ne morning a quart of beer, aa much wine ; two pieces of salt fish,
six red herrings, lour white ones, or a dish of sprats. In flesb days,
half a chine of mutton, or a chine of beef boiled, (p. 73, 75.) Mass
is ordered to be said at six o'clock, in order, says the household book,
that all my lord's servants may rise early, (p. 170.) Only twenty-
four fires are allowed, beside the kitchen and hall, and most of these
have only a peck of coals a day aliowed them. (p. 99.) After Lady-
day, no fires permitted in the rooms, except, half-fires in my lord's
and lady's, and lord Piercy's and the nursery, (p. 101.) It is tfi be
( f served, that my lord kept house in Yorkshire, where there is cer-
tainly much cold weather after Lady-day. Eighty chalders of coals,
at iuur shillings and twopence a chalder, suffices throughout the
whole year ; and because coal will not burn without wood, says the
household book, sixty-four loads of great wood are also allowed, at
iwelvepenee a load. (p. 22.) This is a proof that grates were not thes
NOTES- 45o
used. Here is an article. "It is devised that from henceforth nc
capons to be bought but only for my lord's own mess, and that the
said capons shall be bought for twopence apiece, lean, and fed in the
poultry ; and master chamberlain and the stewards be fed w'th capons,
if there be strangers sitting with them." (p. 102.) Pigs are to ba
bought at threepence or a groat a piece; geese at the same price;
chickens at a halfpenny; hens at twopence, and only for the above-
mentioned tables. Here is another article. "Item, it is thought
good that no plovers be bought at no season but only in Christmas
and principal feasts, and my lord to be served therewith and his board-
end, and none other, and to be bought for a penny apiece, or a penny
halfpenny at most." (p. 103.) Woodcocks are to be bought at the
same price. Partridges at twopence, (p. 104, 105.) Pheasants a shil-
ling; peacocks, the same. (p. 100.) My lord keeps only twenty-seven
horses in his stable at. his own charge. His upper servants have
allowance for maintaining their own horses, (p. 120.) These horses
are six gentle horses, as they are called, at hay and hard meat
throughout the whole year, four palfreys, three hobbies and nags,
three sumpter horses, six horses for those servants to whom my lord
furnishes a horse, two sumpter horses more, and three mill horses,
two for carrying the corn, and one for grinding it ; whence we may
infer that mills, either water or windmills, were then unknown, at
least very rare; besides these, there are seven great trotting horses
for the chariot or wagon. He allows a peck of oats a day, besides
loaves made of beans, for his principal horses; the oats at twenty-
pence, the beans at two shillings a quarter. The load of hay is at
two shillings and eightpence. When my lord is on a journey, he
carries thirty-six horsemen along with him ; together with bed and
other accommodation, (p. 157.) The inns, it seems, could afford
nothing tolerable. My lord passes the year in three country seats, all
in Yorkshire; Wrysel. Leckenfield, and Topclyffe; but he has furni-
ture only for one. He carries every thing along with him, beds,
tables, chairs, kitchen utensils, all which, we may conclude, were so
coarse, that they could not be spoilt by the carriage ; yet seventeen
carts and one wagon suffice for the whole, (p. 391.) One wart
suffices for all his kitchen utensils, cooks' beds, etc. (p. 3S8.) One
remarkable circumstance is, that he has eleven priests in his house,
besides seventeen persons, chanters, musicians, etc. belonging to his
chapel; yet he has only two cooks for a family of two hundred and
twenty-three persons, (p. 325.)* Their meals were certainly dressed
in the slovenly manner of a ship's companv. It is amusing to observe
the pompous and even royal style assumed by this Tartar chief. He
does not give any orders, though only for the right making of mustard,
but it is Introduced ^.vitli this preamble: "It seemeth good to us and
our council." If we consider the magnificent and elegant manner in
which the Venetian and other Italian noblemen then lived, with the
progress made by the Italians in literature and the f&o arts, we shall
not wonder that they considered the ultramontane nations as bar-
barous. The Flemish also seem to have much excelled the English
* In another place mention is made of four conks, (p. 388.) Hut [ Suppose Ilia)
lb-- two servants, called in p. 355 groom of Hie larder stnd child of Hie scullery, ara
to p. 3PP, comprehended in tin' autnb i I
456 NOTES
and even the French. Yet the earl is sometimes not deficient in gen
crosity : he pays, for instance, an annua! pension of a groat a year to
my lady of Walsinghara, for her interest ia neaven : the same sum to
the holy blood at Hales, (p. 337.) No mention is any where made of
plate ; but only of the hiring of pewter vessels. The servants seem
all to have bought their own clothes from their -wages.
Note D, p. 132.
Protestant writers b"" a 'magined. that because a man could pui
chase for a shilling an indulgence for the most enormous and unheard-
of crimes, there must necessarily have ensued a total dissolution of
morality, and consequently of civil society, from the practices of the
Romish church. They do not consider, that after all these indul-
gences were promulgated, there still remained (besides hell fire) the
punishment by the civil magistrate, the infamy of the world, and
secret remorses of conscience, which are the great motives that
operate on mankind. The philosophy of Cicero, who allowed of an
Elysium, but rejected all Tartarus, was a much more universal indul-
gence than that preached by Arcemboldi or Tetzel ; yet nobody will
suspect Cicero of any design to promote immorality. The sale of in-
dul"ences seems, therefore, no more criminal than any other cheat of
the church of Rome, or of any other church. The reformers, by
entirely abolishing purgatory, did really, instead of partial indul
gences sold by the pope, give, gratis, a general indulgence of a similar
nature, for all crimes and offences, without exception or distinction.
The souls once consigned to hell were never supposed to be redeem-
able by any price. There is on record only one instance of a damned
soul that was saved, and that by the special intercession of the Virgin.
See Pascal's Provincial Letters. An indulgence saved the person who
purchased it from purgatory only.
Note E, p. 142.
It is said, that when Henry heard that the commons made a great
difficulty of granting the required supply, he was so provoked that ho
sent for Edward Montague, one of the members, who had a consider-
able influence on the house ; and he being introduced to his majesty,
had the mortification to hear him speak in these words : " Ho ! man :
will they not suffer my bill to pass?" And laying his hand on Mon-
tague's head, who was then on his knees before him, "Get my bill
passed by to-morrow, or else to-morrow this head of yours shall be
off." This cavalier manner of Henry succeeded; for next day the
bill passed. Collins's British Peerage. Grove's Life of "VVolsey.
We are told by Hall, (fol. 38,) that Cardinal Wolsey endeavored to
terrify the citizens of London into the general loan exacted in 1525,
*nd told them plainly, that " it were better that some should suffer
indigence than that the king at this time should lack ; and therefore
how-are and resist not, nor ruffle not in this case, for it may fortune to
cost some people their heads." Such was the style employed by thi?
kins and h : .s ministers.
NOTES. 467
Note F, p. 177.
The first article of the charge against the cardinal is his procuring
the legatine power, which, however, as it was certainly done with the
king's consent and permission, could be nowise criminal. Many of
the other articles also regard the mere exercise of that power. Somo
articles impute to him, as crimes, particular actions which were natt-
ral or unavoidable to any man that was prime minister with so unlim-
ited an authority; such as receiving first all letters from the king's
ministers abroad, receiving first all visits from foreign ministers, de-
siring that all applications should be made through him. He was
also accused of naming himself with the king, as if he had been his
fellow — "the king and I." It is reported that sometimes he even put
his own name before the king's — "ego et rex meus." But this mode
j£ expression is justified by the Latin idiom. It is remarkable, that his
whispering in the king's ear, knowing himself to be affected with
venereal distempers, is an article against him. Many of the charges
are general, and incapable of proof. Lord Herbert goes so far as to
affirm, that no man ever fell from so high a station who had so few
real crimes objected to him. This opinion is perhaps a little too favor-
able to the cardinal. Yet the refutation of the articles by Cromwell,
and their being rejected by a house of commons, even in this arbitrary
reign, is almost a demonstration of Wolsey's innocence. Henry was,
no doubt, entirely bent on his destruction, when, on his failure by a
parliamentary impeachment, he attacked him upon the statute of pro-
visors, which afforded him so little just hold on that minister. For
that this indictment was subsequent to the attack in parliament,
appears by Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, and Stowe, (p. 551,) and
more certainly by the very articles of impeachment themselves. Par-
liamentary History, vol. iii. p. 42, article 7. Coke's Inst, part iv.
fol. 89.
Note G, p. 133.
Even judging of this question by the Scripture, to which the appea.
was every moment made, the arguments for the king's cause appear
hut lame and imperfect. Marriage in the degree of affinity which
had place between Henry and Catharine, is, indeed, prohibited in
Leviticus ; but it is natural to interpret that prohibition as a part of
the Jewish ceremonial or municipal law ; and though it is there said,
in the conclusion, that the Gentile nations, by violating those degrees
of consanguinity, had incurred the divine displeasure ; the extensiot
of this maxim to every precise case before specified, is supposing the
Scriptures to be composed with a minute accuracy and precision, to
which, we know with certainty, the sacred penmen did not think
proper to confine themselves. The descent of mankind from on«
common father obliged them, in the first generation, to marry in the
nearest degrees of consanguinity. Instances of a like nature occur
among the patriarchs ; and the marriage of a brother's widow was, in
certain cases, not only permitted, but even enjoined as a positive pre-
sept, by the Mosaical law It is in vain to say that f.his precept was
vol. in. — U
158 NOTES.
an exception to the rule, and an exception cclinned merely to the
Jewish nation. The inference is still just, that such a marriage can
contain no natural or moral turpitude ; otherwise God, who is the
author of all purity, would never, in any case, have enjoined it.
Note H, p. 191.
Bishop Burnet has givet? ms an account of the number of bulls
requisite for Cranmers installation. By one bull, directed to the
king, he is, upon the royal nomination, made archbishop of Canter-
bury. By a second, directed to himself, he is also made archbishop.
By a third, he is absolved from all censures. A fourth is directed to
the suffragans, requiring them to receive and acknowledge him as
archbishop. A fifth to the dean and chapter, to the same purpose.
A sixth to the clergy of Canterbury. A seventh to all the laity in
his see. An eighth to all that held lands of it. By a ninth he was
ordered to be consecrated, taking the oath that was in the pontifical.
By a tenth the pall was sent him. By an eleventh the archbishop of
York and the bishop of London were required to put it on him.
These were so many devices to draw fees to offices which the popes
had erected, and disposed of for money. It may be worth observing,
that Cranmer, before he took the oath to the pope, made a protesta-
tion, that he did not intend thereby to restrain himself from any thing
that he was bound to, either by his duty to God, the king, or the
country ; and that he renounced every thing in it that was contrary to
any of these. This was the invention of some casuist, and not very
compatible with that strict sincerity, and that scrupulous conscience,
of which Cranmer made profession. Collier, vol. ii. in Coll. No. 2Q
Burnet, vol. i. p. 128, 129.
Note I, p. 203.
Here are the terms in which the king ? s minister expressed himself
to the pope. "An non, inquam, sanctitas vestra plerosque habet qui-
buscum arcanum aliquid crediderit, putet id non minus celatum esse
quam si uno tantum pectorc contineretur ; quod multo magis sere-
nissimo Angliae regi evenire debet, cui singuli in suo regno sunt sub-
jeeti, neque etiam velint, possunt regi non esse fidelissimi. Vae namque
illis, si vel parvo momento ab illius voluntate recederent." Le Grand,
torn. iii. p. 113. The king once said publicly before the council, that
if any one spoke of him or his actions in terms which became them
not, he would let them know that he was master. " Et qu'il n'y auroit
si belle tete qu'il ne fit voler." Id. p. 218.
Note K, p. 226.
This letter contains so much nature, and even elegance, as to de-
serve to be transmitted to posterity, without any alteration in the ex
pression. It is as follows : —
" Sir, your grace : s displeasure and my imprisonment are things so
strange unto me, as what to write, or what to excuse, I am altogethei
NOTES. *^
ignorant. Whereas you send unto me (willing me to confess a truth,
and so obtain your favor) by such an one whom you know to be mine
ancient professed enemy, I no sooner received this message by him,
than I rightly conceived your meaning; and if, as you say, confessing
a truth indeed may procure my safety, I shall with all willingness and
duty perform your command.
'■ But let not your grace ever imagine that your poor wife will evei
be brought to acknowledge a fault where not so much as a thought
thereof preceded. And, to speak a truth, never prince had wife more
loyal in all duty, and in all true affection, than you have ever found
in Anne Boleyn ; with which name and place I could willingly have
contented myself, if God and } r our grace's pleasure had been so
pleased. Neither did I at any time so far forget myself in my exalta-
tion or received queenship, but that I always looked for such an
alteration as I now find ; for the ground of my preferment being on no
surer foundation than your grace's fancy, the least alteration I knew
was fit and sufficient to draw that fancy to some other object. You
have chosen me from a low estate to be your queen and companion,
far beyond my desert or desire. If then you found me worthy of such
honor, good your grace, let not any light fancy, or bad counsel of mine
enemies withdraw your princely favor from me ; neither let that stain,
that unworthy stain, of a disloyal heart towards your good grace, ever
cast so foul a blot on your most dutiful wife, and the infant princess
your daughter. Try me, good king, but let me have a lawful trial,
and let not my sworn enemies sit as my accusers and judges; yea,
let me receive an open trial, for my truth shall fear no open shame ,
then shall you see either mine innocence cleared, } r our suspicion and
conscience satisfied, the ignominy and slander of the world stopped,
or my guilt openly declared. So that, whatsoever God or you may
determine of me, your grace may be freed from an open censure ; and
mine offence being so lawfully proved, your grace is at liberty, both
before God and man, not only to execute w r orthy punishment on me as
an unlawful wife, but to follow your affection, already settled on that
party for whose sake I am now as I am, whose name I could some
good while since have pointed unto, your grace not being ignorant of
my suspicion therein.
"But if you have already determined of me, and that not only my
death, but an infamous slander, must bring you the enjoying of your
desired happiness ; then I desire of God, that he will pardon your great
sin therein, and likewise mine enemies, the instruments thereof; and
that he will not call you to a strict account, for your unprincely and
cruel usage of me, at his general judgment-seat, where both you and
myself must shortly appear, and in whose judgment, I doubt not, (what-
soever the world may think of mc,) mine innocence shall be openly
known and sufficiently cleared.
" My last and only request shall be, that myself may only bear the
burden of your grace's displeasure, and that it may not touch the
innocent souls of those poor gentlemen, who, (as I understand,) are
likewise in strait imprisonment for my sake- If ever I have found
favor in your sight, if ever the name of Anne Boleyn hath been
pleasing in your ears, then let me obtain this request ; and I will so
leave to trouble your grace any further, with mine earnest prayors to
the Trinity to have vour grace in his good keeping, and to direct you
460 NOTES.
in all your actions. From my doleful prison in the Tower, this sixtV
of May.
"Your most loyal and e>cr faithful wife,
"ANNE BOLEYN."
Note L, p. 234.
A proposal had formerly been made in the convocation for the
abolition of the lesser monasteries ; and had been much opposed by
Bishop Fisher, who was then alive. He told his brethren, that this
was fairly showing the king the way how he might come at the
greater monasteries. "An axe," said he, "which wanted a handle,
came upon a time into the wood, making his moan to the great trees,
that he wanted a handle to work withal, and for that cause he was
constrained to sit idle; therefore he made it his request to them, that
they would be pleased to grant him one of their small saplings within
the" wood to make him a handle; who, mistrusting no guile, granted
him one of their smaller trees to make him a handle. But now be-
coming a complete axe, he fell so to work within the same wood, that
in process of time, there was neither great nor small trees to be found
in the place where the wood stood. And so, my lords, if you grant
the king these smaller monasteries, you do but make him a handle,
whereby, at his own pleasure, he may cut down all the cedars within
your Lebanons." Dr. Bailie's Life of Bishop Fisher, p. 108.
Note M, p. 244.
There is a curious passage with regard to the suppression of monas
teries to be found in Coke's Institutes, 4th Inst. chap. i. p. 44. It is
worth transcribing, as it shows the ideas of the English government,
entertained during the reign of Henry VIII., and even in the time
of Sir Edward Coke, when he wrote his Institutes. It clearly
appears, that the people had then little notion of being jealous of
their liberties, were desirous of making the crown quite independent,
and wished only to remove from themselves, as much as possible, the
burdens of government. A large standing army, and a fixed revenue,
would, on these conditions, have been regarded as great blessings ,
and it was owing entirely to the prodigality of Henry, and to his little
suspicion that the power of the crown could ever fail, that the Eng-
ilish owe all their present liberty. The title of the chapter in Coke,
is, " Advice concerning new and plausible Projects and Offers in
Parliament." " When any plausible project," says he, " is made in
parliament, to draw the lords and commons to assent to any act,
(especially in matters of weight and importance,) if both houses do
( give upon the matter projected and promised their consent, it shall
the moit necessary, they -being trusted for the commonwealth, to hav.i
'the matter projected and promised (which moved the houses to con-
sent) to be established in the same act, lest the benefit of the act be
taken, and the matter projected and promised never performed, and
no the houses of parliament perform not the trust reposed in them, a»
NOTES. 463
.t fell out (taking one example for many) in the reigi of Henry VIII.
On the king's behalf, the members of both houses wire informed in
parliament, that no king or kingdom was safe but where the king had
three abilities : 1. To live of his own, and able to defend his kingdom
upon any sudden invasion or insurrection. 2. To aid his confederates,
otherwise they would never assist him. 3. To reward his well-
deserving servants. Now, the project was, that if the parliament
would give unto him all the abbeys, priories, friaries, nunneries, and
other monasteries, that, forever in time then to come, he would take
order that the same should not be converted to private uses ; but first,
that his exchequer for the purposes aforsaid, should be enriched ;
secondly, the kingdom strengthened by a continual maintenance of
forty thousand well-trained soldiers, with skilful captains and com-
manders ; thirdly, for the benefit and ease of the subject, who never
afterwards, (as was projected.) in any time to come, should be charged
with subsidies, fifteenths, loans, or other common aids ; fourthly, lest
the honor of the realm should receive any diminution of honor by the
dissolution of the said monasteries, there being twenty-nine lords of
parliament of the abbots and priors, (that held of the king ' per baro-
niam,' whereof more in the next leaf,) that the king would create a
number of nobles, which we omit. The said monasteries were given
to the king by authority of divers acts of parliament, but no provision
was therein made for the said project, or any part thereof."
Note N, p. 252.
Collier, in his Ecclesiastical History, (vol. ii. p. 152,) has preserved
an account which Cromwell gave of this conference, in a letter to Sir
Thomas Wyat, the king's ambassador in Germany. " The king's
majesty," says Cromwell, "for the reverence of the holy sacrament
of the altar, did sit openly in his hall, and there presided at the dis-
putation, process, and judgment of a miserable heretic sacramentary,
who was burned the twentieth of November. It was a wonder to
see how princely, with how excellent gravity, and inestimable majes-
ty, his highness exercised there the very office of supreme head of
the church of England. How benignly his grace essayed to convert
the miserable man ; how strong and manifest reasons his highness
alleged against him. I wish the princes and potentates of Christen-
dom to have had a meet place to have seen it. Undoubtedly they
should have much marvelled at his majesty's most high wisdom and
judgment, and reputed him no otherwise after the same, than in a
manner the mirror and light of all other kings and princes in Christen-
dom." It was by such flatteries that Henry was engaged to make his
eentiments the standard to all mankind ; and was determined to enforce,
by the severest penalties, bis "strong" and "manifest" reasons for
transubstantiation.
Note 0, p. 254.
There is a story, that the duke of Norfolk, meeting, soon after this-
ut was passed, onp of his chaplains, win was suspected of favoring
4<>2 NOTES.
the reformation, said to him, "Now, sir, what think you of the law to
hinder priests from having wives?" "Yes, my lord," replies tha
chaplain, "you have done that; but I will answer for it you cannot
hinder men's wives from having priests."
Note P, p. 265.
To show how much Henry sported with law and common sense ,
ow servilely the parliament followed all his caprices, and how much
Both of them were lost to all sense of shame, an act was passed this
session, declaring that a precontract should be no ground for annulling
a marriage ; as if that pretext had not been made use of both in the
case of Anne Boleyn and Anne of Cleves, But the king's intention in
this law is said to be a design of restoring the princess Elizabeth to
her right of legitimacy; and it was his character never to look farther
than the present object, without regarding the inconsistency of his con-
duct. The parliament made it high treason to deny the dissolution of
Henry's marriage with Anne of Cleves. Herbert.
Note Q, p. 274.
It was enacted by this parliament, that there should be trial ol
treason in any county where the king should appoint by commission.
The statutes of treason had been extremely multiplied in this reign ;
and such an expedient saved trouble and charges in trying that
crime. The same parliament erected Ireland into a kingdom; and
Henry henceforth annexed the title of king of Ireland to his other
titles. This session the commons first began the practice of freeing
any of their members who were arrested, by a writ issued by the
speaker. Formerly it was usual for them to apply for a writ from
chancery to that purpose. This precedent increased the authority of
the commons, and had afterwards important consequences. Holing-
*hed, p. 955, 956. Baker, p. 289.
Note R, p. 281.
The persecutions exercised during James's reign are not to be as-
cribed to his bigotry, a vice of which he seems to have been as free as
Francis I. or the emperor Charles, both of whom, as well as James,
showed, in different periods of their lives, even an inclination to tha
new doctrines. The extremities to which all these princes were car-
ried, proceeded entirely from the situation of affairs during that age,
which rendered it impossible for them to act with greater temper oi
moderation, after they had embraced the resolution of supporting the
ancient establishments. So vio ^nt was the propensity of the times
towards innovation, that a bare toleration of the new preachers wa§
equivalent to a formed design of changing the national religion.
NOTES.
463
Note S, p. 331.
Spotswood, p. 75. The same author (p. 92) tells us a story which
Confirms this character of the Popish clergy in Scotland. It became a
great dispute in the university of St. Andrew's, whether the pater
should be said to God or the saints. The friars, who knew in general
that the reformers neglected the saints, were determined to maintain
their honor with great obstinacy ; but they knew not upon what topics
to found their doctrine. Some held that the pater was said to God
formaliter, and to saints materialiter; others, to God principaliter, and
to saints minus principalitcr ; others would have it ultimate and non
ultimate : but the majority seemed to hold that the pater was said to
God capiendo strictc, and to saints capiendo large. A simple fellow,
who served the sub-prior, thinking there was some great matter in
hand that made the doctors hold so many conferences together, asked
him one day what the matter was : the sub-prior answering, " Tom,"
(that was the fellow's name,) "we cannot agree to whom the pater
noster should be said." He suddenly replied, "To whom, sir, should
it be said, but unto God?" Then said the sub-prior, "What shall we
do with the saints?" He answered, "Give them aves and creeds
enow, in the devil's name ; for that may suffice them." The ansvref
going abroad, many said, " that he had given a wiser decision than all
the doctors had done, with all their distinctions."
Note T, p. 351.
Another act, passed this session, takes notice, in the preamble, that
the city of York, formerly well inhabited, was now much decayed;
insomuch that many of the cures could not afford a competent main-
tenance to the incumbents. To remedy this inconvenience, the magis-
trates were empowered to unite as many parishes as they thought
pioper. An ecclesiastical historian (Collier, vol. ii. p. 230) thinks that
this decay of York is chiefly to be ascribed to the dissolution of monas-
teries, by which the revenues fell into the hands of persons who lived
at a distance.
A very grievous tax was imposed this session upon the whole stock
and moneyed interest of the kingdom, and even upon its industry. It
was a shilling in the pound yearly, during three years, on every per-
son worth ten pounds or upwards ; the double on aliens and deni-
zens. These last, if above twelve years of age, and if worth less
than twenty shillings, were to pay eightpence yearly. Every wether
was to pay twopence yearly ; every ewe, threepence. The woollen
manufactures were to pay eightpence a pound on the value of all the
cloth they made. These exorbitant taxes on money are a proof tha
few people lived on money lent at interest; for this tax amounts ta
half of the yearly income of all money-holders, during three years,
estimating their interest at the rate allowed by law ; and was too
grievous to be borne, if many persons had been affected by it. It ia
remarkable, that no tax at all was laid upon land this session. The
nrolits of merchandise were commonly so high, that it was supposed
4b4 NOTES.
t could bear this imposition. The most absurd part of the laws seems
to be the tax upon the woollen manufactures. See 2 and 3 Edward VI.
cap. 36. The subsequent parliament repealed the tax on sheep and
woollen cloth. 3 and 4 Edward VI. cap. 23. But they continued the
other tax a year longer. Ibid.
The clergy taxed themselves at six shillings in the pound, to be paid
in three years. This taxation was ratified in parliament, which had
been the common practice since the reformation, implying that the
clergy have no legislative power, even over themselves. See 2 and 3
Edward VI. cap. 35.
Note U, p. 412.
The pope at first gave Cardinal Pole powers to transact only with
regard to the past fruits of the church lands ; but being admonished
of the danger attending any attempt towards a resumption of the lands,
he enlarged the cardinal's powers, and granted him authority to insure
the future possession of the church lands to the present proprietors.
There was only one clause in the cardinal's powers that has given
occasion for some speculation. An exception was made of such cases
as Pole should think important enough to merit the being communi-
cated to the holy see. But Pole simply ratified the possession of all
the church lands; and his commission had given him full powers to
that purpose. See Harleian Miscellany, vol. vii. p. 264, 266. It is
true, some councils have declared, that it exceeds even the power of
the pope to alienate any church lands; and the pope, according to
his convenience or power, may either adhere to, or recede from, this
declaration. But every year gave solidity to the right of the proprie-
tors of church lands, and diminished the authority of the popes ; so
that men's dread of popery in subsequent times was more founded on
party or religious zeal, than on very solid reasons.
Note V, p. 448.
The passage of Holingshed, in the Discourse prefixed to his His
tory, and which some ascribe to Harrison, is as follows. Speaking of
the increase of luxury: "Neither do I speak this in reproach of any
man, God is my judge ; but to show that I do rejoice rather to see
how God has blessed us with his good gifts, and to behold how that in
a time wherein all things are grown to most excessive prices, we do
yet find the means to obtain and atchieve such furniture as hereto-
fore has been impossible. There are old men yet dwelling in the vil-
.age where I remain, which have noted three things to be marvel-
lously altered in England, within their sound remembrance. One is,
the multitude of chimneys lately erected ; whereas in their young
days, there were not above two or three, if so many, in most upland-
tsh towns of the realm ; (the religious houses and manor-places of
their lords always excepted, and peradventure some great personage ;)
but each made his fire against a reredosse in the ha'l where he dined
and dressed his meat. The second is, the great amendment of lodg
NOTES 46A
mg ; for, said they, our fathers and we ourselves have lain full oft
upon straw pallettes covered only with a sheet under coverlets made
M dagswainc or hopharlots, (I use their own terms,) and a good
round log under their head instead of a bolster. If it were so, that
the father or the goodman of the house had a matrass or flock-bed,
and thereto a sack of chaff" to rest his head upon, he thought himself
to be as well lodged as the lord of the town, so well were they con-
tented. Pillows, said they, were thought meet only for women in
childbed. As for servants, if they had any sheet above them, it was
well ; for seldom had they any under their bodies to keep them from
the prickling straws, that ran oft through the canvass, and razed their
hardened hydes. The third thing they tell of is, the exchange of
treene platers (so called, I suppose, from tree or wood) into pewter,
and wooden spoons into silver or tin. For so common were all sorts
of treene vessels in old time, that a man should hardly find four
pieces of pewter (of which one was peradventure a salt) in a good
farmer's house." Description of Britain, chap. x. Again, in chap,
xvi. : " In times past, men were contented to dwell in houses builded
of sallow, willow, etc. : so that the use of the oak was in a manner
dedicated wholly unto churches, religious houses, princes' palaces,
navigation, etc., but now sallow, etc., are rejected, and nothing but
oak any where regarded. And yet see tne change; for when our
houses were builded of willow, then had we oaken men; but now
that our houses are come to be made of oak, our men are not only
become willow, but a great many altogether of straw, which is a sore
alteration. In these the courage of the owner was a sufficient
defence to keep the house in safety ; but now the assurance of the
timber must defend the men from robbing. Now have we many
chimnies ; and yet our tenderlines complain of rheums, catarrhs,
and poses ; then had we none but reredosscs, and our heads did
never ache. For as the smoke in those days was supposed to be a
sufficient hardening for the timber of the house, so it was reputed a
far better medicine to keep the good man and his family from the
quacke or pose, wherewith, as then, very few were acquainted."
Again, in chap, xviii. : " Our pewterers in time past employed the
use of pewter only upon dishes and pots, and a few other trifles for
service ; whereas now, they are grown into such exquisite cunning,
that they can in manner imitate by infusion any form or fashion of
cup, dish, salt, or bowl or goblet, which is made by goldsmith's craft,
though they be never so curious, and very artificially forged. In
some places beyond the sea, a garnish of good flat English pewter (I
say flat, because dishes and platers in my time begin to be made deep,
and like basons, and are indeed more convenient, both for sauce and
keeping the meat warm) is almost esteemed so precious as the like
number of vessels that are made of fine silver." If the reader is
curious to know the hour of meals in Queen Elizabeth's reign, he may
learn it from the same author. " With us the nobility, gentry, and
students, do ordinarily go to dinner at eleven before noon, and to supper
at five, or between five and six at afternoon. The merchants dine and
sup seldom before twelve at noon and six at night, especially in Lon-
don. The husbandmen dine also at high noon, as they call it, and sup
at seven or eight: but out of term in our universities the scholars din
ai ten."
vol. in. u*
466 NOTES
Froissart mentions waiting on the duke of Lancastei at five o'elocl
in the afternoon, -when he had supped. These hours are still more
early. It is hard to tell, why, all over the world, as the age becomes
more luxurious, the hours beoome later. Is it the crowd of amuse-
ments that push on the hours gradually ? or are the people of fashion
better pleased with the secrecy and silence of nocturnal hours, when
the industrious vulgar are all gone to rest? In rude ages, men have
few amusements or occupations but what daylight affords them
END OF VOL. III.
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